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D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

arcjjaeolostcal journal. 



S(e SoBBl SnlistalogftBl Instftutt of ®Tist Britsfn ktOi 



Cftf Carlp aiiti iHftittIc 3[ffps. 











Tai CocHCtL of tbe Roial Ahchaolooical iNBTtnrre deaire that it should b« 
diatinctlf understDod that the; tra not reapoDuble for any etatemenU or opinions 
eita«BBed io tbe Archnolngicul Jotirnol, the authors uf tlie eeveral mi'inoira aod 
(ommuuicaliuiu being alone aoawerable for the same. 

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The ArchitoctDnl Hiitorr of the Cluniac Priory of St Piuicraa at LewtM. 
W. H. Si. John Hopit, B.A., F.aA. .... 

Traora uf Teutonic SettlsmeDta in Sunei, aa ilfuBtrate<l by Luid Tenure and 

Plnoa Name*. By P. E. Sawtbh, F. Met. Soc - . 

Un some Pottery, Fliut WeapoDS, aud other objects from Britiah Uonduraa. By 

GeaertJ Sir Henbt LsntOY, B.A., RRS. ..... 

SoxoD KemtuuB in Uineter Church, lale of Shsppy. By J. Pakk.Habbiboh, H.A. 
Addnw of JlnjurCieneml Pnr-RiVBiis to the Antiquniian Section at the Aanual 

Meeting of the Imtitute, held at Lenree ..... 
The Friar Preachers, or Black Friara of Kings Lynn. By the Itev. C F. R. 

Pauuh ......... 

Tbc Gallo-Koman Monumenta ot Itaima. By Bdshkll Lewis, H.A., F.S.A. • ; 
On the methoda used by (be Komona for extinguiahing conflagnitiooB. By the 

Rev. JoetPH HiBBT ..---... 1 

Jswiah 8«U found at Woodbridge. By C. W. Kmo, M.A. - - ] 

Bcmtui Pottsry fouod at Worthing By A. J. Fintoh . . ] 

Roman Inacriptions disoovered in Britain in 1S8S. By W. Thohfsok W^rKlN - 1 

The Battle ot Lewes. By the Rev. W. R W. SraPBBHa, M.A - . . I 
Some Remarks on the Pfahlgraben and Saalbmg Camp in Qermany, in relation 

to the Roman Wall and Compa in Northumberland. By JAltBsHlLTON, F.S.A S 
Preridential Addreaa of Hia Orsce the Duke of IfoRTHUHBEaLaHD, at t^e New- 
castle Meeting ........ j 

On the Beligioua Symbolism of (he Unicom. By iba Kev. Jobkph Hibst - i 
UumM) Jewish Seal By C W. Kinu, M.A 



The Roman Forix-s in Brituin. By W. TaovraoN Watkik 

On Oauntleto. By the B«ron de Cobbon ..... 

Swan UurkB B; Eduahd Pbacock, F.S.A. ..... 

An attempt to diacoi'erUio meaning of Che Shsaia comtoned with Clerioal Symbols 
on inciied gravd-slebs at Dearbam and Uelmerby. By the Hot. TBOirae 

Qundrnda de Warrenne. By EuHOnD Chbbtih Watibs 

Recent Roman diBoiTerin at Lincoln. By Bev. Preoentor Vkmiblbs 

The DiBCoTsHeB at LanuTium. By R P. Pvllah, F.RLB.A. 

The Pemes in Sootiand. By J. BuH, F.S.A. Scot 

Roman Antiquities from San. By W. H. Fundkbs Fsnuis 

Bflpton Priory, DHrbyBhira By W. H. 3t. JornHofi, M.A. F.3.A. 

CSvic Macei By R S. Fwmoaos, F.S.A. 

1 the diSerenoe in plan a]lq^ to eiiit between churches of Austin canons 
and then of monks, and the frequency with which such churchee were 
parocUaL By the Bev, J. F. Hodosoh ..... 

Ohiqimal Docuhbnts :— 

Inventoi? of Plat« in the Kefectoi? of Battk Abbey, 1 420 ; printed in 
Mr. Macray'a "Notes from Uie Muniments iit Uagdaleo CollegB, 
Oxford" Communicated by R W. Banus - - 87 

Inventory of Plate in the Befectoiy of Battle Abbey, 1437 - - SS 

Inventory of Heliea from Suppressed Honasteriee • -SB 

Prooeedings at Meetings of the Boyal Arcba>ologi<9l Inatitute, November, 1888, 

to July, 1884 93, 311, 82S 

Balance Sheet for 1683 --■•■-.. 822 
Report of Annuel Meeting at Kewcaatle - ■ - - 116 

Memonuidum uf Amodation uf the Royal ArchieolugioU Institute of Orsat 
Britain and Imland -...-• 




Hishoj uid Descriptioa of Corfe Caatle in the Isle of Purbeck, Donet. 

By Thokas Bond, RA, ...... 97 

Church FUU in the Archdeacoiir; of Woroeater. By William Lea, M.A., 

Archdeacon of Worcester ...... 220 

Andant QUue in the Churah of St Muy, Credeohill, b; Kev. F. T, 
Hatxboal, M. a.; togeUier with X Deacriptton of the Homon Camps and 

StatioDB in Herefordshire, b; H. O. Bull, U.D. ■ - 326 


Ikdbz to Vol. XLL . ■ . • ■ - - - i58 

Lm o>' HmfiiRs ■ ■ • ■ ... • JSl 

Digitized by Google 

L, Google 


Oiouud Plan of Lewea Priory, Simei - -To face S 

Antiqiiitiea from Hondunu - - 1 - - „ 5 

(The Institute ii indebted to Oenaral Sir Heniy Lefroy for h&If the cost of 

thJB illustratJOQ.) 

Euij ^ndow in the north wall of Hinstor Church, Sheppey ■ - „ ( 

[The Institule is indebted to Mr. Park Harrison for this illustration.) 
Coife CastlK Phe Keep or Dungeon Tower, from the south ■ ■ » ( 

Corfe Caatlc Herring-bone MlMoaij in the Chapel - . - n 

(Hie Institute is indebtM to Hr. Bond tor the loon of these two blocks.) 

The Porta Martis nt Heims - - To feoe 1( 

(The Institute is indebted to Professor Bunnell Lewis for half the coat ot this 


Caimtletfl. Piute I ■ - ■ ■ . ■ „ Z. 

Plate II „ a 

Plato III „ 2 

Plate IV TofoUow2 

Utviind Plan and Sections ot Roman Rcinsins discnvered in the Bail, Lbooln, 

Juno, ISSi ----.-.. To face 3 
H'^Tws' Hendfl from LanuTium ----.. 
noise's Heiul from the Parthenon and Wsrrior from Lanurium 

(The Institute is indebted to Mr. Pullan for this illmtration). 
Qnnind plan of Itepton Priory, Derbyshire - - . ■ 

ReptoD Priory. Plans of bsBee --■■.. 
Reptiin Priory, Sections of base moldings. .... 
n>-]*in I'riiirT. Cnjiilal, hose, and section ot gb-ift of pillar. 

IlJii/itnitions ot Civic Mnces. Plate I. 

Plate II. .... 

Mices at Wincbcombe. Plato III. - - . . . 

(The Institute ia indebted to Uessra, Cliatco and Windos and to Mr. Llewellyn 

Jewitt for the loan of thene blocks). 


D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

Cf)r Strr^aealogical journal. 

MARCH, 1884. 

By W. K. ST. JOHN HOPE, RA., F.aA. 

There are probably few religious houses the account of 
whose foundation is so clearly set forth as that of the 
great Cluniac monastery of at. Paucras, established at 
Lewes by William de Warenne, earl of Surrey, eight 
oenturies ago. Here we are not dependent on the 
written tramtion of some medieval chronicler, nor on the 
coloured narrative of an inmate of the house, but the 
whole history is unaffectedly laid down for ns by the 
founder himself.* 

At some time between the accession of William Bufus 
in 1087, and his own decease in the following year, on 
the representation of his Lewes monks that the original 
charter of 1077 founding the Priory had been sent to 
the mother house of Cluny, and that the prior and 
convent of Lewes had no title deeds or munuuents to 
produce in evidence of their rights and privileges if any 
dispute arose consequent upon the unsettled state of the 
kingdom, earl Warenne drew up a second charter, 
confirming to the monks of Lewes the grants and gifts he 
had made eleven years before. It is from this most 
singulariy interesting document that we learn how and 
under what circumstances the monastery was founded. 

No better account of the foundation Q|fi be written 
than an English version of earl Warenne's own words." 

' RmuI in the Architectunl Section at Archsclogical CoUwtioiia." 

the LewM Ueeting, August Ist, 18S3 ' For > treneoript of the original in Ibe 

*A voiy gvod acoouut of the Priory Cbutuluy,m>deexi»eMly forthinpajier, 

wQl be fouvid In VoL H of "Snnez lee Appendix, Kot«A. 

TOL. xu. (No. 161.) a 


" In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. 
Amen. I, William de Woronne, and Guudrada my wife, wishing to 
journey to Saint Peter at Rome, proceeded through many monoateriea in 
France and Burgundy for tlio Boke of prayer. And trhen we bad come 
into Bni^ndy, wo learned that wo coiUd not gafely pass through on 
account of the war that was at that time between the pope and the 
emperor. And then we turned to the monastery of Cluny, a great and 
holy abbey in honour of St. Peter, and there we adored and sought St 
Peter, ijid because we found the sanctity, the religion, and the charity 
BO great there, and the honour towards us from the good prior and all the 
holy couTent who received ub into their nociety and fraternity, we began 
to have a love and devotion towards tliat Order and to that houae 
above all other houses which we had seen. But Dan Hugh, their holy 
abbot, was not then at home. And because long before, and more so 
then, by the advice of the lord archbishop Lanfranc, I and iny wife had 
it in purpose and desire to found some house of religion for our sins and 
tlie safety of our souls, it then seemed to us that we wished to make it of 
no other Order so gladly as the Cluniac, So we sent and asked 
of Dan Hugh the abbot and of all the holy congregation to grant na two 
or three or four monks of their holy flock, to whom we would give a 
church, which we built of stone in place of a wooden one, below our 
castle of Lewes, that was of old time in honour of SL Fancias, and this 
^clmrvh) we would give them, and so much lands and beasts and property 
to begin with whence twelve monks' could be there sustained. But tite 
holy abbot was at first very adverae to us to hear our petition, on account 
of the distance of the foreign land and especially by reason of the sea. 
lint after that we asked for Itceuce fiom our lord king William to bring 
the Cluniac monks to England and the abbot on his port asked the kii^s 
will, then at length he gave and sent us four of his monks, Dan Lanzo 
and his three fellows ; to whom we gave all the things which we promised 
in the beginning and confirmed them by our writing ; which we sent to 
the abbot and convent of Cluny, because they would not send us the 
monks before they had our confirmation and the king's, which we 
promised them of lUl the things that we gave them. And so tiia Cluniac 
monks were given to me and my wife in England. But after the death 
of my lord king William, when his son William had come to England 
for the kingdom and there had been much discord concerning the 
kingdom and doubt about the end, and I myself in many dongere daily : 
Dan Lan£0 the prior and my monks shewed me that my confirmation 
which I hod made of the things that I had given them at first was at 
Cluny, and that they themselves had since no protection, and that by 
reason of the doubtful and future times I ought to make them every 
security for my gifts and gracta Which I willingly made by the advice 
of my faithful ones by this my other charter : " 

Then follows a recapitulation of various manors, tithes, 
privileges, immunities, etc., granted to the priory, after 
which the eaii continues : 

" Besides I will that my monks and my heirs know that when I and 
Gundmda neked Dan Hugh the abbot, who had come into Normandy 

'A uBuol Dutaber, rppretenting with tbei'r head, Chrittuid the tiTelTejtfwtka. 



to speak with my lord the king, to restore us Don Lanzo oui prior, vhom 
he had kept a whole year at Ciuny — whence we were so incensed tliat we 
nluioet proposed to give up our undertaking, or to withdraw from them 
and give our church to a greater monastery — tiie abbot then also granted 
OS, and promised with much deprecation, that if God should increase our 
house, he would make it as one of the great (houses of the Order) after 
Dan Lanxo's death, or promotion to any higher dignity ; that when the 
monka of Saint Pannnts should send to Cluny for a prior, they would send 
to them as prior one of their better monks of the whole congregation, whom 
they knew to be more pious towards the Urder nnd the ruling of souls 
according to God, and wiser towards governing the house according to his 
ags, BBVingthe greater prior of Cluny and tho prior of Caritas. And that 
he should remain, and at no time be removed, unless there should be so 
just and manifest a reason that no one could reasonably gainsay ; and 
thereupon he made for us his writing with his seal, which I hava And 
these things we asked for, because we feared that Dan Lauzo, when he 
letamed, would soon be taken away from us, because the king exalted to 
the dignities of the church the better men whom he could Und, and, in 
our hearing, asked the abbot to send him twelve of his holy monks, and 
he would make them all bishops and abbots in the land of his inheritance 
which God had given him. And wo also considered beforehand that if the 
still new and tender house often had a new prior and came into now 
hands, it would never albun to great growth." 

As inthe case of many other great houses thelater history 
of Lewes Priory is remarkably scanty. Sundry items may 
be gathered from theChartulary,' and others from a volume 
among the Cotton MSS. knowti as the ' Annals of Lewes.' ' 
The latter work, however, chronicles events relating to 
other monaflteries of the Cluniac Order, both in England 
and on the continent, and it is not always clear that Lewes 
is the house referred to. 

It will be more convenient to divide this paper into two 
sections — the first describing the church ; the second the 
conventual buUdings. Curiously enough, of the church 
itself we have harmy any actual ftagments, at any rate 
above ground, though amiost all the historical evidence 
relates to it ; while of the conventual buildings very con- 
siderable remains exist, of whose documentary history 
we are utterly ignorant. Anottier feature worthy of atten- 
tion is the remarkably dear way in which, even from the 
mere fragment of the entire ground plan we have been able 
to survey, it is possible to trace how the monastery was 
enlarged in various directions to meet the requirements of 



iucreased numbers, and this, too, at periods very little 
distant from one another. 

There seems no reason to doubt that the first church of 
the priory was the one given by the founder to the first 
monks, which he describes as " the church which .we 
built of stont; in place of a wooden one, below our castle 
of Lewes, that was of old time in honour of St. Pancras." 

As earl William came to England with the duke of 
Normandy, William the Great, in 1066, this church in 
1 07 7 — when the priory was founded — cmuld not have been 
more than a few years old, and it was doubtless large 
enough for the handful of monks who formed the new con- 
vent. Since, however, the founder had endowed the 
priory for twelve monks, the first church would not long 
suffice for the services of an increased number of brethren, 
neither was it furnished with the necessary conventual 
buildings. And as it was the custom in all the Orders, 
first to build themselves an oratorium, or church, and that 
of such a plan that the cloister and surrounding buildings 
could conveniently be added thereto, the founder's stone 
church, if not rebuilt, was probably enlarged by the 
addition of a choir and transepts, and a permanent circuit 
of offices attached to it. 

According to a charter of the second earl Warenne ' 
this enlarged church was dedicated by bishops Ralph of 
Chichester, Walkelin of Winchester, and Gundulf of 
Kochester, that is between 1091 and 1098 ; a date that 
threes well with the remains of those portions of the con- 
ventual buildings which were a continuation of the same 

Further endowments furnished the means for, and more 
monks necessitated, additional accommodation ; the church 
was therefore again enlai^ed and a corresponding exten- 
sion made of the conventual buildings. This took place 
during the life of the third earl, and the church was dedi- 
cated between 1142 and 1147. 

In 1229 the Annals record "the chapel of the Blessed 
Mary was constructed anew, and the firat mass celebrated 
in it on the vigil of St. Nicholas." * But we are not told 
whether it was at Lewes or not. 

>S«e i.ppaudii, NdWB. 'l^ir Ttthmmm to thne and other 

onliiea SM pottaa. 

„, Google 


In 1243 occurs another dubious entry. " On the day 
of the anniversary of lord WiUiain the earl, the founda- 
tion was laid in the new work of our church." The men- 
tion of the founder's name seems to identify this with 
Lewes, though the place is not named, and a charter of 
X247 mentions one John who was magiater operum. ecclesie. 

Passing by sundry records of burials, to which I shall 
return shortly, we come to the year 1268, when prior 
William de Foville died, leaving amongst other bequests 
200 marks " to the finishing the two towers in the iront 
of the church." 

This is the last record of any addition to, or alteration 
in the church, and the next step in its history with which 
we are concerned is its destruction. 

The priory was suppressed on November 16, 1537 (29 
Hen. vIII.) and three months afterwards by deed dated 
Feb. 16, 1537-8, the King granted the whole of the site 
to Thomas, lord Cromwell. ' The too infamous maUeas 
monachorum thereupon promptly proceeded to pull down 
the church, as being part of the monastery that could not 
easily be converts Into cowsheds and piggeries. A 
most graphic account of the melancholy destruction of 
the great church has come down to us in a letter* written 
to Cromwell by one of his agents, who calls himself " John 
Portinari," but whose handwriting is strangely similar to 
that of Richard Moryson, a well-known creature of Crom- 
well's. The letter not only describes the mode of 
destruction, but is especially valuable from giving the 
approximate size and extent of the church. No apology 
is therefore necessary for giving it in fiill. 

My lord, I humbly coined my aelfe unto y" lordsbyp. The Uate, I 
wrote Tinto y" lordshyp, was the xx*" daye of thjs present monith, by 
the liandea ot Mr 'Wyliameon, by the whych I adTertised y" loidBhyp, 
of the lengthe and ^ateneti of thys chnrche, and how we had begOQ to 
pull the hole down to the ground, BJid what maner and foahion th^ used 
in pulling it down. I told y" lordehyp, of a vaute, on the lyghte syde 
of the hyghe altare, tbat vas boril up, w'' fower greate pillare, havii^; 
abowt it, V chappellea, whych be composed in w* the walles, Ixx. etepes 
of lengthe, tbat is, fete ccx. All thys is dowfi a Thursday and fryday 
last Now we are pluckyg dowfi an hyglier vaute, boriS up by fower 
thicke & grose pillars, xiiij fotc fro syde to ayde, abowt in circiiferece 

' S«e Appendix, 'Note D. Socdetv by ThoniRB Wright, 1843, but u 

* Cott. MS. Cleopatra. E. iv. 232. The the prutted copy contaiDB serenl errara, 
le()terhualreulj>beeiiprititadm"Letten an sntirel; new, and it u hoped, oorreot 
relating to the Suppression of the Honae- transoript has been nude for thia p^>er. 
teiiea " (p. 180), edited for the Camden 


xIt, fotc. Thjs shall dowfi for o* second woike.' Ab it goth forward, 
I woll advise y" lordshjp from tyme to tyme, and that y* lordshyp may 
knowe w^ how many me, we have don thys, we browght iiom London, 
xvij. pGr8aii<i, 3 carpeUra, 2 smythes, 2 plummars, and on that kepith the 
fomace. ev'y of these, attendith to hys owft office, x, of them, hewed 
the walles nbowte, omoge the whyche, thet were 3 carpentare . thiese 
made proctca to undersette whei the other cutte away, thother brake and 
ciittu the waules. Tliicse ore mii exercised, moch better than the me 
tlint wc f.vnd here in the contrey. Whorfor we muat both have mo me, 
and other thingcs also, thnt we have nede of, all the whych I woU wHn 
thys y or thre dayes show y" lordshyp by mouthe. A tuesday, they 
bu;{nn to cast the ledde, and it shalbe don w' such diligcce & sav^g as 
may be, so that o' trust is y^ lorilshyp, shall be moch aatisfled w* that 
wo do, unto whom, I most humbly coiiiod my solfe, moch desiringe Crod, 
to niaintcyfi y« helth, y" bono', yo' hnrtcs ease at Lewes the xxiiij of 
March 1537. 
jor lurdsbyps servant Johfi portinari. 

Under nethe here, y" lordshyp 

shall see, a iustc mceure 
of the hole abbey 
The chnrche is in lengtbe, CL fota 
The heygthe, Ixi^ fobe. 
The circiifercce abowte it, M.D. Iviij fote. 
The wall of the forefronte, thicke x. fote. 
The thyckenes of the stepil ^vall x. fote. 
The thickenes of the waules intemo, v. fa 

Ther be in the churche xxxij. pillars, standyg equally from the walles. 
An Ityghe Koufe,* made for the bellee. 
Eyght pillars verry bygge, thicke xiiij. fo, abowte xlv. fo. 
Thother xxiiij, ar for the moste parte x fote thicke, & xxr. abowght. 
The heygthe of the greater aorte, is xlij. fa of thother xviij fote. 
The heygthe of the roufe before the hyghe altate, is Ixxxxiij fote. 
In the middes of the church, where the belles dyd hange, nn CV fote. 
The heygthe of the stepil at the fronte is Ixxxx fote. 

So complete does the demolition of the church appear 
to have been, that its very site passed out of recollection ; 
and it was not until three centuries had elapsed that mere 
accident again brought it to light. 

In 1845, during the construction of the railway from 
Brighton to -Lewes, a wide cutting was carried ticroas part 
of the site of the priory. It mn in an oblique direction 
from south west to north east, passing over the sites of 
the kitchen, fratry, cloister, chapter house, and part of 
the church. Sundry curious discoveries were made during 
its construction — amongst other finds being the leaden 
cists containing the bones of the founder and his wife — 

A deatructlou iu the shurtcet tjnie. 



but at present we are only ooncemed with such as relate 
to the fabric. 

Mr. M. A. Lower, in a report to the British Archsso- 
logical Association,* after aescribin^ the discovery of 
variouB graves, continues : 

" Up to this point no regular foimdatioiui of boJldlDgB could be made 
out Id Bereial places, maasea of chalk have been intcoduced into the 
natural soil for tjie purpose of malring a bnid bottom; but though of 
vast extent and depth, it does not appear what kind of masonry they 
supported. At tiie distance of some yards to the Bouth-east, howeYer, 
Uie traces of masonry became more intelligible, and at length remains of 
walla became distinctly visible. The first regular apartment diecoTered 
was a room 26 ft 6 ins. square, with a semicircular apsis on the east side. 
From the foundation of the square basis of a pillar in the centre, and 
some appearances on the walla, it is pretty certain that this room hod a 
vaulted roof. At the demolition of the conventual buildings, it would 
seem that uadermining was one of the means of destruction resorted to. 
It seems that the earth was excavated beneath the south-east angle of tins 
apartment, and hence that portion of the wall was thrown out of the 
horizontal line. Here was found the atone which formed the baae of ttie 
central cdumn ; it is of Sussex marble, 2| feet square. The floor of the 
apeis was raised above the general floor of the apartment The former 
had been covered with coucrete, and the latter with figured tiles, some 
remains of which existed, but in so decayed a state, that they could not 
be removed entire. On a part of the wall of the apsia which remained, 
there were some slight traces of painting, representing the lower portion 
of a sacerdotal robe. N^ear the middlu of the wall of the apsis was sn 
oblong well, neatly lined with chalk, measuring 3 ft 1 ins. by 2 ft 9 ins., 
and 22 feet in depth. It had been filled up with earth and rubble, and. 
must have been disused before the building waa erected. 

" After this room, which may have been the baptutery or the treasttry 
of the convent, had been fuUy developed, the workmen employed by the 
Committee began, under my direction, to explore the ground to the 
northward, and soon laid open the apais or chapel, bounded on the north 
by a vast mass of flint work, apparently designed to support ono of the 
piers of a tower. Proceeding in an easterly direction from thia, three 
other semicircular chapels presented themselves. In aome places three 
courses of ashlar were exposed, placed upon the loemy aoil, and unsup- 
ported by aiti/ foundation. From the general direction of the walls, it 
can scarcely be doubted that they enclosed the choir of the great church 
of the priory. When the course of theee walla had been explored as for 
as the chapel, all traces of building suddenly disappeared, and we have 
not been able to recover them. There are two steps rising towards the 
north, apparently into the nave of the church." 

Thus far Mr. Lower. We have also a more valuable 
record even than his report in a very careful ground plan 
of the discoveries made at the time by Mr. J. L. Parsons, 

'JoonutofthaBrititli AnituBologiaal AasociatioD, i, SGG. _'-cl CtOOqIc 


who has most kindly placed it at our disposal But for 
his enei^ and foresight all precise information would have 
been lost for ever, for the site of the buildings discovered 
now hangs in mid-air ; the line having been laid some 
feet below the foundations. 

Since the discoveiy of the east end, a lai^ iragment 
of the opposite extremity of the church was laid bare by 
the late Mr. John Blaker in 1849 or 1850 ; and the south 
jamb of the west door of the north aisle was discovered 
by us last year. 

From these portions and Mr. Parsons' plan, aided by 
an analysis of Portinari's letter, the entire plan of the 
gt^at church has been laid down with some probable 
a^;ree of accuracy by my friend Mr. Somers Clarke, 
Jun., F,8.A., who has ingeniously interpreted the vague 
language of the letter by a careful comparison of con- 
temporary buildings. 

Beginning at the east end, Portinari speaks of 
" a vaute, on the ryghte syde of the hyghe altars, that 
was borne up, with fewer greate pillars, having abowt it, 
V dmppelles, whych be compased in with the waUes, Ixx 
stepes of lengthe, thatis, fete ccx," and it continues, "Now 
we are pluctyng downs an hygher vaute, boine up by 
fewer thicke & grosse pillars, xiiij fote from syde to 
Syde, abowt in circumference xlv, fote," It is clear, 
therefore, that the church bad a greater and a lesser 
transept, and the two sets of four piers supported the two 
crosfiingB. The eastern transept we know, from excava- 
tions, to have been about 106 feet long, with an apsidal 
chapel opening out of each arm. Tbe crossing itself was 
apparently surmounted by a lantern 93 feet high to the 
vaidting, or ;iO feet higher than the main vault. J^Iastward 
of the crossing the church terminated in a semicircular 
apse ODcircled by an aisle, with the beautiful feature, so 
rare in England, of a corona of apsidal chapels, five in 
number. The discovery of three of these is described by 
Mr. Lower. 

At the south end of the eastern transept was the 
apartment described as the baptistery or treasury. There 
are, however, no grounds whatever for identifying it witJi 
either building, and there is little doubt ihat it was the 
sacristy. It was furnished as usual with an altar, and 


opened by a narrow doorway into a passage nine feet 
wide, forming a covered way from the infirmary to the 
church, into which there was an ascent of several steps. 

Proceeding westward four bays from the eastern 
crossing, we reach the great transept; but before de- 
scribing it a digression is necessary to say a few words 
about tke high altar. 

In attempting to fix the position of this important 
feature, we are confronted with a difficulty. Port- 
inari's letter describes the vault of the upper crossing aa 
"on the ryghte syde of the hyglie altare." Now it is 
possible to make "lyghte syde ' east or west of any 
point according as one faces south or north. Supposing 
then that the worthy visitor entered the church by the 
passage from the infirmary (where he was doubtless living 
at the expense of the convent on the fat of the land) ; if 
the altar stood on the line of the first bay west of the 
upper crossing, where it probably did originally, then the 
crossing would be on his right hand, and beyond the 
altar. But one of the items at the end of tne letter, 
giving a "juste raesure of the hole abbey," states that 
" the heygthe of the roufe before the hyghe altare is 
Ixxxxiij fote," and since the list itself seems fairly trust- 
worthy, from analogy with other churches having double 
transepts, such as Canterbury, Lincoln, and Salisbury, we 
must plfice the high altar at Lewes beneath the eastern 
arch of the upper crossing : the vault will then be before, 
that is, in front of, the altar. The difficulty lies in 
reconciling two apparently contradictory statements. We 
must either look upon tiie text of the letter as written 
soleW' for the purpose of creating a favoiuuble impression 
on (>omwell of tne zeal with which his miscreants were 
destroying God's sanctuary, and therefore aa being more 
or less loosely worded as to details ; or we must interpret 
the phrase " lyghte side " to mean the front of the ^tar 
in contradistinction to the " back syde " or " wrong side." 
The table of dimensions was probably added from a 
careful survey made to ascert^n the exact value of the 
lead and ashlar, and may therefore be looked upon as 
fairly correct. 

The great transept was about 116 feet long, and 
probably aisleless, with an apse opening out of each wing. 


The piers supporting the main crossing are described as 
forty-two feet high, and the vault above them " in the 
middes of the church, where the belles dyd hange" as 105 

Of the nave we at present know nothing. Its site lies 
beneath a lawn and a kitchen g^l^den, and some day we 
may hope to excavate there. Meanwhile we must rely 
upon Portinari's dimensions. He says " Ther be in 
the churehe xxxij. pillars, standyng equally from the 
walles," and proceeds to describe them as " Eyght pillars 
verry bygge, thicke xiiij fo, abowte xlv fo. ITiother xxliij, 
ar for the moste |)art x fote thicks, & xxv abowght. The 
heygthe of the greater sorte is xlij. fo. of thother xviij fote. 
The tbickenes of the waules interne, v fo." 

The eight great piers undoubtedly belong to the two 
crossings. They were forty-two feet high and probably 
carried semicircular arches, which from the width of the 
church measured about fifty-four feet from the crown to 
the pavement. 

To satisfactorily dispose of the remaining twenty-four 
piers, we must take the evidence of a contempo^^lry build- 
mg, the cathedral church of Chichester. From the length 
of the church of Lewes, aud the dimensions assigned to 
the piers and walls, it seems that, like Chichester, the 
arches were practically holes cut through a wall, aud the 
piers intermediate solid masses of masonry about ten feet 
through from east to west and five feet thick, or approxi- 
mately, as Portinari, says " xxv abowght." Allowing 
twenty feet from centre to centre of each bay, we dispose 
of our twenty-four piers thus : allotting four piers to the 
great apse, and six to the inter-transeptal area, there are 
fourteen left for the nave — which exactly fulfil our re- 

The nave and choir would originally be covered with a 
flat wooden ceiling, afterwards replaced by a pointed vault 
sixty-three feet to the ridge, or nine feet higher than the 
crown of the tower arches. 

The last item in the list of dimensions states that " The 
heygtlie of the stepil at the fronte is Ixxxx fote." This 
' stepil ' was a western tower occupying the centre of the 
front as at Ely and Bury St. Edmund's. The southern 
half of its base was uncovered by the late Mr. John Blaker 



some thirty years ago, and is still open for inspection in a 
garden at the back of the Crescent now in Mr. Parsons' 
occupation. It is very much thrown over and distorted, 
consequent upon the treatment the building met with at 
the bands of the worthies who destroyed it. The door 
lamb at the west end of the north aisle, which we laid 

ire last year, had a massive Purbeck marble plinth, 
carved with a kind of arcade, from which the jamb shafts 
rose. While however this marble block, being outeide the 
door, was in a perfect state of preservation, the Caen 
stone ashlar work within was in many places shivered 
and reddened by the action of fire. It seems there- 
fore that Portinari's minions wrought their work of 
destruction in the manner he describes, " x, of them, 
hewed the wallas abowte, amonge the whyche, tber were 
3 carpentars. thiese made proctes to undersette wher the 
other cutte away, thother brake and cutte the waules ; " 
the wooden props were then set fire to, and the under- 
mined walls fell in with a crash, which must have been 
music to their sacrilegious minds. The western tower 
stood within the last bay of the nave, and the remaining 
fragment shews that it was not open to the aisles, but 
the solid walls were covered with an arcade. 

The ground plan so far as we have now gone consisted 
of a nave and aisles of eight bays with a western tower 
in the middle of the front; a great transept, aisleless, 
with an apse in each wing, and o\'er the crossing the bell- 
tower; a choir and aisles four bays long; an eastern 
transept with an apse in each wing ; and beyond this the 
great, apse, with an aisle surrounded by five apsidal 
chapels. This eastern part of the church must have been 
a thing of exceeding beauty, both from within and with- 

The whole church was 405 feet long internally, or 
almost exactly equal in length to Lichfield cathedral 

We must not lose sight of the fact that this was a 
building of gradual growth. It is almost certain that at 
first the monks' church was the newly built one dedicated 
to St Pancras, which was given them by the founder. It 
is also more than probable that this was found too small 
an oratory for an increased number of monks, and con-. 


verted into a monastic church by building a choir and 
transepts. Now one striking feature about this great 
church of Lewes is its narrowness in proportion to its 
leiigth. Most of our large Norman churches exceed 
thirty feet in the width of their naves, but Lewes could 
not have exceeded twenty-four feet; dimensions only 
approached by the sister houses of Caatle Acre and Thet- 
fora, and the cathedral church of Chichester, which 
measure twenty-five feet. But while Castle Acre and 
Thetford have a total width, including the aisles, of sixty 
feet, Lewes was only fifty-four. Since we have not yet 
seen any remains of the nave, the question must rest 
entirely upon conjecture, but it occvared to me, while 
looking about for a reason, that the cause of this narrow- 
ness was the pre-existence of the founder's church, with 
which the earliest additions were incorporated^ before it 
was itself re-built. 

As the only actual portions of the great church to 
which we have as yet had access in our time are the 
extreme east and west ends of it as finally reconstructed, 
we cannot ascertain the exact point where the building 
was first enlarged. From analogy with contemporary 
buildings, we should expect the church, after the first 
additions to the founder s, to consist of an eastern arm 
with aisles, three bays long, with an apse (cp. Chichester); 
an aisleless transept with apse in each wing, and a bell 
tower at the crossing ; and a nave and Msles six bays 
long — the whole being a little over 200 feet long inter- 
nidly, or an average sized monastic church. The evidence 
for the extent of the nave seems to rest on slightly 
stronger grounds than analogy. In examining the ground 
plan one thing which is at once seen to be anomalous is the 
decided oblong shape of the cloister, for, with the exception 
of a few instances due to exigencies of site the cloister of 
a monastery is invariably as nearly aa possible square. 
Looking at the fact too, that the firatry had obviously 
been lengthened, as well as the church at its western end, 
the evidence becomes tolerably conclusive that the Lewes 
cloister was originally square, or nearly so, and that, as at 
Castle Acre, the nave was only equal in length to the 
cloister alley, or at most did not extend more than one 
bay to the west of it. This gives us a nave of five or six 


bays, which, though it sounds a small number for a 
Norman church, where the average number is seven or 
eight, yet if the relative dimensions of pier and arch be 
borne m mind, the five or six bays will be found to take 
up as much length as seven or eight of such work as we 
see at Bochester or Southwell According to a charter of 
William, the second earl of Warenne^ this first monastic 
church was dedicated by bishops Ralph of Chichester, 
Walkelin of Winchester, and Gundulf of Kochester — that 
is between 1091 and 1098, the actual year not being 

About the same time that Lewee was being enlatged 
from the little chiu*ch of St. Fancras into a more convenient 
monastic one, the mother church of Cluny was undergoing 
extension. The new works, which were dedicated in 1131, 
included that feature so exceedingly rare out of England, 
an eastern transept, with two apses to each wing, and a 
great apse with corona of chapels. The increasing import- 
ance of the priory of Lewes soon made the monks desire 
to enlarge and glorify their church too. So they began, 
as usual, at the east end, and taldng the new work of the 
abbey of Cluny as a desirable model, added to their 
presbytery an eastern transept, with an apse in each arm 
and a lofty lantern at the crossing ; aud beyond this an 
apse with five apsidal chapels encircling its aisle. The nave 
was also extended westwards four bays, and a massive 
tower built in the last bay, thus occupying the centre of 
the fix>nt. Then the church was solemnly dedicated, so we 
learn from a charter of the third earl of Warenne,' the 
conaecrators being Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury ; 
Henry de Blois, bishop of Wiuchester ; Robert, bishop of 
Bath, who was once a monk of Lewes ; and Ascelin, 
bishop of Rochester. The exact year is not given, but 
the consecrators' dates fix it between II42 and 1148. 

In 1 229, according to the Annals " the chapel of the 
Blessed Mary was constructed anew, and the first mass 
celebrated in it on the vigil of St. Nicholas* "; but it is not 
said to be at Lewes, and as before noted, the entry may 
refer to another house altogether. Still, we know there 

' See Appendix, Note B. capella beRtu marie t ia vigiha, iituioli 

* See Appendix, Note C. Nicoliu prinu miswk oelebmtu est in en. 

*m'.oc°zxix°. Conirtraota est de novo f. ISSo. 


was a chapel of our Lady here, and further its approximate 
ate, for the will of Richaxd, third earl of Arundel and 
Surrey, dated December 5th, 1375, directs mass to be 
said daily in the priory of Lewes, for the repose of his soul, 
" in the chapel of St. Thomas the Martyr, or else in the 
chapel of our Lady on the north of the great church." ' 
Probably this beautiful Early English chapel lay east of 
the north arm of the great transept, as at the sister house 
of Thetford and at Canterbury, or it may have followed 
such arrangements as those of Ely and Tewkesbury. 

In 1243, "on the day of the anniversary of lord William 
the earl, was placed the foundation in the new work of 
our church." * Thus the Annals, hut though Lewes is not 
mentioned, the founder's name probably points to this 
house, and we find in 1247 one John, magintec operum 
ecclesie, witnessing a Lewes charter. ' We do not know 
what this novum opus was. 

In 1268, Dan William de Foville, prior of Lewes, died 
and bequeathed to the monastery, amongst other items, 
" two hundred marks sterling towards finishing the two 
to^vers at the front of the church." * All previous writers 
have assumed these to be a pair of western towers. But 
we know there was only one western tower, and that in 
the centre of the front. Unless, therefore, a pair of stair 
turrets flanking the west front, like those at Ely and Lin- 
coln, he meant, the wurd " front " must be restricted, in 
its medieval sense, to the east end, and the two turrets 
may be a pair flsuiking the great apse. Compare the 
towers in a similar position at Canterbury. 

We have now come to an end of both our documentary 
and architectural history of the fabric, but there remain a 
few records of burials, &c., which throw a little light on 
the arrangement of the church. 

The previous mention of chapels of St. Thomas and the 
Blessed Virgin Mary impUes the existence of altars to 
those saints. In 1238 we meet with the gift of a 
messuage to the altar of the Holy Cross in the great 


*" Item Ad duos turres in fronto eccleNe 

> raO-cC-iliii". In die annirerearij 
domiiii Willelmi Comitii poaitum est 

t 17«. 

norirt. tiew. 



church.' This altar doubtless stood against the centre of 
the roodloft. It was the scene of a miraculous cure in 
1250, in which year, on the day of SS. Processus and 
Martinian, a certain infirm man who was crippled in an 
arm and both knees was made whole at the Holy Cross of 
St. Pancras at Lewes.* In 1262 the Annals record' the 
death of ooe John de Gatesdene who was buried before 
the altar of St. James, but the name of the monastery is 
not given. In 1341, Sir Edward St. John was buried in 
the chapel of St. Martin.* By his will, dated 1374, 
William Laxman desires his body to be buried " before 
the image of the Crucifix situated in the north part of 
the same church, and which has been newly painted."* In 
1379 Sir John de Arundel wills to be buried "iu the 
priory at Lewes in the great church there under an arch 
near the funeral chapel."^ In 1385 Dame Joan St. John 
desires to be buried in the chapel of St. Mary near her 
husband.^ The will of George Neville, Lord of Aberga- 
venny, dated July 1, 1491, desires his body to be buned 
on the south side of the altar, " where I have lately made 
a tomb for my body."* A bull's head in brass, part of 
the heraldic decoration of this tomb, was discovered 
during the excavations of 1845. Under the south arch 
of the eastern crossing was also found a wrave with the 
leaden bulla of pope Clement VI, beneath the skull of 
the deceased. It has been suggested that this marks the 
sepulchre of John, the last earl of Warenne, who died in 
1347, and had been excommunicated by the archbishop 
for gross immorality. Dugdale records that he " lietn 
buried alone under a raised Tomb, near the High Altar."* 
In 1492 Sir John Falvesley is said to have been buried 

' " Ad alt&re saDct« cruds in msgna coram ^rmagme crudfiii liiuBta in parte 

eccIefda."-~'CbartuliU7, f, 56. boriali eiuaiiem ecdesis et que novitor ert 

* rn'oa"]". In hoc umo die aanctomm depicta." — Submx Areb. CkilL, xxv, 14S. 
processi i: martiniaiii quidam inQrmuB ' Teat Vetuai, 106. 

quui contractuB de biachio et ambabiu ' Teat VetuaK, 120. 

I'neJgBDibuBmiabiituTadMDctamcrucem ' Teat Vetust., 106. 

■ancti pancraoij de teirea, — Annals, f. 'Dugdide'e Baronage, p. 82. This and 

ISHo. other entries ore mvea by nugdale aa 

' m'oCliij. "Obiit JohaoDca de Irom Ihe Register o! hsviea in BibLSrldm 

Oaladene in vigilia Bancti pauhe k, in An. 1650 ; but I have nor, been able to 

die mercurii poatea posttttR fuit in terra trsoa the MS. The Editors of the laat 

(uite a]tnre sanctl incobi."— f, 170 a. edition of the MonailUon state it injdeii- 

' Add. HS. (Buirell) S706, f, 177. lical with Che Cbartulai; in the OottMi 

' "Corpnaque meum ad sepeliendum M8S,, bnt thia it 

1 Prioratus de Lewee videlicet 



on the left hand of the image of St. Pancraa.^ We have 
also record of the burials of numerous persons before or 
near the high altar. In 1240 Maud, second wife of 
William, fifth earl of Warenne, " was buried in the midst 
of the Quire in the Abbey of Lewes before the High 
Altar,"* In 1255, the countess Alicia, widow of tixe 
sixth earl, was buried before the- high altar;* and in 
128G, her son, Sir William da Warenne, was buried by 
the archbishop of Canterbury " before the high altar on 
the lefb side beside his mother."* Dugdale also records 
the burials of Joan, wife of the last-named Sir William, 
who died 1293, "and heth buried with her husband 
before the High Altar at Lewes, under a high Tomb";* of 
John, the seventh earl, who died 32 Edwara I, "and was 
buried in the midst of the Pavement in the Quire of the 
Abbey of Lewes, before the High Altar, with this Epitaph 
upon his Tombstone : 

" ' Youa qe passer ou boiiche close. 

Prior pur cely ke cy repose : 

En vie come voua est! jadia fn, 

Et vouB tiol, ferretz come je sq ; 

Sir Johan Count de Garenne gist ycy ; 

Dieu dc ea alnie eit mercy. 

Ky pur Bti alme priero. 

Troiz mill jouis de pardon avem."* 

We now come to the conventual buildings, the remains 
of whidb are fairly extensive. They have an especial 
interest as affording us an excellent iUustration of the 
manner in which the growing needs of an increasing 
convent were met by adding to and reconstructing an 
existing group of buildings. 

It is however somewhat curious that no systematic 
attempt has hitherto been made to describe either the 
buildings themselves or their architectural history. 

The original site granted by the founder to Ms monks 
appears to have consisted mainly of an elevated ridge, of 
no great width, running east ana west, and lying between 
a valley on the north, and a great alluvial flat, probably 
more or less under water most of the year, on the south. 

' "Add. MS." (BiutbU), 6708,/ir7. iuitam-itrBramiam."— "AimalB,"flTao. 

' "Dngd. Bar.," p. 77. * " llaromigB," p. 80. 

• " AnnaU," £ 199 4. , * " ^Wd," p. 80. 

'"ADtemagmunalUreiu nmatfnparto ,-. . 

OLUNtAC FBIORlr 0? aillrt? t-ASCBAS At LbWbs. 17 

In fact, the founder mentiona " the island on which the 
monastery is mtuated " in his charter.' On this ridge was 
placed the church, with the conventual huildings to the 
south. This side appears to have heen chosen, not because 
of the water supply, for there was a stream on each side of 
the ridge ; but because a main thoroughfare ran along the 
top of the lidge, to the south of which stood the little 
church of St. Pancras already described as being the first 
oratorium of the priory. Owing therefore to t£e narrow 
width thus left, there was not room on the ridge for' the 
whole of the buildings, and they were accordingly carried 
southward on a series of undercrofts.' It is necessary to 
bear this in mind to explain certain apparent anomalies 
which arise as we proceed. 

The arrangement of a Cluniac house seems to differ 
in no import^t point from the regular Benedictine plan. 

Thus the claustrtem (cloister) was placed on the south 
side of the nave of the church ; with the great transept, 
the ca/piixdum (chapter house), and the apartment called 
by most Orders of religious the catefactonum, forming the 
range on its east side. Over the capitulum and cat^ac- 
tonum was the dormitotiumf extending right up to the 
transept, and having at its south end the domus neces- 
awricB, a detached Duilding approached by a bridge. 
South of the cloister were the refectoi'ium (fratry) and 
coquina regvlaris (regular kitchen) ; and on the west the 
range under the care of the cellarer called the cellariimt. 
The domua injirmorwm,, or abode of sick and infirm 
monks, was placed to the east of the claustral buildings. 
All the other offices, such as the almonry, guest houses, 
bakery, brewery, and stables, lay to the west in the outer 
court, which was entered by a large gatehouse set in the 
precinct wall encompassing the whole of the monastery. 
The prior seems to have slept in the common dormitory, 
at any rate at first, and did not occupy a separate 
dwelling. I cannot say whether the novices had a special 
portion of the buildings allotted to them or not. 

The cloister of Lewes Priory, unlike the generality of 

' " InsuUm in qua monnstraium utum altar ms fixed b; tiis place of Harold's 

eat." See Appeadix. death, on the fomoua biU of Senkc. Here 

*A preciBely parallel can oooun at the whole of the dormitai; is oiried an 

Battle Abbey, trhere the mte of Uie high a magniflMnt Miiea of undercrofta. 
VOL, XU, 1> 


examples, which are more or less square, was decidedly an 
oblong. The south east angle was opened out in the 
railway embankment during our diggings last year, and 
the Bouth-west angle in 1845 ; the other two remain 
buried. We can nevertheless ascertain the extent with 
tolerable certainty from other data, and find it measured 
about 90 feet from north to south, and 130 feet from east 
to west. There is however no doubt that originally the 
cloister was square ; but why was it enlarged ? and why 
was its shape altered 1 The first question is easily 
answered ; because the increased number of monks made 
it necessary to provide more room for them in the cloister, ' 
where they actually lived and spent much of their time, 
and which had been built of too small a size in the first 
place for a large convent. For the explanation of its 
altered shape we must return to the description of the 
site. Between the south wall of the nave, and the 
abrupt descent of the ridge on which the priory stood to 
the alluvial flat, there was only sufficient room for the 
cloister ; for even the fratry had been built out on an 
undercroft. When therefore the enlargement of the 
cloister was projected, it was evident that if, simply to 
preserve its square form, an extension was made south- 
ward as well as westward, too great expense would be 
incurred in rebuilding or otiierwise altering the fratry, as 
well as the cellarium. The cloister was therefore extended 
by rebuilding the cellarium fiirther west and lengthening 
the fratry ; thus altering the square form into an oblong. 
And since the alley of the cloister which adjoined the 
nave of the church was the monks' day apartment, this 
way of meeting the case gave the needed accommodation 
for the brethren. These alterations must have taken 
place about the middle of the twelfth centuiy, in continu- 
ation of the work of enlarging the church. The 1845 
excavations shewed that the cloister alleys were fourteen 
feet wide, and the wall enclosing the garth four feet 

The site of the capittdum or chapter-house now hanm 
in mid air, having been com^tely swept away in the 
construction of the railway. Unfortunately the remains 
of the walls then discovered were so fragmentary that we 
cannot recover its width. According to Mr. Parsons' 


plan it was ori^nally about fifty feet long. But tHe chJef 
interest Id the chapter-house centres round the extra- 
ordinary collection of interments discovered in 1S45. 
The first coffin disturbed was a leaden one with an arched 
top, containing the bones of a woman. She had been 
buried in the cloiBter alley before the chapter-house door. 
In the chapter-house itself were found no less than 
thirteen graves. 

The first two contained two small leaden cists, about 
3 ft. long, 1 foot wide, and 9 inches deep, whidi were 
identified by inscriptions as the coffins of William de 
Warenne, the founder, and his wife Gundrada. From 
the small size of these receptacles it is evident that the 
bodies had been removed from some other spot. The 
most likely one seems to have been behind the high altar 
of the first conventual church. The removal may there- 
fore be assigned to about 1140, when the extension of 
the eastern limb of the church took place. These cists 
are now in Southover church, and the bones have been 
reburied under Gundrada's own tombstone in the so-called 
" Warenne chapel." Dugdale," quoting from the missing 
R^;ister of Lewes, gives this epitaph as engraved on a 
white stone over the founder's grave: 

Hie Gulielmi Oomoa, Iooub eat laudis tibi foiuea, 
Huiua fundator, et largua aedis amatoT. 

bte tamn funua decorat, placiiit quia musua 

Fanperibus Christi, quod prompts lueDte dediati. 
nie taos cinerea aerrat Fancratiua hterea, 
Sanctorum Caatris, qui te aociabit is aatna. 

Optime Fancrati, fer opem te glorificanti ; 

Daqae poli aedem, talem tibi qui dedit tedem. 

The inscription on Gundrada's tombstone is as follows : 


Digitized by Google 

20 rHB kscaiTBffrn&AL histoby op the 

A third grave contained the remains of a monk in his 
black habit ; doubtless a prior. Part of his cowl is pre- 
served in a box in Southover church. 

Of the remaining graves one contained the bones of a 
boy, a second the skeleton of a ^gantic man, a third that 
of a woman and a very young infant. Nothing, however, 
was found to identify them. At the foot of one coffin 
was a small lead cylindrical case about one foot high and 
eleven inches in diameter,* containing human viscera in 
a saline fluid. Probably the body was nnbalmed and 
buried elsewhere. Many members of the families of 
Warenne and Anindel, beside the founder and his wife, 
are known to have been buried here. Among them were 
William the second earl, who died 1135, and "was 
buried in the Chapter House at ]jewes, at the feet of his 
Father." » 

The Visitation of Sussex by Benolte, temp. H. VIII, • 
has the following notes on interments in the chapter house 
of the priory of Lewes : 

" William the firate Erie Waryne & Surrey furste founder of the House 
of Saynt Poncras assytuate Tvithin the towiie of Lewys, in the coaotye 
of Sussex, which Willyam & Goudredu his wyffe Iieth buryed in the 
Chapytre of the same howse, which Gondrede waa daughter unto Kynge 
Wyllyam Conqueror. 

"Also in the same place adjbynyng unto hys father lyeth buried 
Wyllyam his eone & his wy£fe. 

" Item in the same places lyes Willyam the fourth Erie of Waryne and 
Maulde his wyffe daughter to the Erie of AmndelL 

" Itm in the same howse lyeth Hamelyue brother unto King Heniy the 
seconde & Erie of Waryne by maryuge Lubell daughter to Willyam the 
iij""' Erie Waryne. 

'* It™ more in the same place lyes Kichard the first of that name erie 
Arundell & of Sureye next whome lyeth in a nother tombe Alianor the 
BUstcr of Henry Duke • of Lancaster. 

" Under a playne stone ndjoynyng to the sayd thombes lyes John aone 
to Richard the scconde Erie of Arondell & Surrey & Fhillippe his second 
wyffe dowghter to Eklmond Erie of Marche and nest imto tJie sayd John 
lyes Willym sone to Richaide erie of Arundell & of Surrey second of that 
name & Elizabeth his wyffe dowghtei to Lord Wil. Bowne erie of Northe 
hampton.' " 

On the north side of the nave of Chichester cathedral 
church are the effigies of an earl and countess of Arundel 

' Now in Sonthovar churoh. Esq., Surrey Hanid EibsoniiiiAry, for 

* Dugdale's Barotuiee, p. 7i. tbia extinct and for dianing mjaUcnlMii 

■ M.S. CoU. of Anns. U. 13. 1 4G6. I to the ChicheBter effigiM. 
am much iiidebt«d to Cbarlea A. Buoklir, * Should be Sari. -. , 

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and Surrey, which are believed to have been removed from 
Lewes Priory at the Suppression. They are thus described 
by Dallaway.' 

" In the Anmdel Chantry now the additional north aiale, is a monu- 
ment of stone, affixed to the wall, consisting of two tables and ef^es, 
which appear to have been originally one and insulated. Both the figures 
are of the age of Edward 3". The man has the sharp conical helmet and 
the chain gorget, and on his Burcoat a lion rampant Such were worn by 
Bichaid Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel — in the early part of that reign — and 
to whom a cenotaph was erected in the Chapel of Lewes Priory. Might 
it not have been brought here at the Suppreasian, and then so divided for 
convaniance of space t" 

.If these effigies did come from Lewee they are probably 
those of Richard Fitz Alan, earl of Arundel and Surrey, 
who died in 1376, and his countess, lady Eleanor 
Plantagenet, daughter of Henry, earl of Lancaster, whose 
tombs Benolte describes as being in the chapter house of 
Lewes Priory. 

If we may assume that the chapter house was of a 
regulation vddth — say twenty-seven feet — and if these 
dmienfflons be laid down symmetrically with respect to 
the graves, a narrow space seven feet wide vrill be left 
between the north wall and the wall of the transept. We 
cannot now say that such a space existed, though measure* 
ments seem to show that it did, but had it done so it 
would very well have held the day stairs to the dormitory 
which otherwise it will be difficult to assign a place for. 

On the south side of the chapter house was a slype or 
covered passage leading from the cloister to the inm-mary 
on the east. 

Next to it was an apartment about 44 feet long and 35 
feet wide, corresponding in position with the Benedictine 
. common-houae or calefactorium. In a duniac house it 
appears to be identical with the qfficina saiiguinis 
mmuendi, or bleeding-house. A thickening of the east 
wall seems to shew that the usual fireplace stood there, 
from whence the apartment derived its name of calefac- 

Over the whole of this range and extending right up 
to the transept of the church was the dormitorium. No 
remains of it exist, but judging from the undercrofts it 
was 102 feet long and 35 feet wide. At the south east 

'"Histoiyaf WaBter)iSu«m,"i,lSl. /- r 


angle was a projecting square building measuring 10 feet 
by 8^ feet within. 

At the south end of the dormitory range, but separated 
fi*om it by a space some 30 feet wide, was the structure 
called by the Cluniaca domus necessar{(B — a name 
sufficiently descriptive of its purpose. Only the base- 
ment now remans, but we are able &om it to make out 
the arrangements pretty clearly. It waa a long hall, 96 
feet by 25 feet, divided by a longitudinal wall 4 feet 
thick, pierced at regular intervals by round headed 
openings about 2J feet wide, into two unequal divisions, 
the greater 18 feet, the lesser 3 feet wide. The narrow 
portion formed a fosse or channel, at the bottom of which 
ran a stream of water, bridged over some 1 5 feet above 
by a row of seats. Between each of the external 
buttresses of the south wall waa "a narrow window for 
ventilation. The sides of the main hall were also pierced 
with window openings — the three at the east end are 
wonderfully perfect and were found by us last year 
together with three of those in the north wall. Owing to 
the great fall in the ground south of the dormitory, the 
building just deacribwi does not seem to have exceeded 
two stories in height, and ita first floor, instead of being, 
as was customary, on a level with the dormitory floor, 
was some fifteen feet lower — or on the same line with the 
floor of the dormitory undercroft. It was however 
necessary that direct communication should be provided 
between it and the dormitory, and this seems to have 
been efiected thus : the intervening thirty feet was 
spanned by a bridge, 35 feet broad, at the calefactorium 
floor level, which was reached firom the dormitory by a 
flight of steps placed in the small square chamber at its • 
south angle mentioned above. 

The great drain which conveyed the waste water of the 
monastery through the peoessarium may be traced some 
distance on the west. It is a well-built tunnel 5 feet 
wide and at least 5 feet high, lined with stone and covered 
by a barrel vault. At a distance of about ninety feet 
from where it passed under the buildings it was open to 
the air some distance and furnished with a sluice gate for 
flushing purposes. The many absurd stories in circulation 
at Lewes about subterranean passages to the castle and 


elsewhere, derive their origin &om this elaborately con- 
Btnicted drain. 

Owing to the already-explained difficulty of site — 
which only left room to the south of the church for the 
actual cloister — the Lewes refectory, or fratry as it should 
be more correctly termed, contraiy to the usual custom 
amongst monks, is built upon an undercroft. The fratiy 
itself has quite gone, but we are able to i-ecover certain 
data irom its sub-vault. Originally it seems to have 
consisted of five bays, measuring about 97 feet long by 
37^ feet wide ; but as we may see from the variation in 
the line of the south wall, and other indications, it has 
been partly rebuilt and lengthened to 145 feet. The 
undercroft was divided by a row of columns into two 
alleys, covered by a quadripartite vault springing from flat 
engaged pilaster-shafts. Each of the angles at the east 
end contains a circular stair or vice. That to the south, 
which haa an external door only, has been long open ; the 
other, which opens into the undercroft, was discovered 
last year in the railway embankment, and by the com- 
mendable care of the authorities has been left as we found 
it, and railed round. The only portions of the undercroft 
that have escaped demoUtion are the east end and most 
of the south wall. The wall space between the first three 
buttresses of the latter appears to have been spanned by 
a shallow arch. Query, was this to thicken the wall 
above for the reader's pulpit? In the first bay is a 
curious skew passage through the wall, the respective 
positions of the vaulting pUaster within and the external 
buttress having prevented its being pierced in a direct line. 
The next bay has an opening with a straight flight of steps. 
•These must nave opened on to the floor of the fiatry itself, 
but I cannot say why. Whatever their use, they are 
undoubtedly an insertion of much later date than the 
walls. Between the second and third bays there appears 
to be a join of two walls of sUghtly different dates ; the 
later one pertaining to the extension of the fratiy. Each 
bay of the newer portion was pierced by a pair of windows, 
the actual openings being set in the middle of the thick- 
ness of the walla The flight of stairs above-mentioned 
is inserted in the place of one of the pair of windows in 
that bay. 


Opening out of the north wall of the fratry sub-vault 
was an arched subterranean passa^, 3 feet wide and 
about 6 feet high, much of which still remauiB. It first 
goes straight for a short distance ; then turns at a right 
angle for a few feet, and again bending at a small angle, 
terminates in a domed Camber 4 feet 3 inches in 
diameter. In the first turn is a manhole. Various 
faiicil'ul suggestions have been made concerning this 
mysterious tunnel; but it appears to have been built 
for no more remarkable purpose than to carry the 
leaden pipes to the conduit which stood above the 
dome in the cloister garth, and supplied water to the 
various lavatories. A small portion of the passage was 
removed during the construction of the railway ; but the 
remainder has escaped other mutilation than a hole in 
right angle, by which it may be entered from the garden 
it now runs under.' 

Of the kitchen only the fragments of three fifteenth 
centuiy added buttresses remain. These are adorned 
with flint chequer work, and it is curious that the but- 
tresses stuck against the walls to keep them up should be 
left while the whole of the kitchen itself has been swept 
away. Sir William Burrell has the following note on this 
part of the buildings : " Sept. 13, 1772. I measured 
part of the Remains of this Priory and found them to be 
as follow. The Oven was 17 feet diameter, near half 
of it is standing the Roof is composed of Tyles set 
perpendicularly,* each 6^ broad, ii long, i thick.' ' This 
" oven " was demolished in 1845. 

Nothing is left above ground to shew the plan and 
extent of the western range, or cellarer's buildings. 

A few fi*agments of the infirmary remain to the east of ' 
the dormitorj range ; but until the application of pick 
and spade we are quite in the dark as to the disposition 
of the buildings. According to the Annals,^ " the great 
infirmary was built" in 1218, and the following year, 
" two houses of the inErmarer were made towards the 
north after Easter by William de Buckby ; " but the 

I Sea eztnct from WooUgnr's HSS. In * m° oc° zviij. Higiu inAmaria &wU 

" Horafield'i HiKorj of Lewes,' p. 260, eat. 

uidATcluiologicalJouniBl,ui,pp.lOS,10i moao'xix*'. Due domua infirm' i 

* ai^euMe eiaaed. bu* norht facte sunt post pr ' 

■ A^ Ua, G70e,/8K. Wnielmo de buekabL— /, Wa. 

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entries , can hardly refer to Lewes, for the infirmaiy is 
named in charters of the second earl of Warenne, who 
died in 1135, by which time all the temporary buildings 
must have been replaced by others of stone. 

Either at the same time as the final extension of the 
church circa 1145, or immediately afterwards — at any 
rate within half a century of the erection of the first 
pennanent circuit of offices — the whole of the conventual 
buildings were enlarged. Not by the costly process of an 
entire rebuild, but by adding to some and altering others. 
The reason of the extension, as before, was to obtain 
increased accommodation. 

So far we have been able only to make out the details 
of the dormitory rancce — to which our excavations last 
year were strictly limited — but it is probable that the 
extension was carried out everywhere. 

The great dormitory was evidently thought too small ; 
it was accordingly lengthened from 102 to 213 feet, and 
its width increased from 35 feet to 69 feet at the south 
end, and 75 foet at the north end, the two outer walls 
not being parallel. This enlargement, which was made 
towards the south and east, was effected in the following 
manner : the space beneath the bridge to the nccesnarium, 
and the sub-vault of the latter, were disused, and more or 
less blocked up with strengthening arches, and in several 
places filled in solid with earth and chalk ; an additional 
sub-vault was then built on the south of the necesaai-ium, 
consisting of a wide hall 69 feet long with a north aisle. 

The west wall of the new undercroft was in line with 
the west wall of the old dormitory ; but the east wall 
extended as far as the east end of the necessarium, in 
continuation of which a new wall was carried right up to 
the transept. Upon the enlarged area thus obtained was 
erected — either entirely de novo, or by alteration of what 
already existed- — ^a building of two stories, the upper one 
being the dormitory. Owing to its great width, it was 
divided, at any rate so far as the first floor was concerned, 
into three alleys by a double row of columns. It will be 
seen on referring to the plan that the various blocking 
arches in the sub-vaults are in the lines of these arcades 
ix> carry their weight. The east wall of the extension 

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had a proiecting fire-place in the middle of it8 length, and 
a few feet north of this a small circular stair. 

We have nothing to show that the dormitory occupied 
the whole of this great space, 213 feet long and 72 feet 
wide. Even the huge dormitory at Cant,erbury only 
measured 148 feet by 78 feet — though there existed a 
second dormitory 112 feet long and 22 feet wide. 

From certain foundations uncovered in 1845, it seems 
that the chapter house was included in the enlargement of 
the range of which it forms part, otherwise its east windows 
would have been rendered useless. It would he in- 
teresting to know whether the chapter house was not 
only lengthened and widened, hut also increased in height 
by absorbing a portion of the length of the dormitory. 

To the south of the great dormitory, but separated from 
it by a space 10 feet wide, is a large structure 158 feet 
long and 24^ feet wide, to which various uses have been 
assigned. It is often dubbed the ' refectory/ but a carefiil 
examination makes its real purpose apparent. We have 
already seen that the necesaarium at the end of the first 
group of buildings was rendered useless during the 
construction of the second group by the various strength- 
ening arches and filling in inserted to carry the new super- 
structure ; the monks were therefore compelled to erect a 
new one. Bearing in mind the arrangements of the first 
one and its relative position with regard to the dormitory, 
there will be no difliculty whatever in sheveing the 
identity of use of the two buildings. 

The one used at Canterbury for the same purpose, and 
known as the " third dormitory," was a huge enough 
structure, being 145 feet long and 25 feet wide, hut the 
new necessarium at Lewes exceeds it in length by IS 
feet. The upper of its two stories has been pulled down, 
but so much remains above ground that it is perfectly 
easy to make out the whole arrangement. A strong wall 
5 feet thick divided it longitudinally into two unequal 
divisions ; the northern one being a large hall 14 feet 
wide, and the southern a narrow space only 5 feet 9 
inches wide. Through the latter ran from end to end a 
stream of water, making it in poiat of fact a great drun 
or fosse. This was ventilated by four small square headed 
windows in the south wall. The space above the drain 


was bridged over by a series of sixty arcbes, each 1 foot 
wide, and separated by an iuterval of 1 foot 7 incbes. 
The crowns of these arches were about IS feet from 
the ground floor line. Upon these arches were carried 
the wooden partitions separating the sixty-one compart- 
ments, each of which was 2 feet 6 inches wide. The 
longitudinal wall has been removed, but ite junction 
at each end is easily seen ; and the springers of the 
small bridging arches which are left in the south wall 
may be identified by the square notch cut out at the 
lower edge for fixing the centering timbers while they 
were being bmlt. The remains of a window at the 
.east end of the first floor level shew that the longi- 
•tudinaJ divimon wall did not rise above the wooden 
ceiling of the basement. ASter the suppression of the 
prioiT this building was converted Into a malt-house, 
which explains the removal of the dividing wall, and the 
existence of the joist holes for the new floor timbers. 
The water course was only filled up about forty years ago. 

As in the case of the first necessarium, the first floor 
line was on the level of the floor of the apartments below 
\h.e dormitory, and the intervening space was spanned 
by a bridge 24 feet broad. In later times, the area 
beneath this bridge was utUized for some purpose, the 
east end having been filled up by a wall ; and there are 
traces of a flue in one angle, and of a spiral stair up to the 

Tub new necessarium being so much further to the 

south than the original one, a new tunnel for the water 

course was constructed, of similar design to the one before 

described, and the old one disused lae directions taken 

, by both are carefully laid down on the plan. 

At some late penod a great smash seems to have been 
feared at the south end of the buildings, for the added 
sub-vault beneath the dormitory had moat of its arches 
filled up with solid chalk, and the groining of the end 
compartments strengthened by a fining of the same 
material. The great buttresses outside the great neces- 
sarium were added at the same time. 

During the excavations of 1882, we found, just outside 
the east wall of the great dormitory, a covered drain, 
nearly two feet square in section, running &om north to 


south. Curiously enough, the majority of the stones 
which constituted the roof were worked fragments, com- 
prising portions of carved pilasters and spindly fluted 
jamb shafts, slabs of marble, &c., and part of a large 
shallow lavatory basin. 

Of the buildings of the outer court, such as the almonnr, 
etc., not a trace remains above ground, except part of the 
gatehouse. This waa of the usual type— a hall with 
double entrance, a large one for horses and vehiclKi, and 
a small one for foot passengers. The arches were standing 
until this century. The south jamb of the great arch still 
exists ill situ at the east end of Southover church, while 
the smaller arch has been taken down and rebuilt at right 
angles to its former position on another site a few jaxda 
away. The gatehouse was of late twelfth century date. 

Tne whole of the buildings and their arrangements 
have been laid down as carefully as possible on the plan, 
two colours being used to distingmsh the periods. A 
section is also given of the whole of the eastcan range to 
shew as fer as practicable the variouB levels, &c. 

In conclusion, I can only express a hope that future 
excavations may be made to lay bare the relics of the 
great church, three-fifths of which still lies buried ; also 
of the great infirmary in the field to the east of our late 

The thanks of archseologists are specially due to tiie 
owner, Mr. E. B. Blaker, for so kindly permitting the 
excavations ; and to Mr. Somera Clarke, Jun., F.S.A., by 
whom the work was initiated, and through whose energy 
and perseverance most of the necessary funds were 
obtained from sympathetic friends. 

' Appendix. — Nois A. 

Carta Willelmi Primi ftindatoriB Prioratus de lewss. 

In nomine patris & fiUi A Spiritus Sancti. Amen. Ego WiUelmus de 
Waranno & GunUrada uxor mea volentee peregrinationem facere ad 
sanctum Petrum in Koma . perreximus per plura mona^teria que sunt in 
froncin & Bui^iindin causa orationis. Et cum TeniaaemuB in bui^n- 
diam . didicimua quod non potuimns secure transire propter guermm que 
fuit tunc inter papnm & impcmtoreni. Et tunc divertimus ad Cluniacum 
monaHteiium . tnagnam & eanctam abbaciam in honors aancti Petri. & ibi 
adonvimus & reqoieiTimns sanctum Petrum. Et qoia invenimns aaaoti- 


tatem & religionem <fe caritatem tam magnam ibi & honorem eiga noa a 
bono PrioTe & a toto aaacto conTentu . qui lecepenint uoa in societatem & 
frateniitatem saam : incepimns habere amorem & deTotionem erga ilium 
ordinem & illam doiDum: euper otiuies alias doraos qnas videiamne. Sed 
doniinuB Hugo eanctns abbas eorum tunc domi noa fuit. £t quia longe 
ante £ tunc nui^s habuimus in propomto & voluatate per consilium 
domini Laufronci archiepisnopi ego & uxor mea quod faceremus aliquam 
donium religionie pro peccatis uostris & salute animamm nostrarum. tunc 
visum fuit nobis quod de nullo alio ordine tam iibenter qiiam de Clunia- 
censi earn facere vellemuB. Et ideo miaimuH & reqiUBivimuB a donuuo 
bugone abhate & a tota snncta congregatione quod concederent nobis duos 
vel tree vel iiy" monaohos de sancto giege suo quibus daremua ecclesiam 
unam quam de lignoa lapideam fecimus sub castro nostro Lewiarum que 
fuit ab antiquo tempore in bonora aancti Fancracij & illam datemus ets. 
£t tantnm in principio terrarum & animalium &, renim : unde duodecim 
monachi possent ibi snstentan. Sed sanctus abbas prius valde nobis fuit 
durus ad audiendam {gic) petitionem nostram propter longinquitatem 
aliene terre & maxime propter mara Sed postquam nos pcrquisivimus 
licenciam a domino nostro Bege Willelmo adducendi monacbos Clacia- 
censes in anglicam terram . & abbas es sua paite requisivit voluntatem 
Regis: tunc tandem donavit & misit nobis . iiij" , de monacbis auis domi- 
num lanzonem & tres socios suos quibus donavimus in principio omnia 
que eis promisimus & confirmavimus per scriptum nostrum quod mieimua 
abbati Cluniacensi & conventui quia noluerunt nobis ante monachoe 
mittere : quam . haberent confirmationem nostram & Regis quam eis per- 
qnisivimus de omnibus rebus quas eis dunavimu& Et sic dati sunt 
michi & uxori mee monacbi Cluniacenses in Anglicam terram. Post 
mortem vero domini mei Willelmi Regis eum filius suus venisset Willel- 
mus in Anglicam terram propter regnum . Sc multa fuisset diecotdia de 
regne & dubitatio de fine. & ^^ in multis periculis cotidie : monstraverant 
michi dominus lanzo prior & monachi mei quod apud Cluniacum esset 
conibmacio mea qunin feceram de rebus quas illis dedoram in principio & 
quod ipei inde nullum muuimentum haberent & quod propter dubia 
& futura tempora deberem ais omuem securitatom de neis donis & con- 
cessis facere . quod feci Iibenter consilio fidelium ineorum per banc 
alteram cariam meam Volo ergo quod sciant qui sunt & qui futuri sunt 
quod ^0 Willelmus de Warenna Surreie comes donavi & confirmavi deo 
& sancto Petro & abbati & conventui de Gluniaco ecclesiam sancti 
Panciac^ que sita est sub castro meo Lewiarom & eidem sancto Fancracio 
& monachis Glnniacensibus quicunque in ipsa ecclesia sancti Pancraqj 
deo servient inperpetunm: donavi pro salute anime mee & atdme 
Gnndiade uxoris mee & pro anima domini mei Willelmi Regis qui me in 
anglicam terram adduxit & per cuius licenciam monacbos veniie feci & 
qui meam Priorem donacionem confimmvit & pro salute domine mee 
Matildis Regine matris uxoris mee & pro salute domini mei Willelmi 
Regis filii eui post cuius adventum in Anglicam tensm banc cartam feci 
& qui me comitem Surregie fecit & pro salute omnium heredom meorum 
& omnium fidelium cbristi vivorum & mortuomm in suitentacionem pre- 
dictorum monachorum Sancti Pancracii mansionem flalemelom nomine 
totum quicquid ibi in dominio habui cum hida terro quam Eustachius in 
burgemela tenet & ad ipsom mansionem pertinet Mansionem quoque 
Garlentonam nomine quam domina mea Matildis R^na dedit Otmdiade 

uxori inee ft miclii. ft hoc concoBsit & confinnavit domimis mens Bex 
Willelmas in anxilium ad fundandum uovoe monachos no«tn» totam 
quod ibi habnimua £t in Swamberga quinque hidos ft dinudiam tertam 
eciam que vocatur insula iuxta monaeterium com pratds ft pascuia 
Totam eciam tenam quam ego in dominio habni intra insulam in qua 
monastenum Bitum est cum molendino super atagnnm quod ibi juxta set 
poHito & ctim uuo euburbano ibi juxta poeito lewino nomine In tuniaco 
tciTHiu i|ue fuit normanni . Tirgam tecre que vocatur Rednwelle ft alteram 
vir^m niiminu Stanforde In Westedena duas hydaa cum iiij°' vUlanis 
& uno )m>to Uecimas quoque terrarum mearum ft iUae nominatim quae 
Kichardus presbyter tenet & tenebit in vita sua. ita quod poet mottem 
eius monachia remanebuni Concession em feci etiam omnium decimarum 
quas homines mei ibi dederunt vel postea daturi eunt FoBtea vero 
donavi eia Waltonam cum omnibuB liberiB hominibuB quoe Gundrada cum 
ipsa mausione ibi de me tenuit. quicquid ibi babui tunc inter duas aquas 
dc limea & de Wellestream in terris & mariscis & pascais & aquis 
cum hominibua & omnibus eorum aerviciis & cum omnibus rebus 
ita quod duo hospicia michi ft heredibue meis ibi per annum 
retinui . unum in eundo in Evenriksiie ft altenim in redeundo pro 
omnibus serriciis que michi facere solebant homines de marisco 
in vecturis fc summagiis per terram & aquam hue & illuc & pro 
omnibus aliia aerviciis . unde volo quod liberi & quieti sint erga me ft 
heiedes meoe de omni eervicio impeipetuum. £t Bi ibi hoepitamui plus 
quam bis in anno : totum quod ibi de suo vel nos vel homines nostri 
quicumquo illuc per annum per nos venerint super duo predicta hoepicia 
expendimuj : computabunt & reddemus eis de nostro in iine anni 
super periculum aulmamm nostrarum. Sic facio ego & sic faciam 
Se bIc volo quod faciant heredes mei. ne propter banc causam vertant 
elemoeinam meam & suam in servitutem & rapinam sicut Tolunt salvari in 
die judicii. Preterea donavi eis ecdesiam de Acra cum duabna carrucis 
terro ubi ego & Gundrada adhuc vivens proposoimus facere monasterinm 
& domos & ponero monachos de mouachis noetris sancti Pancracij 
de quibus eciam posuimus primo in ecdsaia caatelli nostri de Aora & 
hec promisit michi dominns lanio quod faceret sic tamen quod Prior & 
monachi de Acra semper Bubditi sint & in libera oidiuacione Prioris eandd 
Pancracij £t Prior & Couventua sancti Pancracii habeant & dieponaut 
domum de Acra sine omni contradictione sicut proprios m6nachoe suos de 
claustro suo . ft sic faciam ai deus Bcrvaverit midii vitam & sanitatem . & si 
non possum perficere : volo quod heres meus perficiat Et si heredes mea 
poet me in suo tempore aliquam elemoeinam fundaverint volo quod earn 
eancto Panciacio submittant & semper sanctum Panciacium capud honoris 
fiui habeant &-ibi ae ntecum leddant ubi iacet Gundrada uxor mea ft ego 
cum ea reddidi corpus meum ft ipei similiter mecum faciant Omnes has 
antedictas res dedi deo ft sancto Pancracio ft monachis ibi deo servituris 
vivente ft volente Gundrada uxore mea ft WiUelmo ft Beynaldo filiis ft 
heredibns meis. Sed post mortem Guudiade feci eis banc cartam Post cuius 
mortem donavi eciam eis pro aninta illius ft mea ft omnium heredum 
meomm mansionem in Norfolk hecham nomine totum quod ibi habui 
cum terra pagani prepositl ft cum omnibus liberie hominibus quorum cen> 
sum idem paganus ibi redpiebat Et banc donadonem meam volo quod 
heredes mei concessam ft firmatam habeant quia ft eam concessit ft confir- 
mavit dominus meue Bex Willelmns aiout alias fcceiat pater buus. Has 


omnM Bupndictos res donaTi monaehia od habeadnm inperpelniim tarn 
liberaa £ quietaa ab oumlbua causU & cuatumis & BervioiiB aiout eos liberas 
habui ft aicut aliquis liber homo babet vel habere potest suum domiDium 
Tel daie suam elomosinam. Et si eveniat quod rex tane aliquid inde 
queiat vel bidagium vel danegeldum velqualecumqaegeldumTelBerviciam 
vel quamcumque rem ^o qnam diu vivam eaa liberataB ft aoquietatne 
faciam aiout meam dominium, ft beiea meufi post me ft aui post eum 
similiter isperpetuum faciatit de omnibus tebua queoumque aolent vel 
poteruut vel umquam continget inposterum ab aliquo domino vel homina 
nquirierga Begem & omnes bominea ut luonaobi aemper aint in pace ft sui 
omnea ft omnia sua. Pio qua le volo quod ei aliqua contencio vel diasensio 
vel lesura vel aliqua iniuria au^at inter homines sancti Pancracij & me 
vel meoa nnde forisfactnia eveniat : Prior Sancti Panoracii aemper capiat 
& habeat pni me foriafaoturam ft emendacionem de bominibua suis ne per 
hauc causam poaeint qui venturi suut ledere ft confundete hominea aaneti 
ft ao volo qood faoiant heredes mei Et si ego aliqua adhuc addidero vel 
heiedea mei post me; volo quod omnia ilia tarn libeie donenbu ft 
babeantur aicut oga ista omnia donavi ft quod iped similiter velint ft 
Eacianl Et volo quod aicut ege ctssco. crescant ft rea nvmachorum, 
ft dcut cieaoimt lea ft bona eorum. quod creaoat nnmerus eorum 
& aic volo ft laudo ft piecipio quod velint ft faciant ft servant heredes 
mei ft firmum & stabile babeant quod ego feci ft ego fiimum ft stabile 
habeo quod ipei facturi sunt Et quicumque contra hanc donacionem 
meam venerit vel earn in aliquo minuerit vet in peius mutavetit iram ft 
malediccionem dei omnipotentis & celeiem vindictam in corde ft in anima 
in hoc mundo & in die iudicij incunat Kt tota malediccio quam pater 
potest dare miJis filiis auia ex parte mea super illnm venist iiat iiat. Et 
quicumque hanc meam donaciouem servnvcrit ft defenderit & accreverit : 
benedictionem dei omnipotentia & graciam in hac vita ft in alia in corpore 
Si in anima super se habeat £t tota beuediccio quam pater poteat dars 
bonis filiis auis : ex parte mea super eum veuiat & maneat sine fine Amen 
Amen. Similiter precor Deum ut eveniat si heree meus post me vel suua 
post eum vel quicumque ex succeBaaribus meia aliqua bona nddiderit ad 
ea que ego donavi quicumque poet cos contra illonun donacionem venerit 
in mftlnm veniat deus contra ilium in malum & quicumque earn defenderit 
& aervaverit : defendat eum deua ab omni mala Freterea volo quod 
sciant monachi mei & heredea mei quod quando ego ft Gnndrada per^ 
quiaivimus a domino bugone abbat« qui veneiat ad loquendum cum 
domino meo Kege in I4ormaniuain quod redderet nobis dominuro lan- 
tonem Priorem nostrum quern toto anno apud Cluniacum rctinuerat unde 
tarn commoti fuimua quod pene proposuimus dimittere incriptum noetnim 
vel auferre eis ft dare eccleaiam noetrem maiori monasterio. tunc eciam 
coQceasit nobis ft promiait abbae ad inultam deprecacionem quod si deua 
creeceret domum noetram faceret earn sicut unam ex magnia post mortem 
domini lanzooia vel promocionem in aliquam maiorem dignitatem, 
quando monacbi Sancti pancracij mitterent ad Cluniacum propter 
Priorem : mitterent eis in priorem unum ex melioribua monachis euia de 
tota congregacione quern scirent sanctiotem ad ordinem ft ad animaa 
r^^das aecundum deum ft sapienciorem ad domum gubemandam 
secundum secnlum prefer maiorem Priorem de Cluniaco ft Priorem de 
Caritate, & quod ipse foiet ad remanendum ft unnquam removeretur nisi 
tam iusta ft manifests easet causa, quod nemo rationabiliter deberet 


couttadicere ft inde fecit nobis acriptum eutim cam aigUlo eao qnod habeo. 
Et bea peiquieivimus quia timnimoB ne doiniitua lanzo onm redieset cito 
aufeitetnr nobis quia rex qnoe melioies inTeuire potuit: in dignitates 
ecderie exaltavit Et nobis audientibus requisivit ttb abbate quod mitteret 
ei dDodecim de eanctia monachia auia & eos omnea faceret epiecopos & 
abbates in tena hereditatia sue quani ei dederat deus. Et eciam pra- 
cogitavimuB quod si nova adhuc doroua & tenera sepe novum Priorem 
haberet ft in novas inanua veniret nunquam ad magnum profectum 
pervenirot Et quia noluimus quod elemosina nostra inposterum in secu- 
larem servitutem veiteKtui : tunc constitutum est inter nos ft abbatem 
quod Cluniaonm habeat omni anno . 1 . solidos monete Anglice de dono 
sancti Fanciacij & dc libeta eit ab omni alia senritute ft ezaccione ft geldo 
£t abbas dd nulla ordinacione domus ae intiomittat auper Prioiem nisi de 
obseivancia vel emendacione ordinis ubi Prior euiendtu^e non potuerit per 
s& neque de domibus suis si aliquas unquam per graciam dei sub se 
habuerit 8ed Prior Sancti Pancracij ft Conventus semper eas liberas 
habeant iu sua otdinadone sicut eis fuerint donate ft hoc voluimue & 
fecimus quia in deeiderio semper ft spe fuimns facere dontum & poneie 
iponachoa apud Acram castellum nostrum quam nolumus alibi nisi Sancbo 
Pancracio esse subiectam. Hanc donacionem & cartam meam feci 
dominnm meum R^em Willelmum apud Wincestriam in consilio con- 
cedere & teatimoniari per signum sancte crucis de manu sua & p«r signa 
ft testimonia epiacoporum ft Comitum ft Baronuiu qui ibi tunc fuenint 
feliciter Amen Venientibus contra hec & deatruentibus ea occurat deus 
in gladio ire & furoiis & vindicte ft malediccionia eteme Servantibus 
autem hec : & defendentibus ea . occurrat deuR in pace gracia ft miBeri- 
cordia ft salute eteriia Anien Amen Amen.' 

Note B. 
Extract from charter of William, the second earl of Waranne. 

" Poatea vero non poet multum tempus cum perfccta fuisset ecclesia 
sancti Pancntc^ invitatue sum a Ptiore Lanzone et a cunctis fiatribiis 
eiusdem ecclesie et rt^toe ab eis ut earn facerem dedicare . qutxl hbenter 
et letins concessi et convocavi ipsius diocese episcopum dominuni Badul- 
fum et Walkelinum Wintoniefl et Gundulfum Roveeestr' episcopos ad 
eum dedicandum. Et facta dedicationo cum ad missam ventiim fuisset. 
vocatus sum ab episcopis ad magnum altare et admonitus ab eis ut 
secundum consuetudinom sancte eccleeie : providerum dotem eccleaie. 
De qiia eciam re ante fui pnemuniter et proviauR. Monatraverunt 
quoque micbi id ipsum quod niichi visum (fuit) non esse mo^nium 
daie quod ipse in manu mea vel expensas meaa babere non potui 
sicut ecclesiaa et decimae. Becogitavi eciam quo<l non fuit mea nee 
pura elemosina quam feceram eis de herchani quam pater mens 
eis prius donaveiat et quantum ad me magis videbatur commutacio 
quei^m quam mea donacio ft quia de meo proprio quod michi potuisscm 
semper libere retinere volui sancto Pancracio sicut patenio mco et eius 
monasterio sicut capituli honoris mei aliquod crementum facere in ilia die 
dedicationis eccleaie et bora et loco dedi deo et sancto Pancracio et mona- 
chis suis inperpetuuro decimam meam jion solum omnino decimonim 
> HS. Cott Veap. F. zr. 1. 10-11. 



meonim tocius tone mee de amnibuB rabus undecumqae decimom dari 
debet ; Bed eciam totam deciinam omnium denariorara meonim de AngUa 
de redditibus de eventibus de omnibue omnino rebus und^umque et 
quibascumque modas micbi proveniant dn rebus meia Anglie Et banc 
decimam dcnarionim meonim optuli ilo super altnrc inperpetuum dotem 
eccleaie." ' 

Since the consecrators of tbe church wore Ralph Luf^ bishop of Cbic- 
hrat«r 1091—1123 ; Walkalin, bishop of Winchester 1070—1098 ; and 
Gundulf, bishop of Bochester 1077 — 1108, the dedication must have 
occuried between 1091 and 1098. 

Extract fiom oharter of William, tbe third earl of Waienne, relative to 

the second dedication of tbe chuicb. 

"Hec HQpradicta ego pro salute anime taee et pro animabus anteceesorom 
meomm predictia monacbia concessi et de. a sol' in buigo de lewss qunm 
feci dedicaie ecdesiam sanoti Panoracii et de decinia denariomm. de 
omnibus redditibus meis de Anglia dotam ipsam ecdesiam et tnde saisiTi 
eam per capilloa capitis mei et fratris mei Badulfi de Warenna quot 
abscidit de capitibna noetria cum oultello ante altare Heuricas episcopus 
WiotefL Teste Tbeobaldo Archiepiscopo Cantuar' Henrico episcopo 
Wintoft Rodberto episcopo bad' Ascelino episcopo Rovescestr" qui eandem 
eocleeiam dedicaveiuuL" * 

The prelates heie named are Theobald, arcbbisbop of CanterbuTf 
1139—1161 ; Henry de Blois, bishop of Winchester 1129— 1171 ; 
Bobert, bishop of Bath 1136 — 1166 ; and Ascelin, bbhop of Bocheater 
1142 — 1148. The second dedication must therefore fall between 1142 
and 1148. 

Note D. 

Grant of the site of the priory of Lewea by Henry VIII. to Thomas 
Cromwell, lord Cromwell, 16 Febr., 29 Hen. VIII. (1537-8). 

"Rex omnibue ad quos, etc, Salutem. Cum qnidam finis coram 
lusticiariis nostris in Curia nostra de communi Banco apud Westmonaa- 
terium in Crastino Sancti Martini Anno regni nostri viceeimo nono levat' 
fait inter nos querent' et Robertiura nuper Priorem monasterii Sancti 
Panciatii de lewea in Comitatu nostro Sussex' per noinen Robert! prions 
monaaterij sancti Pancretij de lewes in comitatu nostro Sussex' deforciant 
inter alia de Maneriis de Swanbergh Kyngeston iuxta lewea Southover," 
etc, etc 

After enumerating all the manors and advowsoiia possessed by the 
priories of Lewes and Castle Acre, the grant proceeds : 

" Sdatis quod nos in considemcione boni vi' et fiilelis servic^ nobis per 
dilectum Consiliariuui nostrum Thomaui Crumwdl luilitem domiiium 
Cmmwell Cuatodem privati Sigilli nostri ante hec tcmpora fact' et iinpens' 
da gratia nostra epeciali et ex certa scientia et mero nkotu noetris dedimua 
et conceaaimus ac per preeentes pn nobis beredibus & succeasoribua nostris 

>Cturtalu7, t U. *Ibid.tIU. 




<laiiiii8 et concedimus ttidem Thome Cnimwell militi domino Crumwell 
tntuni dictum iiu^Mr monfistorium sive prioratum de lewea pi^ictum in 
diuto Comitatu noetro Sueaex' ac totum acitum fundum circuitum et pre- 
cinctum emmlem nnpor monasterij sive priomtuB do lewos Necnon totam 
eccleaiam Ciunpanile et Cemitorium eiusdem nuper Monostenj de letras ac 
omnia nieBunpa domes edificia orrea grangeas stabula Columbaria aquas 
miopia pomorin gardina terram et solum noetia tam infra quam extm ac 
iuxta el prope ecitum septum circuitum ambitum et piecinctum eiuadem 
nuper monasterij de lewes predicti in southover Kyngeston iuxta lewea et 
lewes in predicto Comitatu nostro Sussex Tel In earnm allqua Aa etiam 
omnia predicta maneria de Swanbeigh," eta, etc.' 

■ Bat. Ptt S* Hm. VIII., pm S. 




This difficult and important sabject has been dealt witb by Eenible, 
by Canon Stubba, and Oie late Mr. J. R Green, so far as it affected their 
important works, but there remains yet Tery much more to be done in the 
way of local invcBtigstions. It is, therefore, now proposed bdeily to 
consider the matter, not so ninch in minute detail, but generally, and to 
sketch ont the lines for further research. 

The first recorded liinding of Tentonic settlers in Britain is that of 
Hengint and Horsa, in 449, in Kent The Saxon Chronicle states that ihe 
first settlers, who were Jutes, sent to invite other tribes to land, and men 
came from three tribes, viz., Old Saions, Anglos and Jutes. The men of 
Essex, Sussex, and Wessex were OldSaxong, the Kentish-men and 
Wightwarians (or inhabitants of the Isle of Wi^iht), and a tribe of the 
West Saxons in Hampshire, were Jute», and the Anr/len occupied East 
AngUa, Middle Anglia and Northumbri^ 

^Hie next landing was that of ^lle with his sons Cymcn, Wlencing, 
and Cisea in 477, at Cymenes-ora (or Keynor) near Chichester, in Sussex. 
In 465 the fight at Mearci^dabum {t Seaford) took place. " It was, ' says 
Mr, Green, " only after fourteen years of struggle that tlio Saxons reached 
the point where the South Downs abut on the sea at Beacliy Hcad.'^ 
The siege and capture of Anderida followed in 491, and this resulted in 
the establishment of the Kingdom of Sussex. I^ppenberg, indeed, 
reload that " it ia the echo of .file's name alone to which Sussex is 
indebted for a place in the AngloSaxon Heptuvhy.'" 

PHTaioAL Fkatubxs. 
Before consideriiig the early settlements, it will be well to glance at the 
physical condition of the county, which, beyond dispute, affected the 
position of the settlements t« a great degree. This qnestion is very 
material, as it raises the point whetlier the Hopes in Sussex are of great 
antiquity, or not There can be little doubt that the present division of 
Sussex into six rapes is owing more to physical reasons than any other. 
In early times Anuidel, firamher, and Lewes were situated at the head of 
large estuaries of the sea, and Fevensey was in a somewhat similar posi- 

I Read in th« AntiqiiBiiaii Baction ■ 
the Ltwea HmUus, Augiut S, 1SS8. 
<A.D. 14e. 
■ "Tlui lbkii«a|Ei4)Md,"p.«X. 



tion, but surrounded by a small archipelago (Mountnej, Manxey, Chillye, 
HoTse Eye, Glynleigti, Langney, &c.) Now Camdon tella us, that each 
Sape in SuBsez had its castle, river, and forest, and there ia aome reason 
for thinking that this division is very little earlier in date than the Nor- 
man Conquest, for wo do not iind entire physical boundaries for any 
Rape*, though perhapa the line of watershed may have formed the 
boundaries. The names of the Rapes moreover, are derived from the castles. 
The boundaries of the county were no doubt determined by the dense 
forest of Andredesweald on the north, and, at the east by the Bother, then 
having a different mouth, which even now forma in great part the 
eastern boundary of the county. On the west the boundary was ill- 
defined, as will be presently shewn. It ia quite possible also that some 
part of iJiat Sussex was formerly included in Kent; The unmistakeable 
Bouth-Saxon kingdom was that part of the coast of the present county 
which extends from Selsey to Anderida (now Pevcnsey.) Now, in this 
coast diatrict, there may have been divisions ; but only one survives, i.e., 
the Ousc, which, as far as Baivombe, separates the rapes of Lewea and 

The estuary of the Ouse was the widest and moat difficult to cross, 
which accounts for tliis separation. Attention should also be directed to 
the remarks of M^or-General Ijine-!Fox Pitt Kivers who says the flat 
ridgea of the downs were formerly the great thotoughfarea, and points out 
that the exietence of large estuaries is cppoacd to a connected system of 
defence in the hill-forta, which are of British origin. He conaidera that 
each group had-a stronghold of its own, intended, no doubt, to contain the 
inhabitants of the surrounding diatrict, who dwelt in the valleys beneath, 
where fuel and water were obtainable, where traces of their cultivation 
still exist, and who, like the savages of Africa and many other parts of the 
world, resorted to tbeir stronghold in times of danger, each man carrying 
with him fuel, water, and pioviaions sufficient to sustain him during a 
predatory attack.' This tends to shew that the districte between each 
estuary were in early timea distinct. 

The only roads northward from the county were the old Koman road, 
Stane Street, running N.K, from Chicheater, and possibly another road 
going N.W. from Hastings. For some centuries these were the only 
approaches to the county, and, indeed, we £nd attacks at various periods, 
commencing at the extremitiea, except in case of sea invasion. 


^ere is some difficulty in grouping the early Teutonic settlements 
in Sussex, but assuming that they were influenced by the estuaries, which 
ia not improbable, they may be considered in six groups, corresponding 
Teiy much with the Rape», x'lx: : — 

A. Jute settlement Hundred of Manhood. 

B. The ings or Poling group {Amn to Adur.) 

C. Steyning group (continuation of last) 

I). The Brighton group, or sheep farms (Adur to Ousc.) 
K Lot-land and I)ale group (Ouse to Pevensey). 
f. Semi-Jutish. Hastings group. 

A. The fact of the existence of a Jutish settlement in West Snssex 
has generally escaped notice Bede states* that Wulfhere, king of Merda, 


godfather of ^thelwalch, king of Sussex, gave the latter on his >iapti8in 
" two provinces, viz. : — the lale of Wight and the proTince of Meanwaia 
in the nation of the West Sozone." The name of Meanwara {ue., 
the deseendanta of Mean) is still preserved in the name of Keanslwrough, 
East Meon, West Meon, and Meon Stoke, &e., in Hampshire.' Now, 
jEthelwalch, when S. Wilfrith visited Sussex in 681, gave him a large 
giant of land, and Ceedwolla (who conquered and killed ^thelwalch two 
or three ye-ara later) made an extensive ^ift to Wilfrith,' which included 
the Hundred of Manhood, then Mcmicodf. oi Meonvdf, and a|nania 
ohviously derived from the Meanwara. It ia also probable that Wittering 
(then Wightring). a. place in this Hnndred, is a Jutish settlement, and 
derived its name from the same source as Wight (lale of.) Very curioua 
cultivation customs long prevailed in this district 

The traces of personal influence of the. invaders in West Sussex are 
mora distinct than in other parts of the county. Thus deta has left his 
name in Chicheater and Cisabury. Ofii in Oflhnm and Offington, Cardie 
in KirdfoTd()), &c., and there can be little doubt that the Kojal Saxon 
residence was in the west of the county. Another feature in the extreme 
west of Sussex ia the occurrence of tilhiiigg which are not to be found 
farther east. 

B. Tha next group of settlements is those in which the patronymic 
syllable " ing " occurs, which, as Cnnoa Stubbs says, " were originally 
colonised by communities united either really by blood or by the behcf 
in a common descent"* Kefeiring to Fol (TiaJdr or Baldeeg) the son of 
Woden, Kemble says, " Last, but not least, we have in Poling in Sussex 
the record of a race of Polingae who may possibly have carried up their 
genealogy to Baldieg in this fonn."* 

Ifovr, it ia somewhat remarkable that the Hundred of Poling contains 
more parishes with names terminating in the patronymic " ing " than any 
other Hundred in Sussex, viz., Poling, Angmen'Hi?, Ferrtn^, Gonny, 
Rustini/toii, also WaminiTcamp, a tything, all on or near the coast, This 
district is one of the moat fertile in Sussex, and lind probably (oa Mr. 
Green points out) been occupied by the Romans from the date of their 
first settlement in Britain.' 

C. The next group is virirOally a continuation of the Inst. The numerous 
settlements with names terminating in " ing " extend some distance into 
the county, in fact, as far as Billingshurst On the north of the Downs 
in Arundel and BramberRape are : — Stom'n^n, SuUtnyton, Washing 
ton, Ashinjton, Worminffhurst, Billtnjshutet, Itchi'nj/field, West Chiltiw^ 
ton, Tottui^n, Steyninr/, Em'n^ham, &c. 

D. A curious group of settlements is to be found near Brighton and 
may conveniently be termed "the Brighton group." Taking a line from 
Brighton to Huistpierpoint, thence to Lewes and down to Newhaven, a 
group of places with names ending in de>i, dene, or dean, is traced. This 
small district includes no less than one hundred, three parishes, and thirty- 
three hamlet OI place-names, with these terminations, viz.. Dean Hundred, 
Ovingdean, Rottingdean, and Denton, Pariehen. Roedean and Wooden- 
dean in Ovingdmn — Balsdean, Saltdean, Standean, Roedean, and Broom- 

■ "Sum. An^ Coll.," xzxiii '"Tbe Saxons ia Engluid" (187S 
> " Sou Arch. Coll.," iixiiL edit.), i, p. 367. 

■ " The Conrtituti<au] Histoiy ot Eng- ' " The Miking of Unhand," ^ U. 
Isad," p. 81. / "- I 

*^ _ Google 

38 t6aoe8 dv TE&tamc aSmMiawtd ts stTasKX. 

den' in BoHtngdean — Barndean in T'^Jaeomb^— Beade'B Dene and Aple- 
deane* in Rodmell — WitMesu, Vaindean, Lower Tongdean, Upper Boe- 
and Lover Roedeau in PoMom — Hollmgdean* and Raddingdeane in 
Pretton — The Upper Dean and the Lower Dean in Xingtton^iear-Letee» 
— Houndene* and Haredene in 8t. Aim'*, Leuie§ — Deaneland and Denny 
(or Dannyj in Hurstpierpoint — Fangdean and Upper Standean in 
Pieemnhe — Lower Standean in Ditehling—'BeTeaAeaji, Upper Bevendean, 
Cold Dean, House Dean, Crane Dean, and Novingden' in Falmer — 
Ktandfiiin in Stanmer — and Peter Deane' in Aldrmgton jnst ontaide the 
dislrict. These places were presumably pasturea for sheep (the Anglo- 
Suxoti <i<niu meatiH pBEtiirc), and the broken character of the country 
prevented cultivation here, whilst the downs afforded excellent pasture. 
The parishes in this district are all small, as abo the hundreds. The 
Mnrk system ia here well illustrated. 

E. ^nie next group is destitute of any places of importance, but contains 
many sheep pastures, and traces of the Mori; in it« "Lot-lands" and 
" Dole-lands" (Angl. Sax. DSlan to divide.) Ronnd Pevensey are to be 
found several islands or m/ei already mentioned. 

F. The last district contains less traces of Teutonic setttemcnts. Jutish 
influence possibly extended from Kent into this part of Sussex, and 
certainly gavelkind tenure can be found in some places here, notably 
in the large and important manor of Bredo, and in Coostard, a manor in 
Brede parish, also (as Camden says) in Kye. It was probably not settled 
until long after the weetem parte of the county, and its desolate condition 
even at the time of the Norman Conquest is well known. 

Reviewing, then, the groups, it seems that the Teutonic sottlementa are 
most numerous in the fertile plains to the south of the Downs, and near 
Poling, and that there, these extended northwards for some distance. TTiat 
farther east the land was used for small sheep farms ; and the field, and 
down names corroborate this view. The hill-forte of the British were, no 
doubt, used by the new settlers for dnfence, for some received names from 
the Angles, thus, Cisubury from Cisaa, WoUtnnbui-y from Wulstan, 
Uolhvgbary from the tribe of Hollingaa, &c. 

The number of Teutonic tribal names still perpetuated in Sussex place- 
names is very great. Kemble' enumerates sixty-eight marks, or early 
settlements in Sussex, inferred from local names containing the syllable 
"ing," but a careful search by the writer has resulted in increasing the 
total to 145, and further investigation will, no doubt, produce a still 
larger total. This, perhaps, shews that the tribes were small but numerous, 
for there is only one Rape (Hastings) with a patronymic title, and six 
Hundreds, viz., Guestling in Hastings Rape, Buttinghill and Poynings in 
Lewes Rape, Steyning and Tarring in Bntmber Rape, and Poling in 
Arundel Rape. Except in two instances (1) that of the Hollingaa 
or Hollings, whose name appears in HoUwgJmnj, the hill-fortress in the 
rear of Brighton, and UoUington a parish near Hastings, and [xtssibly oIbo 

' " Sum. Arch. CoIL," Tii, U. * Eich. Dep. t^ CoDun. SuneijUicha. 

' Add. H.8. {Brit. Hui.) ES84, p. 230. 1853, No. 37. 

> Add. US. (BriL MUB.), 5681, p. 379. ' " The Suioiu in Engluid," «<d. i, 

* Add. Hil, seas, p. 3S8. App. L 

.Add.Ma,,.m _,:, Google 


in Hellinffly a parish near Hailshaiu, and (2) that of tho Toiingas or 
lanings, who name coast parishes in Leves and Bramber Eapea 
lespectively, no tribal name appeara more than once in the county. 

It is somewhat rranaikable that many tribal names con still be found 
in samamea in, use in Suesex, and a few of these are shewn in the follow- 
ing list, the sumamee being taken from Kelly's Post Office Diiecl«ry : — 
Tribal Names. PU««-Nuna. Sunuunea. 

BiLLiNOAS Biilingshwat Billinghurst, Bellingham, Bellinger, 
GoKuroAB Goring Gomnge {numerous), Goringe, Goring, 

HoLUNeAS BoltmgburyaxA HoUingham (formeriy nnmeioiu), HoUing- 

HoUinffbm dide, Hollings worth, HoUendida 

VsaannaAB Patching Patching, Patchin,Packham,and Peckham. 

BfraxnsoiA Qtesyning Stennins (very numeroua), Stening. 

PjBUinrots PaHngham, and Palling, Pullinger, Pitlinger. 

SirnKQAa BtMinghSl Bottii^ (numerous) 

The Billingas were [Hobably a numenms tribe, for aererol plaoea oom- 
meming with the name an to be found in Norway (eee Badeker). 


We now arrive at the territorial divisions of the county, the chief 
being the entire district or »kire poesibly perpetuated in Schiremanbur'i 
(Shermanbury), the abode of the Sdrman (or Sheriff) as he is termed in 
the laws of the luL* It is somewhat difficult to tell why the sheriff 
■elected this Weolden parish for his burh or town, and it is remarkable 
that until 9th to 13th Elizabeth and after 12th Chos. I, there were joint 
sheriffs of Sussex and Surrey. 

The next division is the Rape, which is peculiar to Sussex and has 
already been mentioned. The suggestion of a different origin of the 
Bape may appear bold after bo much discussion, but there seems little or 
no evidence for the conclusion of lappenberg that, " to the first German 
population belongs apparently the singukr division of Sussex into six 
rapes, each of which is again divided into Hundreds. These districts 
were probably intended for military purposes."' Robertson was inclined 
to trace the triihing in Kent and Sussex, remarking that Sussex was 
divided into east and west, each again being divided into three rapes. 
There is apparently nothing to shew that any distinction between East 
and West Sussex existed untU long aftor the Conquest, when, for con- 
venience, the County Court was appointed to bo held at Lewes, as well 
as at Chichester. The word Bape does not appear in any record before 
Domesday Book, and (except in the case of Pevensey) it is doubtful 
whether any of the castles, which gave names to the Bapes, existed 
before the Conquest 

The Hundreds are smaller divisions which go to make up the Rapes, 
and it is undesirable to discuss their origin fully as this ie done by 
Stubbe, Green and others. Canon Jenkins, quoting S. Augustine, 
attributes to them a Roman origin* Kemble points out that the cooat 

' tax. Pope Nicholas. Anglo-Suon EinKB," i, 107. 
* 8m note 8, Stubbfl' "Constitutional *" Diocesan Hutariea," CBnterburf, 

i, p 11» p. 67, cit, AuguBtine Sermo, 45^. ' — 

of EngUnd under the vetbiB laaua," o. G7. 


Jaaidreda, which he regarded as Kpnwenting the settlemeate of the free 
settlers, were smaUer nad thicker than those of the interior. Thia is very 
well illustrated in Sussex, especially in the Hundreds of the Brighton 
district, le., between the Oose, the Adur, and the Downs. The Sussex 
Hundreds have been altered to some extent, for fifty-eight itre mentioned 
in Domesday while there are seventy-one now. Mr. Gonuue, in his 
valuable book on Primitive Folk Moots, states that thirty-eight of the 
Sussex Hundreds still retain the names given in Domesday. Much more 
research is desirable as to the origin of the names, &c. 

The next smaUer division is the taking which still exists in a few 
parishes in West Sussex. This is possibly due to Jutish influence. Its 
origin is obscure, 

Thb Mabe Stbtbm. 

"The unit," says Mr, E. A. Freeman, "is the Mark, roughly repre- 
sented by the modem parish or manor,"' This system is to a great 
extent the discovery of recent yean, and is fidly described by Sir Henry 
S. Maine in his work on Village Commumtitg in ike East and West. It 
seems to have consisted of a number of families standing in a certain 
proprielAry relation to a district, divided into three parts. These portions 
were:—!. The Mark of the Villaga f'i.e., the inhabited part,) ; 2. The 
Arable Mark, or cultivated district ; 3. The Common Mark, or waste 
lands, on which cattle were pastured, &c Sir H. Maine states that tho 
cultivated land appears to have been almost invariably divided into three 
great fields, separated by baulks of turf, and having a rude rotation of 
crops, so that each field should lie fallow once in three yeai«. Each 
householder, however, had his lot in tlio common fields, but must con- 
form to the will of the rest of the community as to cultivation and leaving 
land fallow, with the right of the common flock to gmKe over the fallow. 
The Arable Mark, according to this view, was originally cut off the Cam- 
mon Mark, and, in some cases, shifted from one part, of the general 
domain to another. The system well illustrates the transition from 
collective property to individual property, when certain lands were 
alloted to certain penona ; and a further step when the system of "shift- 
ing severalties " came to an end, and each one enjoyed his land in per- 

The Mark system did not last long in England, and Professor Stubbs 
says that it cannot be safely afGrmed that the German settlers in Britain 
biought with them the entire system of the Mark organisation,' 

Sussex Marks. 
In Sussex the traces of the Mark are singularly distinct, especially in 
&a coast parishes from Brighton to Eastbourne, and bounded on the 
north by the South Downs, and the Mark was nowhere better developed 
than at Brighton, and possibly this is dne to the fact thst the first settle- 
ments of the Angles were in Sussex, when the system was most fresh. 
There was a constant tendency in thi» system to modify itself in the 
direetion of feudalism, and we accordingly find the Marks incorporated in 
or forming the manors of later times. The boundaries of the Sussex 
mantns are ill-defined, except in the Weald, and it is impossible here to 

"Norman CoDquMf^"!, 104, '"Conititatioiul History," J, B8., 



speak of the " ambit" of a manor, as almoet inrariably we find portiona 
completely outlying from the bulk of the manot, wheie it is of any 
extent and the lands of other manors aie strangely intennixed.' The 
small manor of Atlingworth in Brighton consisted, early in this ceutiuy, 
of no leae Uian eighty-three detached pieces all situate in different parts of 
Brighton. Coast manors had outlying parts in the Weald, thus the Manor 
of Emley, which formed part of the present parish of Brighton, was also 
partly situated at Edbnrton, at the foot of the Downa ; Hore and Preston 
formed one large manor, of which the Wealden parish of Bolney, foorteen 
miles distant, was held ; firoadwatei Manor had outlying porta in Sedg- 
wick, Horsham, and HTuthurst ;' Horton Manor lies at ttie foot of the 
Downs near Edburton and in Seeding parish, bat extends into the coast 
parishes of Kingston Bowzeyond Southwick;* tbeM&nor of West Tarring 
poesessea land at Marlpost (near Horahara), and is now colled Tarring- 
witb-MArlpost Almoet without exception the manors lying under the 
South Downs between Lewes and Newhoven have lands held of them in 
the Weald, in the neighbourhood of Chailey and NewicL These detached 
parts of manors ore probably relics of the Qomnvm Mark and were used for 
pasture, possibly for swine which were extensively kept in Sussex (see 
Domesday.) In East Sussex we find the largo Hanor of Brede extending 
into no less than ten parishee ; Filsham Manor into eight ; and Buckholt 
Manot into four parishea.* 

The word Mark only appears in three Sussex place-names, i.e., Mark 
Cross in Langhton ; Marklyin Warbleton; and Mark Stokes Common 
in Chailey ; and it is worthy of note that t^ese are all Wealden parishes 
and not fa apart 


The Teutonic settlers regulated the affairs of the primitiTe Settlements 
or Marks, and also decided questions of law and goTemment, in popular 
open-air assemblies, known as Moota or Motet, the growth and develop- 
ment of which are traced by Professor Stubbs, whilst Mr. Gomme has 
endeavoured* to identify the aitea of some early mooU. The Hundred 
Court of Tounsmere wss within living memory held on the open downs 
at a place known as " Younsmere Pit"" Hundred House Fann in 
Fiamfield and Hufidred Steddle Farm in East Wittering, no doubt, 
indicate the position of other Hundred Courts, whilst at Hastings we find, 
from a Charter dated 1 356, that the Commonalty nssembled in the Hundred 
Place, which is at the bottom of High Street, to choose bailifb and for 
otiier purposes.' They were summoned by sounding a horn (the Buigh- 
Moot Horn).! At Rye tho Hundred- Court met on Sundays (lemp, 
Henry YI), and the Mayor was chosen on the Sunday after the Feast of 
S. Bartholomew at an open-ur meeting at the ctose in the chnrchyord. 
The Commonalty were ennuooned by ringing a bell on the top of the 

■ThuinfomutionwoikiDcUriappEed '"Sum. Arch. Coll.," zziii, 32tl, S31. 

bj K A. Nicholaon, Esq., of Lsmi. ' " Bum. Aidi. ColL," xiv, 7%, 

' " Bum. Arch. ColL,'' zxv, 4S. * On tho anby of AnhUywp Bnaca 

■ Add. US., GSS5, p. 172. iota Cuitorbuiy, Ui« day baftm hk in- 

'" ■" itilktion in 1888, the Tima tUtm that 

Um old Buitilunota ham wu blown. , 


Court Hall, but at Wiuchebea a horn was blovn.' One of the meetings 
of tlie Cinque Ports ia tenned a " Biothei^ood and Gueatling," but the 
conneotion between the parish, and the Hundred of Guestling, and this 
meeting is obscure. 

Motcombe Laine, a group of fields in a hollow near Eastbonme, was, 
peiiiape, the site of a primitive moot, trhilst we find a Cowi Hill in 
Slindon paiiah, near Slindon House, and another Court Hill on the 
boundary line of Singleton and East Dean parishes. Moots were often 
held at tiie extremities of Harks, or parishes, on a kind of neutral terri- 
tory between the Marks, and the last mentioned place is perhaps an illus- 
tration of this, whilst pieces of land called " No Man't Limd " occnt in 
several places in Soesex. lu Finden parish thme is a " No Man's Land " 
at the junction of Sompting, Brambor, Stejning, and Finden ptoishea, and 
"Four Lords Burgh" at tiie junction of Falmer parish, with detached 

C'i of the parishes of Westmaaton, Chailey, and S. John-sub-Caatro, 
es. Both of these were obviously Moot places. At Oeatan Beech 
Field, Harting, there was formerly a clump of trees under which the Lord 
of the Manor used to receive petitions, complaints, ftc, from his tenants 
on his road from Lady Holt to Harting. Tim is, perhaps, a representa- 
tive of the Moot Hill and Sacred Tree.* 

Of the Mark-Moots we find in Sussex the names preserved in the 
Swainmote (or Wood Court) of Ashdown Forest; the WoodnuAe Court in 
Duddleswell Manor ; the Halimote Court (that of the Lord of Brixton 
Manor, 1656); the Aveg Courts in Duddleswell and Sonthmalling Ibnois 
respectively; the Faroe, "a court-like" meeting in Mayfield Sfonor; 
Le Lathe, a Court of the Bapo of Haatingaj and the Forest Court for 
Endlewick Manor.' The Swainmote and Woodmote related to the 
Forest, whilst the Avea Court and Paroc were held in connection with 
the keeping of swine in the forest The Last Court, held at Westham in 
reference to the fisheries,* perhaps originated Andrew Bordo's etories of 
the TFtve Men of Gotham, Gotham being a manor in the adjoining parish 
of Pevensey, where Bonle resided for some time. 

Kemble states that a striking example of the Mark jurisdiction is tbe 
" Court of Dens " in Kent which met to regulate the rights of tb« Mark 
men in the d&ie or pastures.' A few deni in East Sussex were under the 
jurisdiction of the Kentish court but it does not appear whether the large 
group of dera round Brighton were regulated by any court, though it is 
most probable, and Dean Hundred (which includes Patcham pari^) may 
have been the chief place of the dens. The Brighton deng, moreover, 
were situate in the Downs, and not in the Weald, as is the case in Kent 

The Villaob CoiaiDNiTT ik Briohton. 

It woold not be essy to find a better exemplification of the eaxif 

ViUage Community, or ifark, than can be traced in Brightoji.. From its 

lack of tangible relics of antiquity Brighton has bran the butt of the 

archfeologist and antiquary, but it preserved until aboiu the fiist quarter 

1 HaUowBj'R " HittotT ot Rye," pp. ndii, SOS ; Add. MSB., 6T0G, p. 108 Bud 

IGSand ISO. S701, p. 167 1 Somner, "iWtiu 09 

' " The Hutoty of HutiDg " (Rat. H. GaTelkind " ; " Bum. Anh. CoL," iv, 161. 

D. Gordon}, p. 223. * " Sum. ArdL OdL," vi, 207. 

■"Sum. AreL ColL," xiv, 61, »aA '" 1^ Suom iit aigUnd," i, Ul. 



of the present centnry all the features of a primitiTe Teatonie village, 
or settlement This was due to its comparative isolation, not 
being on a main road, or navigable river, and having no harbour or forti- 
fications, though for centuries it has been a populous place. 

The Old Town of Brighton was situated almost entirely below the clifib 
hut in time extended above. This was the Mark of the village. The 
ground was probably first broken up between East Street and West 
Street and possibly on the hill sides also, thus converting tlie Qommon 
Mark into Uie Arable Ztark. It is difiicult to trace the early history of 
the Mark in Brighton, but in the year 1738 a Terrier (or knd survey) of 
" the Common Fields " was made by Budgen, and another in 1792 hy 
another surveyor, and to the owners at these dates the titles to property 
in the town can still be traced with great accuracy We find thnt outside 
of the Old Town (which was bounded by Xorth Street, East Street, and 
West Street) were five large tracts of land known aa the Tenantry Lainea, 
and called the East Laine, Little Laine, Hilly Laine, North Laine, and 
West Laine. These laines were again divided into^rfon^a, which were, 
however, separated from each other by narrow roads called leaheay roadg. 
The land in the fnrlongs was in its turn sub-divided into long and 
narrow strips called pauU, ninning at right angles from the leakway 
roada In some cases the stripe, or paul-pieces, were of double width at 
one end ; this increased width extending for only half the length. These 
pieces were from their shape termed hatehetg. The laines were situated 
on the hill-sides, and the furlongs extended upwards, the leakways were 
thus at right angles with the hill-side, and the paul-pieces parallel to it. 
This mode of land division has had a singular effect on building opera- 
tions in Brighton, for the leakways have become main streets, as Sl^ 
James's Street, Edward Street, Church Street, Trafalgar Street, Glo'ster 
Road, Ac, whilst the smaller streets run parallel to the paul-piecea The 
primitive boundaries of the furlongs, ftc., are thus permanently preserved. 
The reference to the Common Field is still kept up in the majority of 
conveyances of land in Brixton by giving, after the description of the 
land and its abuttals, the name of the owner at the time of one or both 
TerriBTS, thus, "part of 4 pokls of land late FriencSs, "before QunrCg, 
ntuat» in the 3rd furlong in the EUly Laine in Brighton." 

The divisions of land, with the names of the Laines and Furlongs at 
Brighton, are more clearly shown in the accompanying map of the puish, 
which has been carefully compiled ftom three or four old maps. 

The term paui cannot be traced in any other pariah in the county 
except Brighton. Professor Skeat has kindly fnmished the following 
notes' oif &e terms Paul and Laine, " Padl. Certainly from the Anglo- 
Saxcvi p41 (long A, not pal), whence modem English pole and paid. 
Airf or Pawl will be found in Webster's Dictionary in quite another 
sense, but it is the same word. Moreover, the Ang^o-Saxon pdl is not 
English at all, but a mere corruption of Latin pains, a stake. So the 
sense is "stake." Luhk would rather suggest some such Anglo-Saxon 
form as Im (pronounced lain) which in Anglo-Saxon commot^y means 
" B gift , but the corresponding Norse word Un, pronounced precisely 
the same as IJaine, is the regukr l^al word fur a fief, fee, grant, or 

The Tenantry Laines of Brighton contained, according to the 1738 
terrier, 931 acres I rood, or 7,370 pauls (eij^t pauls in the tanantty 


measure being equnl to an acre). Thie quantity of land yraa divided into 
no leae than 1,258 paul-piecea, but theee were only held by 35 penons, ■ 
as many had paul-piecee in rariouB parts of the same furlong. Thete was 
also another meaaurement by yardlandt, the total number being 84. 

The pariah of Brighton conaiated of the Old Town, the Tenantry La*tie», 
and the Eastern and Weitem Tenantry Douim, and over the latter the 
owners of land in Uio lainea bad ceriiain rights of paature tenned leazeg, 
so named from the Anglo-Saxon Icesit, {tasture, or common. 

Trom an affidaTit mode early in the present century by Xathasiel 
Kemp, Esq., of Oviugdean, it appears that the Eastern Tenantry Down 
had then for many years been considered aa appurtenant to 68 jaidlands, 
comprising all the laines, except the West I^ina The latter consiBted of 
16 yardlands, which had an exclusive right of pasture over certain tracU 
of land known aa Black Rock, and West HilL 

It is very difficult to trace how the right of pasture became exclssively 
vested in the owners of land in the lainea, for there ia no doubt that in 
earlier times the inhabitants of the town genenlly had tome lightiL The 
Brighton Costumal of 1580 provided that the constable should have a 
hotse leaae, and the two headborongbs one cow lease and twenty-five 
aheep leases, "for tlieir pains and troubles in their office." The com- 
mon flock of sheep was kept on the Tenantry Downe. About the year 
1750, on the Eastern Down, 20 aheep in summer and 15 abeep in winter 
were allowed to be kept in respect of each yaidland, and the common 
shepherd, in consideration of Ms labours, could pasture 80 ahe«p in 
summer and 70 in winter. 

It appears that the custom of Tettanirj/ Lainea prevailed olao in moat 
of the South Down parishes near Brighton, find is found in the parisbiee 
of Eottingdean, Eodmill, Alfriston, Denton, Berwick, Seeding^ and 
and Kingston-near-Lewes, and can probably be traced in all the South 
Down pariehea from Brighton to Eastbourne. Amongst these, the lainea 
were best developed in Kingston parish, where we find, in tbe Siran- 
borough and West Laines, no less than 60 furlongs, and many oth^ 
furlongs in the Brooks, ftc 

It seems probable that the land in the Birighton Laines was cultivated os 
the " Common Field" system, especially as Uie earlier Court BoUa contain 
frequent allusions to Uie Common Fields and the Terrier of 1738 ia 
expressly t«rmed "Terrier of the Common Fields of Brighton." nie 
pmds, pals, or stokes were probably placed at the edges of the furlongs 
and indicated the parts of the crop to be reaped by each owner. The 
leakwayt apparently took the place of the baulks of turf, which, in other 
places under the Mark cultivation, separated the fields. The Tenantry 
flock was (as Mr. Kemp's affidavit ^ews) usuaUy kept on the Sheep 
Down, but when taken ^m the Down invariably kept on the &llow 
Ivids, or grattetu, in tlie Tenantry Lainea. 

FrofesBOi Nasae, referring to the development of village communities 
into manors, remarks that, in very many casea, the lord of the manor 
ahared in the communism, and hia land had to be tilled according to the 
common rules, was subject to the same rights of pasture, and ^ cattle 
grazed with those of his tenants upon the common pasture land.' This, 
perhaps, accounta for the number of divisions of AtUngwortb Manor 
already mentioned. 

* " Tilb^Coiamiuiitl*!," aBetiaContmpcrarj Betiae, Hqr, 187% p. 7n. 


L, Google 

tkkCBb OF IxtiTONtc sbttL^iehts m strssKX. it 

Amongst the northern nationa the homestead of the original settlet, 
with ioB r^ta in the arable and t»mmon marha, bore the name of Odtd 
or Sdhel, and the owner yiaa an Athelbonde; the aame viotA. Add, or 
Athd, aignified also nobility of deBcent, and an Adaling wae a nobleman.' 
The latter tenn is doubtless preserved in the name of the Manor of Atling- 
vorth in Brighton. Od or Odh signifies proprietorship, and al-od entire 
property, as distingoished from fe-od (from " fihu " or " fiu " cattle) the 
cattie property.' We have a further illufltration of the ancient and 
peculiar land holdings found in Brighton, in DomeBday, which ezpresaly 
mentions allodicU tenure as then existing in one manor in Bnghton, 
" Tret aloarij tamer de rege. E, ^ potaer ire qlibet ;" and Sir Henry Ellis 
in hie " General Introduction to Domesday Book " draws special attention 
to the existence of allodial tenure in Brighton and as " of a more qualified 
nature than Sir William Blackstona allows." 

Lot-Lakdb ahd D0LB& 

Another curious feature of the Mark Cultivation was the system of 
" shifting seveialtiee" wheraby the landowners received different pastures, 
&c, from year to year. In some cases the rights over the arable and 
pasture were determined by lot There are many illustrations of this in 
Sussex, as Dole-ham in Weatfield, Broke-do(en in West Firle, Lofg Pond 
in Stanmer, and Small Dok in Upper Beeding, Jbc. The DcManda 
(i.e., lands divided by lot, Anglo-Saxon dSlan to divide) are well illus- 
trated in Berwick, where the lots were put in a hat and then drawn. 
The curious customs of "the Drinker Acre" are fully described in 
" Suss. Arch. ColL," voL iv, in which it will be seen that the curious 
carved stakes or sticks bear a distinct relationship to the pdis or paxth 
before mentioned, and in Tmnehom by Hickst^d lands are still laid 
out for bay and termed "cnts," being stumped out with small stakes 
three inches square and painted white.' 

Marshall in his " Buml Economy of the Southern Counties, comprising 
Kent, Surrey, and Sussez," obeerves* that, " The Townships (on the 
coast) are below the middle size. This is a strong circumstantial evidence 
that the lands of the district were not only brought into their present 
form, but cultivated, before the laying out of Townships. It is probably 
one of those rich plote of country that were early cultivated and full of 
inhabitants, while the mountain swamps and less genial soils remained 
in a state of nature." 

Common Flocks. 
The Common Fhekt of sheep have already been mentioned in reference 
to Brighton and we find three Seab^s Ccuiles in this district (Anglo-Saxon 
eeaep, a sheep), presumably places into which the sheep were driven for 
safety on-warlike attacks j one of these is situate t« the south-east of tiie 
Brighton cemeteries, just below the Workhouse, and close to the hill 
fortress of White Hawk Down; another is in Fortslade parish, not far 
from the Devil's Dyke; and a third near Mount Cabum, another hill 
fortress. SaA Brow (a hiU) occurs in Stanmer parish. 

' Stubbe'i " ConstilutioiMl Butorj," * This mformation ii furnlatied b7 Mr. 

pp. 62 and G8. Eeiuett, of DitcUing. 

1 Sir Hanry Mains, " Early Law and * London, 178S, p, 38a 
Cnttom," p. S4<l. 


^6 Tiu^ss ot 'TBtwsno e,ifmjE3tsstii in stTSSKX. 

Thfi Sunex place-Damee connected with Saxon deities have already 
been considered by the writer in " Snss. Arch. ColL," toI. xxxiii. 


One of tbe Bp«cial features in connection with the customs of inherit- 
ance in Suaaex is the exttsordinary prevalence of Borough-English, i.e., 
inheritance by the youngest child. Mr. Geo. R. Comer, F.8.A., has 
catalogued no lees than 140 Sussex manors in which this custom is 
found,' and it seems probable that the actual number is far greater than 
this. This custom is, no doubt, of Teutonic origin and ite working has 
been ktety fully illustrated by Sir Henry Maine,' in reference to the 
dissolution of tha Slavonic Hmue Comvmnitiea, which gives room for the 
woriung of inheritance rules. In Turkey, each son as he grows np and 
manies leaves his father's house, taking with him the share which, under 
developed law, he would have had at his father's death. Perhaps there 
are few things, which at liiet sight seem to have a more distant connection 
with one another, than the cnstoms of Primogatittire, and Borough Uriglish, 
and the Scriptural Parable of the Prodigal Son. The customs vary as to 
which son stays st home, in the Scriptural account it is the eldest, but 
the youngest is most usual. It would seem that in Sussex the almost 
undue prevalence of Borough English is due to the early settlers, and this 
is further exempUfied by the fact that, whereas in many Sussex Manors 
" the Bondland'' or old tenements descend according to this custom, in 
the OMOrf or newly-cleared or ploughed lands descent takes place accord- 
ing to the common law rule, %.e. by primogeniture. The tnces of gavel- 
kind have already been mentioned. 

The "Book of Ancient Customs of Brighton, 1580," supplies another 
curious illustration of one of the rules of the Mark System, viz., the 
neoessity of consent to settlement in the Mark, in the provision that no 
owner or lessee of any house should admit any tenant, ftc, except such 
touant should, by the consent of the constable and churchwardens, first 
obtained in writing, be thought of sufficient ability to maintain himself 
without burdening the town. 

This is a furtiier illustration of the singular customs of the Andent 
VUl^e Community in Brighton. 

In conclusion, want of time has prevented a more thorough discussion 
of many interesting points, and it is to be hoped, that further collections 
of place-names, customs of land tenure, Ac., will throw much more light 
on the eoily Teutonic settlements in this county, and, very piohably, enable 
the botmdariei of some Marks to be discoreteo. 

"Sum. Aitfa. ColL,"n, IM, ix. '" E*tl]r L«w and Cnkta^" ^l S6<L 



I need hardly remind the meeting tli&t the Ooloay <^ 
British Honduraa is only an ^bitiarv division of the great 
Peninsula which bounds the Gidf of Mexico on the south, 
and that it has no separate ge<^raphical or etJinographical 
unity of its own apart from Yucatan, Guatimala, and the 
other Hispano-Inoian States which divide among them- 
selves what was once the seat of a great, a powerful, and 
a civilized lace. The objects which T have the pleasure 
of briomng to the notice of the Society this evening, 
which I owe to the kindness of my friend the Hon. 
Henry fowler, Colonial Secretary of British Honduras, 
should be examined therefore in connection with the 
history of that r^on as a whole, and with no special 
reference to the comer of it that they happen to come 
from. The people that painted the beautiful frescoes of 
Chichen-itza, that reared the monuments of Falenque and 
Copan, that - invented and used the elaborate and com- 
plicated hieroglyphics which still defy interpretation on ao 
many half buried monuments, were a race, in some 
respects, far beyond the stage of advancement represented 
by such stone weapons as are before us. It would have 
been impossible to execute with them the really el^pnt 
carvings drawn by Catermole, and of which a specimen 
has be^ recently brought to England by Mr. Maudsley. 
Their splendid temples, their elaborate ritual, the power 
of their priests and monarchs, their knowledge of astro- 
nomy, shewn by the Calendar stones and by tne accuracy 

1 B«ad at Hie Hontlil; Ueetitig of th* Inatit«tat Utf 9, 


of their luzuur cycles, their graceful fresco paiDtings,' all 
appear to me to indicate great advances in the arts, such 
as no people have ever made while limited to the use of 
fiint for their tools and weapons ; and we are driven to 
the conclusion either that these objects, if recent, are the 
evidences of an immense decline in the arts since the 
Spanish Conquest, that is to say, in about three centuries 
and a-hal£ or that they date back to a period long anterior 
to that event, and to an earlier race than the civilised 
people whom the Spaniards found in possession of the 

The first of these suppositions appears to me inconsistent 
with the ezcdlenoe of some of these stone implementa as 
such. They show a mastery in the art of cleaving and 
chipping the material such as comes of long practice and 
progressive improvement, a race which once possessed 
copper or other metaUic tools, and lost them by conquest 
and reduction to a state of slavery, would not, as it 
appears to me, if driven by necessity to the use of flint, 
recover in a century or two such a lost art. There is 
among these objects a fine lanceolate weapon of yellow 
flint 8^ inches long, which resemble the blade of a 
sacrificial knife preserved, with its handle, in the British 
Museum. These are probably examples of the continued 
use of flint knives for sacred purposes, long after the dis- 
covery of metals, of which we have femUiar instances in 
Ezod. iv, 25 and in Herodotus (Euterpe Izxxvi) and do 
not prove that metals were unknown to the prints. It is 
of course a possible thing that side by side with the 
civilised Azteks there may have existed Charib races 
never reclaimed, and who never abandoned the use of 
stone ; representatives of such races exist still, for we 
have the evidence of several recent travellers that 
spears, arrow-heads and axes of that material are in use 
among the Candones or unbaptized Indians of the interior 
of Guatimala ; but I have seen no evidence that they 
employ them extensively, or exhibit the skill evinced in 
the mannfecture of some of the objects on the table. 
Moreover there is a curious evidence that the wearers of 

' TluM ue Dot imraaentod W Cater- Sod«t7, 1S78, in m piper by Hr. 8. 
mob, in sxMDple wfll be found in the SBliibuij, 
FrosMdiiip of the Amerioui Antiqniriui 

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the rude omameats that accompany the weapons were 
not unacquainted with copper, for three of the beada or 
cylinders of diell before you are lined with that metal ; 
and we know Irom John de Verrazzano that at the period 
of the Spanish conquests this metal was much esteemed.* 
It is more likely to have been put to such a use before 
than after that epoch. 

Id Pottery we have here — 

1, 2, Two perfect vases of coarse red clay perforated 
at the bottom, probably for burning incense. (PI. No. 8.) 

These are of graceful shape, with a plaque or boss on 
one aide only, representing a human &ce wearing an ex- 
pression more or less of agony, which is characteristic of 
Central American and Mexican art. 

3, 4. These are portions of two other similar vases. 

5. A bowl of very thin clay of elegant shape, covered 
with a rude design. It was much broken, but has been 
since imperfectly cemented together. 

All these are irom a cave in the neighbourhood of 
Garbutt's Falls on the River Belize, and near the 
present boundary line. {Lat. 16° N. ; Lon. 89*). The one 
covered with a coating of limestone, " I found," says Mr. 
fowler, "in a large cave along side of a pile which once 
had served as an altar. The deposit had evidently 
accumulated from the lime contained in the drippings of 
the roof, and requires for its formation a considerable 
period of time." Mr. fowler entered this cave a long 
way. He thought half-a-mile, but estimates of distance 
under such circumstances are apt to be very deceptive. 

6. A curious small idol in a sitting position with a 
perforation which acts as a whistle on oeiug blown into. 
Probablj- a child's toy. (PI. No. 9.) 

This IS &om the banks of the Kiver UUoa in Spanish 

1 " Among vhom (the iDdluu of name atonee wliich they om ii«ttii'1 of Iran to 

SottUieni region) we raw manj plntas of out treBs." 

wrought wpper wbieb the; esteem more " Ths land u ntuated in thePtnUel of 

tJun gold, which for the colour they Rome iti 41 degreea uid 2 tercea," p. 

make no account of, for that among aU SSS. 
othCTH it 18 counted the bawiat i Uiey 
make no account of azure dud reL" 

" The aiTOWB which thsy use are mods p. 363. 
with greet canning, and instead of iron The relatioa of John de Verraizma, a 

they head them with flint, with jasper Floreotioe, lG2t, Haklujt. iVa. edit 

stone Kkd hard marble, and oltm- sharp ISIO, vol. iii, p. 8t>7. 

, C^KH^Ic 


7. Leg and foot of a sitting Bgure with numeroiis other 
broken fragments ; animal heads, ice. 

These were found on the bank of the Belize river, some 
half dozen miles lower, evidently at a place of interment. 
A human body was also found here which had been buried 
in a sitting position with the chin on the knees, and 
facing south. The bones fell to pieces on an attempt to 
remove them. 

Many of the obsidian knives were found here, with some 
of the beads and fragments of pottery. Some of the 
latter, from the glaze upon them and their ornamentation, 
would appear to be old Spanish, rather than native, 
perhaps of the sizteen'th century. 

With these were found several resinoua lumps, ap- 
parently copal, which is the product of several species of 
Hymen88a(OrderC<B»aiptm'a»), natives of Central America, 
and was much used by the Indiana in their worship for 

8. A vessel of good shape, but very coarse pottery, 
which holds about 2^ pints. The peculiarity is that it 
will not stand of itself, but must be supported on a stand 
or held in the hand, the bottom being coned down to a 
diameter of little over two inches, while the body is seven 
inches across. There were, in more convivial days, 
decanters in use which had the same form, but one 
hesitates to associate this vessel with the cult of any 
Indian Bacchus. 

Among the beads are several of a green mineral sus- 
ceptible of a high polish, evidently much prized, which 
has been pronounced by my friend. Professor Maskelyne, 
to be jadeite. It differs from jade in being slightly 
harder and heavier, and is in fact another mineral, 
first discovered in this very repon. The greater part 
of the beads are cut out of the thick part of some 
large shell, probably the conch, and imperfectly rounded, 
or left as elongated prisms. There is one of rock crystal, 
and there are two of lai^e size (one inch in diameter) 
of some lieavy mineral substance not identified. It is 
of a chocolate colour, with a metallic lustre, and these, 
as well as the crystal bead and some of the green ones, are - 
80 well polished and regular in form that they might have 
been turned on a lathe, but the boring is very rude. One 
of them has been shaped into a conventional resemblance 




L, Google 


to the human hand, which was a tribal or national emblem 
of some of the early American races. Lastly, there is a 
thin square plate of jadeite rounded at the angles and 
highly polished, perforated with two holes, evidently for 
the purpose of attaching it to some article of dress or 
ornament; it measures I "I inch across. 

To these objects must be added about thirty ovoid 
stones, deeply groved at the opposite ends, they weigh 
from Ij ozs. down to less than ^oz. and were, as I conjec- 
ture, used in some way in weaving. 

Thn way in which the shell cylinders, which are ex- 
cessively hard, have been perforated is, by boring straight 
holes from the opposite ends, which do not always meet 
exactly. (PI. No. 10.) Some of them are lined with thin 
copper tubes, for no reason that I can imagine except to 
enhance their value. It did not in any way enhance their 
beauty, not being visible externally. Copper utensils and 
weapons, as I need hardly remind the meeting, occur not 
unfrequentiy in the burial mounds of Ohio and Mississippi; 
the metal was procured in great abundance on Lake 
Superior, but it was undoubtedly very rare in Central 

Mr. F, Boyle in his interesting paper on the Ancient 
Tombs of Nicaragua (186G) remarks that the ancient 
inhabitants of that region do not appear to have been 
acquainted with the use of any metal.' On the other 
hand the anonymous Portuguese cavalier called the Knight 
of Elvas, who has left an account of De Soto's expedition 
(1539'43) says that the Spaniards saw copper axes in the 
haods of the Indians of Florida. The observations relate 
to different epochs and perhaps to different peoples. All 
that I infer from the present examples is that a high 
value was attached to it at the epoch when these orna- 
ments were made. 

Reverting to the stone weapons, the most interring 
of these are blue flint spear heads, beautifully formed, 
with shanks for their attachment to the handle fr'om two 
to two and a-half inches long. One of these, shank and 
all, is eight inches long, and baa been formed not by slow 
and laborious chipping or flaking, but by a few bold and 
masterly blows, deaving it, as if on natural planes, to the 

■ ATchiBologicalJouTiul, toL zxiii, p. 48. OoO'jIc 


required shape. (PI. No. 2.) These were found at the 
mouth of the Belize river, at a spot now submerged one 
or two feet below low water. It may be observed that 
some of them have portions of oyster shells and serpulffi 
attached to them. It would, perhaps, be hazardous to 
assume that the land has subsided some two or three feet 
since they were lost or buried, but this is at least an open 
question ; their number is such that they can hardly be 
the result of the casual upsetting of a canoe. Mr. fowler 
informs me that there are many indications that the land 
has subsided in this quarter, and if that be indeed the 
case we may accept it as evidence of considerable anti- 
quity, because subsidence at the most rapid rate known 
is rarely perceptible in so short a period as two or three 

The weathering on the surfaces of many of the arrows 
and axes as compared with the fresh appearance of the 
fractures on others is also, I conceive, a sign of antiquity; 
and the fact that we have among them nammer stones 
is against the accumulation being the casual result of the 
upsetting of a canoe. 

We have next some elegant scrapers or spears of a 
different fprm and a different quality of flint, of a yellow 
tint and texture approaching homstone. (PI. Nos. 3-6.) 
These resemble objects found in Denmark, and have been 
formed by skilfiil chipping. They are from the estate of 
Begalia on the river Sittu, about 60 miles south of Belize. 
The smaller arrow or spear heads with shanks of a trans- 
verse form (PI. No. 6-7) are from different plantations in 
the northern part of Honduras towards Yucatan. These 
are of a material approaching agate. They appear to be 
too heavy for arrow heads,' but not heavy enough for spears. 
They might do for darts, but these are not iwed. Ju the 
former tney imply strong bows and stout arms. I must 
not, however, omit to point out a dainty arrow-head of 
obsidian almost fit for Tltania. There is one good 
specimen of a flint pebble laboriously rubbed down to 
a " neolithic " celt. 

Among these articles are knapping stones for making 
arrowheiuis, and a quantity of imperfect weapons, broken 

* TbiB UiTw lighlMt wdg^ respectinly 140, 157, ind 172 gnloi. 



specimenfi, and flint flakes. These are from a spot near 
the coast, where there was evidently a manufactory. 

There are also stones, probably more modem, used in 
the preparation of food, a pistil and some fra^^eots of 
trachyte worn smooth by friction, and two stones which, 
from the groving upon them, were apparently used for 
sharpemng bone needles. 

The colony of British Honduras having been very little 
explored, and prehistoric remains from it being more rare 
OS yet than they are from other parts of Central 
America, I have thought that this notice might not be 
miacceptable to collectors. I am not among those who 
expect a key to be found to the Maya hieroglyphics, or 
much information of a directly historical chamcter to be 
derived from the few documents preserved, if they ever 
are deciphered. The number of elementary forms 
employed in making groups or characters, and the varieties 
of theur arrangement in combination, appears such as to 
preclude the idea that they were alphabetical. Certainly 
Bishop Landa's so called alphabet carries us but an 
infinitesimally small way towards the end ; and all that 
we know of the mode of preserving the national annals 
among other Indian races by knotted strings, belts of 
wampum and the like, points to a mnemonic system, 
as^sted probably by association of ideas, an imperfect 
picture writing, of which the secret was in possession of a 
priestJy caste alone, and perished with its last living 

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HeoriDg that two early windows had been exposed to view dnricg some 
repairs to the parish church of MinBter, a village about three miles from 
SheemeBB, on Bhortly afterwatds paying a visit in the neighbourhood, I 
found that the boarding liehind the wdl-piecea of the now roof, which in 
the interval had been put on the south nave, had been carried some four feet 
down the face of the north wall owing to tlie unequal height of the nave, 
and entirely concealed the old work in that part of the church. In the 
north nave, however, two irregularly formed blank arches, formed of 
Roman bricks and about five feet wide, were etill visible, the new plaster- 
ing having not then been commenced. Their jambs, formed of rough 
stones, had been cut through in the Early English period by the arches 
which were inserted when the present nave was built From the width 
of the brick arches being greater than that of the windows in the south 
nave (as deacribod by the vicar and the clerk of the works), there could 
be but little doubt that they were interior window-arches, even if the 
original building which they once served to light bad formed part of a 
church with side aisles. 

No corresponding brick arches occurring on the inside of the north 
wall of the church, it was at firat thought that it might have been re- 
built; but on obtftiaing a ladder to search for early work outside, on 
removing some of the plaster with which the entire surface of the wall 
was covered, I detected part of a brick arch, adjoining a Perpendicular 
window, which proved to be nearly apposite the westernmost of the old 
windows in the south wall of the original nave; and, on further search 
being made, another window-head of the same kind was discovered close 
to a second Perpendicular window, and in a corresponding position as 
regards the second brick arch. The openings of the original windows had 
bmn utilised when the Perpendicular windows were introduced; and this 
accounted for the absence of inteniEil brick arches in the north wall of 
the church. Fortunately, the love of uniformity, which prevailed in 
the fifteenth century, led to the new windows being placed exactly opposite 
the centres of Uie Early En^^sh arches between the two navea This 
preserved the west jambs, and half the brick arches of the old windows 
in the exterior wall, the new bee-stone jambs being inserted in the 
existing openings and the walling cut away eastward for the introduction 
of the remainder of the new stonework. The height of the Tcrpcn- 
dicular windows above the ground, which is much greater than would 
have been otherwise the case, vIet 14 ft, was also due tff the use of the 
old openings. 

^ B«ad at the Honthlr llMdiig of the Inrtltato, Hani 

« Id ihc DoRh will of Hinucr Omrcb, Sbeppty. 

t, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


Further exftminstion of the exterior of the north wall led to an intenet- 
ing discovery. A small piece of red tile was noticed as projecting beyond 
the nniform coat of plaster with which the wall was covered. It was 
about twelve feet from the ground and on removing a portion of the 
plaster proved to be the upper comer of a Roman flne-tile, which had 
been slightly twisted in the burning, and bat for this accident the line- 
tile would have remained concealed beneath the plasteriag. The dis- 
covery led to a closer examination of the wall in the interior, when the 
end of a similar tile was found in the same position ; and, shortly after- 
wards, fonr others were detected at an average distance of six feet, 
ffleaenred from cen^ to centre, and about ten feet above the floor of the 
church. They had previously escaped notice owing to their being 
covered with the remains of the old plastering, which rendered them india- 
tingnishable from the rubble fonning the walls. All the flne-tiles wets 
filled with email pieces of atone and mortar ; and, with the exception of 
one, which was concealed behind an Early EngUeh buttrees, were fonnd, 
by measnring equal dietancea of six feet, to occur also on the exterior, 
beneath the plastering, which was removed at these intervals for the 
purpoae of ascertaining the faci 

For what purpose these tiles were intended it is difficult to form any 
certain conclusion. The description of tile suggests that they may have 
been used to convey warm air intothe church from an adjoining buildings or 
they may have been employed for the purpose of conducting the sound of 
ehanta and services into a cloister or room on that side of the church ; 
and the remains of a rude string or weathermoulding along part of the 
exterior of the north wall, above the lino of flue-tiles, would give some 
colour to either view. 

Another explamition of the tiles is that they served as " putlog" holes, to 
receive the ends of joists for the support of a gallory; but their clear internal 
dimensions (six inches by three inches) would appear insuihcicnt for such 
a purpose. A fourth guess might bo that they were intended as spy-holes 
to observe the approach of marauders, the inmates not being able to use 
the windows for that purpose owing to their height from the ground. 
They could only have been available, however, for distant view. In an 
illumination shewing a Saxon church in Cedmon's i^spels, there are 
several square or slightly oblong holes, over a doorway, which is situated 
at some height above the ground. It is possible that they may have been 
for the some purpose as the holes at Minster. 

There is another perplexing feature at Minster Church, viz. : a aeries 
of seven square openings, each one foot three inches wide, with jambs 
one foot two inches high. They extend quite across the east wall, at 
a height of about fifteen feet from the level of the pavement, and 
belonged apparently to the original churcL As the wall above them was 
not an old one, the jambs may once have been higher, and the openings 
which retain the same width to the outside were possibly arched. >fo 
entirely satisfactory explanation has yet been given of this feature. In a 
record preserved at Canterbury, however, reference is made to an " upper 
choir " in Minster church which may possibly have been a loft or gallery 
for the nuns of the adjoining manBst«ry. If so, light may have been 
originally obtained through these openings. The ends of two oak beams, 
black with age, which exist in the east wall, about seven feet below 
the brick jambs, seem to countenance the idea that there was once a 


gallery liere, but tliero is uotihit^ to show that it was of the date of the 
openii^ It should be mentioned that until recently there was a school- 
Toom at this (east) end of the church approached by a wooden staircase at 
the south-east comer. Its supports were inserted at a somewhat lower 
level than the remains of the beams above alluded to ; and the unusual 
position of this schoolroom may indicate that it was the succeeeoF of 
some other erection, the beams of which had decayed.' 

We have now to see what evidence history affords of a Saxon Ghuich 
at Minster. This, owing to a Royal personage having been the foundress 
of the monastery attached to it, is more definite than usual, though it is 
.left somewhat uncertain whether there may not have been a British 
Church or Basilica already existing when the convent was established. 

Dugdale (Mon. ii, p. 49) informs ua that Minster Abbey was founded 
by Sexbeiga, the widow of Ercombert, King of Kent, who obtained land 
from her son Egbert for the purpose. She became the first Abbess and 
took pogseseion of the monastery, accompanied by seventy-seven nuns, in - 
the year 676, 

Speed dates the foundation some years later, viz., in 710 ; but Tanner* 
and Leland' both point out that Sexberga obtained the endowment for 
the monastery, as well as the site, from Egbert, who is known to have 
diedin 673. Also, a monastery is mentioned as existing at Minster in 
the Acta of the Council of Be^anson, which was held in 694.' 

On Sexbeiga subsequently resigning her office of Abbess she was suc- 
ceeded by her daughter Ermenilda, on the death of the King of the East 
Angles her husband. Nothing more is known of the history of Minster 
until the ninth century, when it is recorded that the nuns suffered much 
harm during the frequent incursions of the Danes. Dugdale, alluding to 
this, says this monastery was at last in a great measure destroyed by 
them ;' and, according to Hasted, the edifice remained in a ruinous con- 
dition till the latter part of the reign of William the Conqueror, who is said 
to have removed the nuns from a monastery near Sittingboume to 
Minster, on account of their Abbess having been found strangled in her 
bed. Nothing much appears to have been done to the buQdinga at 
Minster, under the above circumstances ; for they are described as having 
continued " in a mean condition till the year 1130, when the monastery 
was re-edified, and replenished with Benedictine nuns" by William 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and dedicated to St. Mary and St. Sexbeiga. 

Iceland, who gives this information, remarks that from the parish 
church at Minster retaining the some dedication, " it is supposed by some 
to have been the very church itself, but by others that it adjoined if* 
Hasted states that the church formed part of the endowment of th« 
monastfiry at its first foundation. Weever a&ye, " some part of it is now 
converted into a parish church;'" but it appears to have been such long 
before the dissolution. 

' A plun Bqiuie - headed two • light ' " Colled.," voL i, p. S9. 

wiadow, high op in the north w«U, was * l^aer, ed. 1816. 

probably introduced to light the m^ooI- ■ The first visit ot the Donea to Stuippf 

room in the sixteenth oentury. A copjr is said to have been in 830. 

of it has, unfortunately, been introduced * Leland, " ColL," v. i, p. S4. 

" A gable wall during the recent ^ " Funeral MonumonU," ed. 1081, f. 

" Not. Hon.," Kant, Ur. 

t; Gooj^le 


No Nonnan work ia distin^ishsble in any part of the church, unless 
part of a circulsr-heoded window in the north wall formed of atone, with 
no chamfera or mouldings, at the same height as the windows with the 
brick arches, is conaideied to be of that date. It is filled in with coarae 
nibble, and partly concealed by ivy. The repairs effected by Archbishop 
WilU^n may have been coidined to doineatic buildings now destroyed. 
The length of the original church appears to have been 72 ft. internal 
dimensions, and the width, which was uniform throughout, 20 ft 
The height of the walla externally on the north side are now as much as 
33 ft In the exterior the floor is two feet above the level of the ground 
on the same side. 

An Early English arch was thrown across the old nave, 20 ft from 
the east t™II, at the time the arcade was introduced between the north 
and Bouth naves. There is no structural division in the Early English 

Minster Church is be^t known from its containing the monument of a 
Enight, whose effigy ia accompanied by the head of hia war charger, 
carved in stone. 'Diere are also other monuments of interest, bnt it was 
not suspected to contain Saxon r 

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Perhaps I cannot do better than to devote this address 
chiefly to a recapitulation of my own investigations and 
those of others with whom I have been associated, in 
Sussex and Kent. Although I have not the honor of 
being a native of either of these counties, I happen to 
have had the opportunity of making excavations &om 
time to time in camps, tumuli, and other monuments of 
antiquity in this district. I cannot therefore plead entire 
ignorance of the antiquities of this part of the country 
as an excuse for any stiortcomings that may be noticed 
in what I am about to say. I must rather ask your 
indulgence upon grounds of the pressure of other business, 
and the length of time which has elapsed since the 
excavations I speak of were discontinued, owing to change 
of residence to another part of the country 

Up to the present time, this meeting, under able 
guidance, has devoted its attention chiefly to the study 
of historic times and the history of this county in 
particular. For the majority of men and women this 
branch of archaeology must always have greater interest, 
because we all know something of the history of our 
coimtry, and to visit the localities in which great events 
have occun-ed helps us to realise the scenes with the 
accounts of which we are familiar. Antiquities — meaning, 
as I understand by that term, relics and objects of 
antiquity — in the study of historic times, serve only a 
secondaiy though still an important part, by giving us 
an insight into the life and habits of the people, the 
main events of whose career of war and conquest and 

* Read Au^uit Sn), 1883. 



political developmeut are already known. But when we 
resolve ourselves into a section for the special study of 
antiquities, it appears natural that we should turn to 
that portion of unwritten history in the knowledge of 
which antiquities play the chief part. In the study of 
pre-historic times antiquities are no longer to be regarded 
as accessories to a general knowledge of the people, they 
are the only evidence we have of them. 

When in the moat of some Norman fortress we come 
upon a hoard of weapons associated with relics of the 
age of the Conquest, we know that they belonged to the 
people who invaded our shores in the eleventh century 
and marched to Dover ; we know their language and that 
the stock from which they sprung was, roughly speaking, 
the same as that of the people with whom they fought, 
and that they introduced amongst us the names of some 
of the families that are living upon their estates at the 
present time. From the rehcs of this period little is to 
be learnt beyond the sphere of art and handicraft ; the 
interest which attaches to such subjects is more senti- 
mental than useful. The main outlines of the picture 
have already been buUt up in our minds through the 
agency of more reliable and direct evidence, and they do 
no more than supply some of the lights and shadows. 

Very different is the problem to be solved by the 
archeeologist when on the summit of some unfrequented 
down or heath, or on the sides of a river valley, a like 
discovery is made of the rehcs of pre-historic times, and 
far more complex are the requirements which have to he 
brought to bear on the discovery in order to reap from it 
the information which it is able to disclose. It so often 
happens that valuable evidence is lost, owing to the want 
of proper observation at the time of a discovery, that, as 
I am now addressing some who have not paid special 
attention to pre-historic archseology, it may be useful, 
perhaps, if I dwell for a moment on the course of 
mvestigation which has to be pursued in dealing with 
this subject. 

Firstly, we have to put into requisition the services of 
the geologist, with his knowledge of the earth's crust, to 
exiunine the deposits and determine to what period of 
the earth's history the relics belong ; whether to ,ttWf,' 


river drift, or alluvium, or to the more recent surface 
period; whether to a time when the surface of the land 
bore the same or a different aspect to what it does at 
present, or, if discovered in artificial banks and earth- 
works, whether any evidence can be gleaned from the 
amount of denudation that has taken place since they 
were deposited there. 

Then comes the palaeontologist, who examines the 
animal bones that are found in the same deposit in 
association with the relics, and from bis classification of 
them we have to judge whether the deposit was coeval 
with the existence of extinct or recent animals, wild or 
domesticated breeds. By the quality of the bones and 
boms the wild are distinguished from the tame animals. 
The presence of the dog marks a distinct phase in the 
hunter's existence. The constant use of tne horse for 
food shews, perhaps, that the real merits of the animal 
had been insufiiciently appreciated, the presence of certain 
snails mark changes in the flora of the district, and 
the character of the woods employed for tools and weapons 
denote changes in the climate of the country, or, perhaps, 
the occasional presence of human bones amongst articles 
of food speaks of a condition of society that is different 
from our own. Nor does the work of the comparative 
anatomist end when it is discovered that the animals 
were domesticated, for up to quite the commencement 
of our era it is possible by a careful examination of the 
bones of domesticated animals to form some idea of the 
distribution of particular breeds. This was a part of 
the subject which occupied the attention of Professor 
BoUeston up to the time of his lamented death. Although 
I am able to distinguish some of the principal animal 
bones, such as those of the horse, ox, sheep, deer, 
etc., yet not having sufficient knowledge of comparative 
osteology to be able to rely on my own identifications, I 
was in the habit of sending him the bones found in 
different excavations, properly ticketted, and from them 
he was gradually accumulating a mass of information 
bearing on the oiBtributiou of pre-historic domesticated 

After this the pre-historic archseologist takes up the 
thread of the investigation, and brings his experience to 

_.cty Google 

bear on the fonns of the relics themselves, for experience 
has proved that the forms of human art and handicraft, 
no less than the strata of geological deposits, or the breeds 
of animals, develop in continuous sequence, and the 
accumulated experience of successive archfeologists enables 
us in many cases to determine at a glance by its form and 
material aJone the place in sequence to which any object 
of antiquity belongs. If, for example, a bronze socket 
celt of the ordinary type, constructed to enable the bent 
handle to fit into a socket hi such a way that every blow 
given to it in use had the effect of tightening leather than 
of loosening the hafting, were to be brought to any 
archEeologist by a workman with a definite statement as 
to the position in which it was found, within certain limits 
it would be impossible that the archaeologist could be 
deceived by any misstatement, because we know that the 
history of this weapon has been marked by a succession 
of improvements both of material and form, commencing 
in the Neolithic or Later Stone Age, and continuing over 
the whole of the period of unknown duration until the 
Later Bronze Age was reached. During this time the 
material was converted from flint to bronze, and the 
succession of forms shew constant endeavoui' on the part 
of the fabricators to make the implement more useful iis 
aji axe and the hafting more secure and firm, until at last 
the socket celt was developed, and on it are sometimes 
found in its ornamentation traces of the intermediate 
stages through which the weapon passed on its road to 
penection. During this development many varieties were 
produced, some of which led to no further improvement, 
just as in the development of species, varieties of breeds 
were sometimes produced, which dying out led to no 
further results, but in every case it is easy to see from 
what stage in the main stem of development these side 
shoots branched off, and to assign to them their proper 
places in the general progress of the art. 

If it had been possible, which of course it was not, 
that the varieties of art forms should have been as 
numerous and as complex in primitive times as they are 
at present, and that constant change without order or 
progress should have taken place, tne difficulties of the 
archaeologist would liave been greatly increased. It is, 



because progress has tended to advance uniformly bom 
the simple to the complex that an element of certainty 
has been introduced into our calculations, and this per^ 
sistent tendency of primitive things to sameness must be 
held to be an answer to the observations frequently made 
by the opponents of archseological research ; for archaaolo- 
gists, like all other bodies of men, have their enemies as 
well as their friends, who say to them, " jou keep digging 
up the same thing oper and over again, one of a kind will 
do as well as another without incessantly repeating the 
process." The things dug up are not absolutely the same, 
there are difterences which are noticeable only to the 
expert, but it is the tendency of all primitive contrivances 
to sameness which gives so much importance to minute 
varieties as indications of the direction in which progress 
has been going on. 

But we should be wrong if we assumed that the 
changes in past time any more than at present were uni- 
formly in the direction of improveruent, for we have 
degeneration as well as progress to take into account as a 
persistent element of change. Not only have there been 
in times past as there are at present, commiuiities living 
side by side with normal communities in a lower condition 
of culture than the average, using commoner and simpler 
things, but there is also a tendency for every form of art 
and industry to degenerate as soon as it is superseded by 
more advanced fonns. 

We know that not only did there exist in the bronze 
age communities who used flint for tools, hut in the iron 
age the same material appears still to have been employed 
by some of the poorer class of people for like purposes. 
But there is a character of degeneration about the imple- 
ments so constructed, and the same labour was not 
expended upon them as when flint was the only and best 
material of which tools could be made. Then again in 
studying the ornamentation of any given period upon 
which i3ie archaeologist so much depends for fixing the 
age of any reUcs that may be submitted to him, it is 
found that the ornamentation of any given period is very 
frequently made up of survivals from the ornamentation 
of previous periods, or of imitations of contrivances no 
longer in use, but originally intended to tserve useful 

puEpoeeB ; and in the same way that the strata of any 
^vea geol(^cal period is made up of re-arrangemeots of 
previously existing strata, or the language of any race of 
men is made up of contractions, abbreviations, and 
phonetic decay of previously existing languages, or the 
written character of any age is composed of symbols 
derived from pictorial representations of an older age, so 
the ornamentation of any given race or time has b^n in 
a great measure produced by the realistic degeneration of 
forms of art of a period which preceded it, and this 
enables us to establish a sort of chronology by which 
within certain limits the age or place in sequence of any 
object of antiquity may be determined by its form alone, 
afwrt from the corresponding evidence of position and 
associated animal remains to which I have referred. 

After all has been done that is possible by these means 
to determine the age of the relics, then comes the 
question which for most people has greater interest, viz. : 
who were the people by whom the things were made and 
used ? and for this, in studying pre-historic antiquities, 
we are dependent entirely on the labours of the physical 
anthropologiBt. This is generally an investigation apart 
from the ordinary work of the archaeologist, mid reference 
has frequently to be made to some one whose knowledge 
of anthropometry enables him to form an idea of the 
proportions of the various bones. By measuring the 
least circumference of any human bone that may be ' 
discovered in association with the relics, and comparing 
it with the greatest length of the bone, it is possible by 
the perimetral index thus obtained, to express in figures 
whether the individual to whom it belonged was a thick 
made or a slender person. The various processes have to 
be examined for indications of the peculiarities which are 
characteristic of race, the sections of the bones are looked 
at to see whether they are round, or have the flat 
platycnemic contour which is usual in some of the earlier 
breeds of men, the relative length of the arms and legs as 
compared with the trunk is also recognised as a distinct 
pecuUarity. By a measurement of the length and height 
of the bony opening of the eye, the orbital index is 
obtained, which is a distinct racial test ; by the nasal 
index it is seen whether the race was characterized by a 


broad or a narrow nose ; by the cephalic index, round- 
headed or brachycephahc are distinguished from dolicho- 
cephalic or long-headed types, and by the bony stracture 
of the face we are able in some cases to distinguish the 
broad massive jaw and often aquiline nose of the .Celt, 
from the rounder and less marked features of our Anglo- 
Saxon forefathers. 

By this means a very fair idea can be obtained of the 
racial peculiarities of the people, but in order to arrive at 
satisfactory results, it is often necessary to restore the 
bones with gelatine and re-construct them. A few 
skeletons are insufficient : they must be measured in 
sufficient number to obtain reliable averages, and this is a 
point in which the pre-historic archKologist sometimes fails 
to receive adequate assistance from persons, who, as owners 
of property or otherwise, might be in a position to help 
him. Tt not unfrequently happens that well intentioned 
persons shew an irrational anxiety to have skeletons 
immediately re-interred, even sometimes with religious 
rites. I have known this claim set up by well-meaning 
Christians, on behalf of the remains of people who would 
certainly have eaten them it" the suggestion had been 
made to them in life. It is right tliat every possible 

t)rotection should be given to the remains of the dead as 
ong as anything is known about the people that the bones 
belonged to. We respect the bones of the dead as a tribute 
to the memory of the people when they were living, and a 
due regard for the remains of the dead is a most 
necessary provision in aid of the law, but after all recol- 
lection of them has been wiped away, a morbid reverence 
for the adcareous portions of miscellaneous dead bodies is 
not only superstitious in itself, but it greatly impedes the 
iidvancement of knowledge. The difficulties of the 
subject are greiit enough without needless obstruction, 
for after all has been done that osteology can do to throw 
light on the races of pre-historic times, there is one point 
in which archEcological investw;ations must always fail iis, 
and this arises from the fact that in the determination of 
Race, character, refinement, energy, beauty, and every 
human quality, the fleshy and perishable parts of the 
• body are of far more importance than the bones- 

I have made these few general remarks rather fori^jthfe; 


benefit of the uninitiated than for the information of 
arohssolcwfiste, who are famiUar with the eubjeot, in order 
to show how various are the qualifications which have to 
be brought to bear on a pre-historic . discoveiy, how easy 
it is for any intelligent person to assist, or for anyone not 
versed in these matters to thwart and hinder the investi- 
gations of the pre-hiatorian. What is most to be desired 
IS, that every discovery should at once be placed in the 
hands of some known and reliable man, who, if he does 
not possess all the requisite qualifications himself — and 
there are few who do — is at any rate in communication 
with others from whom the necessary identifications can be 
obtained, and with whose assistance the investigation can 
be worked out thoroughly. In the course of my wan- 
derings, either as Inspector of Ancient Monuments, 
recently, or at various other previous times, I have met 
with BO many cases in which evidence of great value has 
been lost through these causes, that I think the matter 
cannot be too forcibly urged upon the attention of a local 
arohfBological meeting, having for its object the spread of 
archaeological research. 

Having said this much upon the elementary part of 
the subject, I will now give a brief account of my own 
investigations and those of the archseologists who have 
been associated with me in this neighbourhood. By 
taking this course you will know that what I speak of, if 
it does not relate to the most recent or the most important 
discoveries, is. at any rate, original, and not liable to mis- 
interpretation through being delivered at second hand. 

Of all the vestiges of pre-historic times which remain 
to us, camps afford perhaps the most interesting and 
reliable evidence of the every day life of the people. But 
the examination of them is a work of great time and 
patience, and the relics generally discovered are of little 
mtrinsic value beyond the actual evidence they convey ; 
and for this reason, camps have received eomparativelv 
little attention. 

From the turauli we derive evidence of the things 
deposited with the dead during their funereal obsequies, 
but the relics found in camps and dwellings are the things 
that were in every day use, and, therefore, give us a 
better insight into the social condition of the people. 

But it is proved that of these cam{)s, many continued to 
be occupied for a long time, perhaps for many generations 
after they were made, and in some cases by people of 
another race; and it is always necessary, therefore, in 
making excavations, to distinguisli between the original 
construction and ultimate occupation of the place. The 
way of doing this may be briefly explained. When an 
earthwork was about to be bmlb, in those days when 
labour was cheap and abundant, a large number of people 
were probably congregated on the spot, and tbey left 
things about on the ground, and broke their rudely baked 
and fragile earthenware vessels, fragments of which soon 
became strewed upon the surface, and it was not thought 
worth while to pick them up again. When the ditch of 
the fortification was dug, the earth from it was thrown 
up behind to form the rampart, and all that was \jing 
about on the surface of the ground was soon covered over, 
and by that means preserved for ever; so that in ex- 
amining one of these camps, it is only necessary to cut a 
section through the rampart until the old surfiiee line is 
reached, which in a chalk country is usually very dis- 
tinctly marked by a dark line, indicating the old line of 
turf*. All that is found on this old surface line must be 
of the age of the construction of the camp, or earlier ; 
and from the quantities of fragments of pottery very 
often found, some with characteristic ornamentation upon 
it, is easy to distinguish what belongs to the age of the 
camp, as the result of a large congregation of people, from 
the few things of a different kind that may have 
been accidentally dropped there earlier. By this means 
a comparison is also fible to be made between the .relics 
which are of the age of the first construction of the camp 
and those found in pits or other excavations in the 
interior, which may, some of them, be of a later date. In 
this way, by noticing carefully the position in which 
things are found, the whole history of the camp may be 
worked out ; but it is a work of great time and patience, 
because it sometimes happens that several sections have 
to be dug before anytiiing of the nature of evidence is 

In September 1867, 1 walked over the greater part of the 
Sussex Downs, and examined the various camps that are 

AJ>DBESa. 67 

situated on the summits of the hills, including Beltout, 
Seaford, Newhaven, Mount Cabum, Hollingbury, White 
Hawk hill, Ditchling, Wolstanbury, Devil's Dyke, 
Chanctonbury, Highdown, St. Roche's Hill and Cisabury, 
which by some have been supposed to be a system of forts, 
combining for the defence of the coast. 

But this supposes a degree of civilization and organiza- 
tion for national purposes for which tliere is no warrant, 
either in the account which Csosar gives of the condition 
of the inhabitants of Kngland, or in anything that is Ui be 
gleaned by analogy from other people in the same con- 
dition of culture. It seems more probable that these camps 
wei:e the strongholds of independent tribes con.stantly at 
war with each other, and are the places to which they 
resorted with such goods, and perhaps cattle, as they could 
get together during a predatory neighbourly attack. The 
general absence of water, in connection with these camps, 
has been given as a reason for supposing that they were 
not fortifications or habitations of any kind, but this may 
be accounted for in two ways, either by supposing, what 
there is good reason for believing was the case, viz., that 
in early times the country being much more wooded, and 
consequently much wetter then at present, springs ran out 
at a higher level in the hills then they do now, or that, as 
the predatory attacks of uncivilized tribes generally last 
only a short time, and the attacking party seldom sit down 
to a protracted seige, the defenders may have carried with 
them in skins or other vessels sufficient water to last a few 

Little can be g^ned by a supei-fici^d examination of 
these camps beyond the fact that they are many of them 
associated in an especial manner with the occurrence of 
flint flakes on the surface. This gives rise to the questions 
to which I have already advert^, viz : up to what time 
was flint in use for certain of the rougher purposes of 
industry, and also may not the same sites liave been 
occupied during successive periods by people using different 
kinds of tools. 

The art of war has been so uniform in its prevailing 
features throughout time, that there i-s little in the prin- 
ciples of military defence to distinguish the camps of one 
people in a primitive condition of Hfe from those of another, 

and although it is an established fact that the campa of 
the Britons ■were thrown up more in accordance with 
recognised principles of defence than those of the Romans, 
this antse probably more from the contempt in which the 
latter people held their enemies, and their greater re«ird 
for interior economy, discipline, fiael and water supply, 5ian 
irom Ignorance of the requirements of a good defensive 
position. Attempts have been made with some plausibility 
to classifyjthese camps according to their outlines alone, 
apart fromltheir associated relics, but I hardJy think we 
havefsufficient evidence at present for accepting any such 
classification, and I shall presently shew reason why we 
ou^t to be very carefiil in acceptmg any such theories. 

The only real method of throwing any light upon tie 
subject is by means of excavations, and I will therefore 

five a briet account of the excavations conducted in Ciss- 
ury Camp by myself and others, which may be r^arded 
as a good example of the way in which the work of suc- 
cessive explorers may be made to combine in producing 
sattsfactorr results. 

Up to me time of my first discovery of the great flint 
workshop there in 1867, nothing had been done to 
associate these Camps in any way with the fabrication of 
flint implements. The discovery of an isolated specimen 
of a flint celt here and there had been recorded but 
without lurther results. 

The interior of Cissbury Camp, as most people in this 
neighbourhood are now aware, is honeycombed with 
circular basin shaped depressions, almost touching each 
other in their circumference. They had given rise to various 
speculations, and by some had been supposed to be habi- 
tations, by others tanks for water and so forth. My 
attention having been especially drawn to the occurrence 
of flint flakes by the examination of other camps, I was 
stnick with the enormous ntunber of them in the neigh- 
bourhood of Uiese pits, and, moreover, evidence of a flint 
workshop was shown by the different kinds of flakes that 
were seen in diSerent spots. Whilst one place was 
scattered over with large fcikes apparently thrown ofi* in 
the first rough shaping of a celt, in other spots small chips 
collected t(^ether shewed where the tools had been trimmed 
to perfection by fine chipping. This led me to excavate a 

number of the pits Trhich resulted in the discovery of a 
lai^ number of flint celta in various stages of perfection, 
most of them apparently abandoned and thrown away 
during the process of manufacture, perhaps from some flaw 
or defect in the composition of the material. The iact of 
its being a flint workshop was placed beyond doubt, and it 
became evident that the use of the pits was to obtain flint 
for the formation of these tools, which was further con- 
firmed by observing that seams of flint occur in this chalk 
at such a depth as to be easily reached by such basin- 
shaped depressions as were found there. The result was 
duly reconied by me in the Archaeolt^;ia.' Canon Green- 
well subsequently made excavations in these pits, and 
confirmed my discovery in every particular, but both 
Canon Greenwell and myself failed to discover the extent 
and depth of these flint mines at that time, owing to the 
great difficulty which always exists in distinguishing made 
chalk from the disintegrated portions of the natural chalk 
near the surface, and also to the fact that nothing had, up 
to that time, led us to suppose it likely that flint would be 
sought at auch a distance beneath the sur&ce as was aiter- 
waros found to be the case. Hardness of surface is no 
criterion of having reached the undisturbed chalk, for a 
made surface of Mialk will become by the absorption of 
water in time even harder than a natural surface, and 
much valuable time has often been wasted before the 

Suestion of having reached the undisturbed surface is 
ecided, the only real proof being wben the chalk flakes ofl" 
in stratified layers, and this stratification is not reached in 
some cases, even in the natural chalk, until some depth 
beneath the surface. Although we reached the pure chalk, 
in every case it was only, as we now know, the hard sur- 
&ue of the filling of deep shafts which lay beneath, and in 
this way we missed an important discovery. 

The way in which this discovery was afterwards made 
is of interest. About the time that my first excavations 
were being made at Cissbury, a railway cutting was being 
made through the chalk between Frameries and Chinay, 
near Spiennes, in Belgium, and this laid bare several deep 
shafts, which were found to lead down from pits on the 
surface, similar to those of Cissbury, at the bottom of 

■VoLiIii,p. 17, /IOJjIc 


which galleries were found, which had been driven in 
different directions to work out the Telns of flint. This 
gave a much more extended notion of the flint mining 
operations of the Neolithic people than had been before 
thought of, and specimens from Spiennes soon became 
common in all the museums of Europe. Shortly after 
this, Canon Greenwell happening to be carrying on his 
investigations near Brandon,' which has always been the 
gi-eat workshop of the gun flint manufactory, chanced to 
come upon a collection of pits similar to those of Spiennes 
and Cissbury, which were known in the localitv as Grime's 
graves ; and he decided to excavate them, in order to 
determine whether they also had shafts and galleries like 
the Spiennes pits. He was rewarded by the discovery of 
both shafts and galleries, and in the aebris with which 
the pits had been filled up nearly to the top, the deer 
horn tools and picks were discovered with which the 
shafts had been made. This led him and those with 
whom he had been associated in the Grime's graves' exca- 
vations to believe that at Cissbuiy also similar shafts 
would be found if the excavations were carried deep 
enough, and, accordingly, Mr. Tyndale of Brighton 
excavated one of the collection of pits in which we bad 
been di^ng, and found a shaft thirty-nine feet deep, 
beneath tne superficial deposits. One of the chief points 
of interest connected with this discovery was the feet, 
that whereas in the superficial deposits Canon Greenwell 
and myself had found only the remains of domesticated 
animals, those at the bottom of the deep shaft discovered by 
Mr. Tyndale, after being examined by Professors BoUeston 
and Boyd Dawkins, were found to contain wild animals, 
including, amongst others, bos primigemis and wild boar. 
This determined the age of the flint mines to be of the 
true Neolithic period. Mr. Tyndale died shortly after 
making this discovery, but the excavations were carried 
on by Mr. Ernest Willett,' and, subsequently, by myself, 
without any further results of importence beyond con- 
firming the fact that the Cissbury pits corresponded in 
nearly every particular with those of Spiennes and Grime's 
graves. In the filling of one of the shafts near the surface 

' Joum : EtLBological Soc Loud., 1870, 

iti,j. Lontl, vc 

YoL a p. 418. 

ilr, 337-34S. 


ADDBB8S, 71 

a few fragments of British pottery were found, and io the 
superficial deposits both Britisa uad Rom^mo-Britifih 
pottery was abundant ; but in the lower parts of the 
shails none was found ; and if the flint workers used, 
pottery at all it must have been used sparingly. 

But another important point still remained to be inves- 
tinted, and this, having resumed the excavations myself 
in 1875, it fell to my lot to be the means of elucidating. 
The pits, as bas already been said, are entirely within the 
ramparts, the latter enclosing them within its circuit, 
except at one point, where they break through the line 
and are foimd outside of the camp, and the question arose 
as to whether any excavations could be made which 
would decide the relative age of the two works, and so 
set speculation at rest upon tnis point. I had previously 
cut two sections through the ditch and one through the 
rampart with this object, but without satisfactoiy results, 
beyond finding flint flakes in the silting of the ditch and 
two or three tragments of pottery beneath the rampart. 
I therefore determined to excavate the ditch at the place 
where it appeared most likely that shafts might be found 
beneath the rampart. Having decided the course to be 
pursued, as the result of my previous excavations, and 
being at the time President of the Anthropological 
Institute, I obtained the appointment of a committee to 
assist in the investigation, most of the members of which 
viwted the spot diu-ing the excavations.' In the actual 
conduct of the excavations Mr. Park Harrison was present 
with me during the greater part of the time. The result 
was that shafts were found beneath the ditch and 
rampart, in such a position as to prove beyond all doubt 
that the flint works had been abandoned and the shafts 
filled in before the rampart was made. The hill had, 
therefore, been turned into a fortress after flint mines 
had been abandoned, but at what actual time, whether 
during the bronze or the iron age, must still be considered 
an open question, although its occupation in Roman times 
has been ascertained by pottery found on the surfaca 

This settled a question which up to that time had 
always been much discussed, and although the probability 
had Edways been in favour of the result, as it turned out, 

' Jounu Anthiop Iiat Ot. Britain, toL t, p. 857 ; toL vi, p. S63,4S0 ; vol. vii, p. 413. 

the evidence, such as it was, had previously tended the 
other way. A model of these ezcavations is Id the 
temporary museum here. 

In the shafts and galleries heneath the rampart, a 
skeleton of a female was found, one of the few certfunly 
Neolithic skeletons that have been discovered in this 

After this, Mr. Park Harrison, who had previously 
assisted me, carried on some further excavations on his 
own account,' which rreulted in the discovery of another 
skeleton in a shaft in the interior of the camp, and what 
was perhaps of equal consequence, in the material with 
which one of the shafts had been filled up to the top, it 
was found that small pits, believed to be connected with 
habitations, had been cut by subsequent occupants of the 
camp, thereby affording additional evidence of the occu- 
pation of the camp after the flint mines had been aban- 
doned. I shall have occasion to refer to these small pits, 
subsequently, when speaking of the excavations at Mount 

The two skeletons, both of which were those of adults, 
were remarkable for their small size, the height of the 
male being 4 feet 11 inches, and that of the female 4 feet 
9 inches, and both were dolichocephalic or long-headed, 
the cephalic index being '74 and "71 respectively. Both 
had platycnemic or fiat tibise. The skull of the female 
was remarkably large for the size of the skeleton. The 
measurements of these skeletons, which are recorded in 
detail by Professor Rolleston,' are of interest, but are 
insufficient, Irom the small number of individuals, to 
throw much light on the peculiarities of the race, and it 
is to be hoped that more skeletons will be found there. 

Shortly before this I had made some excavations in 
Highdown Camp, near Worthing, which led to my finding 
a human skeleton and a bronze knife in a position to 
show with great probability that the camp belongs to 
the Bronze Age. 

In 1868, in conjunction with Mr. Park Harrison, Mr. 
Hilton Price, and others, I made a cutting through the 
rampart of the camp at Seaford,' which showed that it 

• lb., vi, 1878, and viil. 187B. 

•n>.,vi,pag.287. joqIc 


was probably constructed in British times, which was also 
in accordance with discoveries made in a tumulus in the 
interior of the camp. The cemetery at the bottom of the 
hill was found to be of Roman Age, and the more recent 
and extended excavations of Mr. Hilton Price and Mr. 
John Price, in the cemetery, tend to confirm this opinion.' 
The camp itself probably originally surrounded the hill, 
part of which has been washed away by the sea. 

I ou^t not to omit to mention the opening; of the 
Black Bui^h Tumulus,* about half way between the 
Devil's Dyke and Brighton, which took place in 1872, 
and which led to th« mscovery of a crouched up skeleton 
with a small urn, a neck-lace of shale beads, and a small 
thin triangular bronze knife dagger with two rivets to 
attach it to the handle, which latter had decayed, and it 
was associated in the grave with flakes and scrapers of 
flint. The occurrence of these small thin triangular 
bronze blades generally in round barrows, in various 
parts of England, goes far, in my judgment, towards 
proving the truth of Canon Greenwell's opinion, that they 
were in i-eality the earliest and perhaps the only bronze 
implement, except the small triangular axe, in use at the 
time of the round barrows, and that the occurrence of 
nothing else of bronze but these knives in the graves of 
this period, is not to be attributed to the poverty of any 
particular district in which they occur {as has been 
supposed by some), but to the rude culture of the people 
generally. From its small size, and simple form, this kind 
of blade would naturally be the kind of weapon used when 
bronze was scarce, and the more advanced and larger 
rapier and leaf-shaped forms of swords are certainly 
developments from this earlier form, and were introduced 
as the art of metallurgy improved. 

In 1877 and again in 1878, with the permission of Sir 
H. Brand, I made some excavations in Mount Cabum 
Camp, which is so well known to the inhabitants of 
Lewes, and concerning the age of which speculation had 
been rife for years. Of the Tact of its being a defensive 
work there can, I think, be little doubt, because the 
stronger sides of the Camp on the south are fortified with 

' Journ. Anthrop Iiut, voL x, p. 130. 



a Edinple amall ditch and rampart, which is eolaiged and 
doubled OD the weaker side, and this is a recogmsed 
feature ui the art of defence of the Britona I do not 
find that any notice had been taken by former writers of 
a number of smtdl depressions in the interior of the Camp. 
These I opened, and found them to be small pits, three 
to five feet in diameter, and about the same avera^ 
depth, too small to have been themselTes used as pit- 
dwellings ; and if used in connection with habitations at 
all, they must probably have been used as cellars within 
tiie bouses. Tney were certainly not graves. They were 
filled to the top with rubble so as scarcely to be dis- 
tinguishable on the surface, and their contents consisted 
of quantities of fragments of pottery, some with a 
peculiar kind of scroll ornamentation upon it, and two 
entire pots of the shape of a saucepan without the handle, 
combe of deerhom of the kind known to have been used 
in the process of weaving, deer-horn handles, iron knives, 
iron spearheads, an iron ploughshare, an iron spud, an iron 
hanmier, an iron adze, an iron bill-hook, a bronze ring, 
iron door festenings, and some curved iron objects, which 
have been since ascertained to be keys. Braides these, 
there were several weights of chalk with a hole bored at 
one end, evidently for suspension. These it is conjectured 
are weights used in weaving to hang down the warp, 
indeed it has been suggested from the number of objects 
connected with weaving found in the pits, spiudlewhorls, 
combs, &c., that the pits inay have been holes due in the 
ground to admit of tnese weights hanging down beneath 
the surface of the ground whilst the weaving was going 
on above, an idea derived by analogy from (»rtain looms 
used in India which are so constructed, and suggested by 
Col. Godwin Austen. If this was the case, however, the 
whole camp must have been one large weaving establish- 
ment, because t^e pits are within 20 or 30 reet of each 
other and some closer, all over the interior of the camp. 

All the objects found in these pits are recognised as 
belonging to the Iron Age of this country, by some called 
Late Celtic, extending from perhaps 300 B.c. to the time 
of the Roman Conquest. No trace of Samian pottery 
was found in these pits, except one or two minute frag- 
ments, and these quite on the surfece, where they may 


have been d^Kwited after the pits were filled up, dof were 
any oyster shells found except in the same position, for 
the experience of many dig^ngs has proved to me that, 
in this part of England at least, oysters were not eaten 
by the Britons before Roman times. A.n oyster shell is 
almost as certain an indication of the presence of the 
Konrnns in Sussex as a piece of Samian pottery. Snails 
seem to have been common British food at that time, and 
domesticated animals — the pi^, short-homed ox, goat, 
horse, badger abounded, and the remains of fox was 
found : both calvee and lambs were eaten, and some bones 
of the roe were found. But the red deer, although its 
boms were used as knife handles, seems to have been 
little used for food, and as the fallow deer had not been 
imported into England at that time, no trace of it was 
discovered, but a larger ram was identified by Professor 
Bolleeton by its horns as being the same breed, which is 
now confined to the Shetlands and other northern districts. 

All these differ essentially from the wild animals found 
in the shafts at CSssbury, and denote a more recent period, 
but they correspond to the animal remains found in the 
surface deposits there. 

Amongst the aninmi remains found in the pits at 
Cabum must not be omitted, in separate pits, a human 
femer and a lower jaw of man, the latter a well-formed 
specimen, not unlike what might be expected to have 
belonged to a member of the Celtic race. How they came 
to be mixed up with the remains of animals used for food 
must be left to conjecture, unless we are to conclude that 
there existed in those days men so lost to all sense of pro- 
priety as to abstract human bones for the purpose of 
measurement which is hardly probable, it must be 
r^arded as a aga of rough times, and perhaps even of 
famine during an extended mege. 

But the most noticeable relics for fixing the date of the 
work, found in these pits, consisted of several tin-coins, 
having on them the debased representation of some animal. 
They had been cast in strings, and had runlets of metal 
between the coins. They are ascribed by Mr. Evans in 
his work on Briti^ Coins to the Late Celtic period, that 
is, the period immediately preceding the Boman Conquest. 

Excavaticms in the ditch and rampart of this work, 


shewed that in all probability these parts were of an 
earlier date than the relics found in the pits. The pottery 
found beneath the mmpart was of a ruder kind than that 
found in the interior of the camp, The remains of holes 
in the sohd chalk beneath the crest of the rampart shewed 
that it had originally been surmounted by a pallisade, and 
beneath the second or outer rampart was found the 
remains of a wattled bouse, which had been daubed with 
a mixture of lime and mud. The house had probably been 
set fire to, and the daubing thus baked by the flames had 
preserved the impression of the wattles so clearly that the 
size and form of the basket work could be distinctly traced. 
The relics from Cabum are in the temporary Museum 
All these excavations were described by me in the 
ArchcBologia,^ and the distribution of like relics in other 
pMrts of the country noted in much greater detail than 
the pubhc could be expected to read or follow. It is 
enough for my present purpose to say that three precisely 
similM" pits to those of Cabum, containing exactly the 
same class of relics, were afterwards found by Mr. Harrison 
in the camp at Cissbury, to which circumstance I have 
already referred. These pits contained a specimen of the 
chalk loom weight, an iron key similar to the one described 
from Cabum, a bone weaving comb, and pottery with the 
same ornamentation upon it, so that it is certain that 
both these camps were occupied at one time by people in 
a connected stage of culture habitually using the same 
things. Since then, at Winklebury camp, in Wiltshire, 
close to my own house, I have found a number of pits of 
the same character and dimensions, containing numbers 
of the same loom weights associated with pottery of a 
somewhat similar but more primitive kind, and a bone 
weaving comb ; and at Spettisbury camp, near Blandford, 
a curved key, of the peculiar Cabum type, was found 
some time ago, and is now in the British Museum ; so 
that we are now in a feir way of tracing, with some degree 
of certainty, the area inhabited by these particular people 
in the south of England, who, from the period which the 
relics assign to them, can certainly be none other than 
the Belgte, whom Csesar describes as inhabiting the 
southern parts of England in his time. 

>VoL^ri,p.m _,,„Goo«^le 


When these campB were first coiiBtructed is another 
queetioQ upon which further investigation may throw 
more light ; but the &ct of their havrng been occupied 
up to Roman times is proved by Samian pottery and 
other relics of the Roman age having been discovered in 
nearly all of them in superficial deposits only. There can 
be very little reason to doubt, therefore, that these are 
the actual oppidte which Suetonius refers to as having 
been reduced by Vespasian during his conquest of this 
part of England. Excavations in the camp adjoining 
Cabum (called by me Ranscombe camp) proved that it 
also was British, but the evidence of Roman occupation 
is stronger than in the case of Cabum, so that in my 
paper on the subject I have been led to consider the 
possibihty of ita ramparts having been utilized by the 
Romans during an attack an Cabum. Whilst nothing 
but British pottery was found in the body of the rampart 
the surfeice deposits were thickly strewed with Samian 

Before concluding this address, let me briefly allude to 
excavations made in one other camp, in order to show 
how careful we must be in a&signing a date to any of 
these structures without proper excavations. 

On the top of the Downs above Folkestone is a large 
earthwork commonly called Cesar's Camp, consisting of 
a ditch and rampart following the defensive line of the 
hill, and strengthened by an inner circle or keep in one 
comer. It resembles in every respect other camps that 
are to be found all over the country, and it was supposed 
by all who have described it to be British, the name of 
CsBsar being one commonly given to any ancient forti- 
fication about which nothing is known. Several cutting 
made through the ramparts in 1878, in conjunction with 
Mr. Hilton Price, however, proved beyond doubt that it 
was not British but Norman.' The objects found beneath 
the ramparts tallied with those found in the interior. A 
coin of Stephen, horse-shoes, buckles, spear heads, and 
even fragments of stone with Norman carving upon them, 
proved that it could not, with any probability, be set 
down to an earlier period than the time of the Conquest. 
It is known that the Normans of that time often lived 

* ArchteologU, voL xlvii, p 4S9. , -. • 


on earthen mounds, with nothing more than wooden 
buildings upon them, and it would not surprise me, after 
this discovery, to find that many of the camps which have 
an inner aud outer intrench ment, the former situated in 
one comer like a keep, and which are supposed to be 
British, are in reahty no earlier than this date. I may 
therefore conclude this address by reiterating that in my 
opinion nothing but careful and patient digging can throw 
further light upon these camps, and they f^ord ample 
field for the investigation of independent archeeol(^;ists, 
without treading upon each other's heels. 

In conclusion it may perhape interest the meeting to 
know that during the past year, the long contemplated 
Bill for the Preservation of Ancient Monuments, so per- 
severingly advocated by Sir John Lubbock, has come 
into operation with some modification of its original scope 
and intention. Having been appointed Government In- 
spector of Ancient Monuments m Great Britain, it has 
heen my business to see its provisions carried out. It is 
now purely permissive, that is to say, it only enables the 
owners of certain of the more important monuments 
(mentioned in a Sdiedule), to place tnem under the pro- 
tection of the Act, if they think proper. It is not com- 
pulsory, but when once registered by the voluntary act 
of the owner, neither he nor his successors, nor any one 
else can destroy or damage them without incurring the 
penalty of a fine. It in no way interferes with rights 
of ownership, and the monuments can be sold or dealt 
with by their owners as heretofore, barring this one 
power of destruction, which ceases with the registration 
of the monument under the Act. 

Owing to its permissive character the Act will no doubt 
fail to include all the monuments which it is desirable to 
protect, but the operation of the Bill has been encouraging 
up to the present time. About a third of the scheduled 
monuments in England have been already registered, and 
are for ever saved from destruction, and there is every 
reason to believe that the greater part of the remainder 
will also be shortly included. 

Digitized by GOOJ^IC 



Bt tlie Kev. C. F. B. PALXER. 

Before the Refoimation the town of Lynn Regis, or King's Lynn, in 
Norfolk, was called Lynn Episoopi, or Bishop's Lynn ; for it waa wholly 
subject to the apiritual and temporal junadiction of the bisbopa of 
Norwich, who hod a palace here. Bat Henry VIII deprived these 
bishope of thia feudal superiority, took the fief entirely into the hands 
of the crown, and gave the town Ha present name. The prioiy of the 
friar-preachei8 here waa founded by Thomas Gedney, a peison of great 
consideration in thoae parts at the end of Henry Ill's reign. Some 
anthots say that it was established about the year 1272, whilst others 
carry it back to about the same time that the friar-minois settled here, 
which ^ras before the year 1264 ; and the latter opinion seems to be the 
more probable one. Leland states that in his time the house was in the 
patronage of Thomas Earl of Rutland.' This nobleman was Thomas 
Manners, ei<;hteenth Baron Boes of Hamlake, who received the earldom 
in 152fi, and died in 1543. It is difficult to proffer any other conjecture 
for his being the patron besides the one put forth in Blomefield's " His- 
tory of Xorfolk," that the right must have passed to the Earl as Lord 
of Wrongay. In the thirteenth century the manor of Wrongay or Worm- 
gay was held by William Lord Bardolf, and he was at least a great 
benefactor to this house. 

The prioiy stood in tlie east part of the town, between Clow lane and 
Skinner lane, and not far from Ctow bridge spanning one of the fleets or 
narrow streams which run through the town. The church was dedicated 
to St. Dominic, and the house accommodated upwards of forty religious, 
for there was that number here at the beginning of Edward I'a reign. A 
comparison of the possessions of the friars at the dissolution of their 
community with all that was acquired after the establishment leads to a 
conclusion that the first site was not considerable in exteut ; but no 
calculation can be definitely made, unless it is made clearly evident that 
the additions to the landed property subsequently contemplated were 
actually carried into effect. An inquisition taken, June 16th, 1310, at 
Lynn, returned that John de Thomeden and Murielle his wife might be 
allowed to assign a plot of land to the friars. In the writ for the 
enquiry dated May 28th the plot is described as 180 ft. long, while the 
jurors of the inquisition estimated it at 183 ft ; but both writ and jury 
agreed in saying ttiat it waa 21 ft, broad : it was held of Robert de Lenn, 
heir of Nicholas Countur, by the yearly service of a clove, and was valued 

' Leknd'a Itin., voL L 



in &11 isSDM at 18d. a-jeat : Babert de Lenn hald it of the biabop of 
Norwich and the bishop held it of the kfng.' A mortmain license for 
the tianafet of the plot does not appear on tecoid ; but a royal license 
was granted, July 26th, 1356, for thefino of 13s. id. to William Duraunt 
of ^eehe (Set«hy), Robert Braunche, Kobert de Cokesfonl, Clement de 
Aldeburgh, and Ranald de Sistertin, burgesses of Lynn Episcopi, to 
assign a messuage comprising land 18 pertdcates 10 ft in length, and 
10 perticateB 2 ft. in breadth, to the friara for enlarging their home- 

The priory was supplied with fresh water from a spring called Brokwell 
at Uiddleton, about four miles distant from the town. This spring, with 
two acres of land in which it was situated, waa given to the friars by 
William Bardolf, who has been already mentioned. In 1293 it was 
found by inquisition taken April 22nd, at FIy...aburg, (in answer to a 
writ of April 4th) that the friara might retain this spring and make a 
conduit from it to their house:* so the royal license waa granted, May 
17th, according to the tenor of the enquiry.' 

As these friar-preacheis belonged to a mendicant order, they partook 
of the largess of kings, the bounty of their fellow- townsmen, and testa- 
mentary gifta. A few instances of such alms fall under especial notice. 
Edward I being at Gaywood, Mar, 19th, 1276-7, sent them 13«, id. for 
a day's food, and also 12«. for another day.' John de St Omer, while 
he was mayor of Lynn, gave, on the part of the town, wine to the 
value of lli<. for the feast of St. Dominic (Aug. 5th) ; this appears to 
have been in 13 Edw. I (I285J, in which year the friar-minors had 
also, for their Fcaat of St Francis (Oct. 4tli) six flagons of wine which 
cost ISd.' The executors of Queen Eleanor of C.ifltiie, shortly after 
Michaelmaa, 1291, gave lOOii. for this convent to F. William de Hotlmm 
provincial, through J. de Bercwyk.' At the beginning of May, 1300, 
Edward I passed through Lynn, and on the 16th, being again at Gay- 
wood, sent an alms of 15f. through E. William lie Lynn, for a day's 
food.' Edward II arriving at Lynn, Feb. 8th, 1325-6, gave 15* to 
forty-five friars of this house, through E. Robert de Elmc, (or a day's 
food.' Edward III in passing through the town. Sept ISth, 1328, gave 
148; 8d. to the forty-four religious here, by the hand of F, Henry de 

Thojiias de Wynufdd (lord of Ijethlngham) July 17th, 1378, 
bequeathed five marks to each convent of mendicants in Norfolk and 

' InqiuB. ad. q.d. 3 Bdw. II, Ho. 67. Av«ude, Nich. Swetyueof Cleatliewaricon, 

Juroni: Lambert ds St. Omer, Pst Lomb, Nich. fiti John OE Wygenh', Phil, de 

John de £al«1atOD, Eliu de Warbam, BoTnake, and Wilt, de Bown ot Hid- 

Tho. de Barston, Oeofir. Baud, Pet le delton. 

Berehere, Pet IMce, WiU. Ty..., WiU. d« * Pat «1 Ed. I, m. 17. 

Whineb^^, Bii^ de Denmgham, and ' Bot garder. de oblat et elect, regis, 

Will de BintOD. 5 Edw. I. 

' Pat 80 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. fi. Rot. fin., ' Blomefield. 

30 Edw., I[I, m. 2. ' Bot (gerder.) liberat pro regina etc., 

■ Eac^et., 21 Edw. I, "So. 71. Juron: 19-20 Edw. I. 

... 1« C^erk of Wotton, Hen. de Woken', ' Lib. quotid. contrarot garder., 23 

Geoff, de Oejcon', Hog. le Hpiclie <A Edw. 1. 

Wotton, Walt de Petgrare of Wygenh', * Rot, nrder. de pert, ezpena. forinseo, 

Steph. ¥\tt Walter of Tylneye, John 19 Edw. II. 

ElkotMQiTingrton', Kog. da Laiii^iam of '* Gontrarotcu*tgardeT.nigu,2Ed,IIL 


Suffolk, to celebrate for hia Boul : will proved Sept 27tli. - 9ir John de 
Plaix (of Weting, Norfolk, who died June 2nd, 1388) June 22nd, 1385, 
bequeathed to all the houses of friars in Norfolk, SufTolk, Essex, and 
Cambridgeshire, to every house five mariis : will pr. July 16th, 1389. 
Robert Howard, knt, in 1389, bequeathed 20& to the friar-preachers of 
Lenn : will pr. in July. John Elvered, rector of Oxbutgh, Oct let, 
1416, bequeathed 20s. to eveiy order of friars at Lynn. Elizaheth 
vridow of William Elmham, knt, DecL 1st, 1419, assigned forty marks to 
the convents of friars in the counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cam- 
britlge, to perform the tcentol of St Gregory for her soul, and for the 
souls of all to whom she was beholden: will pr. Feb. 14th, 1419-20. 
Katharine Braunch, Aug. 3rd, 1420, bequeathed 40«. to the Augustinian 
friars of Lenn, and 20». to every house of friars in the town : will pr. 
Sopt 5tb. Richard Peverdl of Tylneye, esq., Mar. 15th, 14234, 
bequeathed 6s. 8d to each convent of mendicant friacs in Lenn and 
Southlenn, to pray and celebrate for his soul, and the souls to which he 
was beholden : will pr. May 15th, 1424. Nicholas Reaupre of Outwell, 
Sept 24th, 1428, bequeathed il to the four orders of friars at Lenn, to 
celebrate eight trentals of St Gregory for his soul ; and 40s. to F. 
Thomas Draytone, of the order of friar-preachers, to celebrate for hia soul: 
will pr. Mar. 9th, 1429-30. Sitnon Parehe, alias Tyler of WatUngton, 
Norfolk, in 1442, willed to be buried in the chancel of the friar-preachers 
or black-friare of Lyn, and gave 16iL to the fabric of the etalla to be new 
made. Jarte lady de Bardoff, widow, Sept. 7th, 1446, assigned five 
marks to each oider of friars within the diocese of Norwich, for the souls 
of her parents, benefactors, and especially for her deceased husband 
mercifully to obtain grace for his soul : will j>r. Apr. 3rd, 1447. Henry 
Ingloee, knt, June 20th, 1451, bequeathed 20s. to every house of friar- 
minors, preachers, Carmelites, and Augustinians in Norfolk : will pr. 
July 4th. Thomas Shttldhamoi Norburgh, Jan. 15th, 1471-2, bequeathed 
6s. 8d. to every order of mendicant friars in Lenn ; will pr. Apr. 14th. 
Thomas Oongtantyn of Lenn Episcopi, gent, Oct 6th, 1476, bequeathed 
to the four orders of mendicant friars in Lenn and Suthlenn to each 
house by itself four rams : will pr. Nov. 14th, 1477. John Heyden, 
Mar. 24th, 1476-7, bequeathed to each house of mendicant friars in 
Norwich, Lenn, Brunham, Walsyngham, Thetford, Blakeney, and Jeme- 
muth, five marks for five years, for an anniversary by their convents : 
will pr. June 20th, 1480. Ced^ Weyland of Oxeburgh, Mar. 28th, 
1484, bequeathed 15k to the friai-s of the order of preactieis of Lenn 
Episcopi ; will pr. Sept 6th. Margaret Odeham of Bury Sejrnt 
Edmunds, widow, Oct. 8th, 1492, bequeathed to every house of friais in 
Cambrege, Lynne, Norwiche, Thetford, Clare, Sudbury, to eacli of these 
houses 6s. Bd. : vrillpr. Nov. 8tL EUzdbeih Clere of Takeueston, widow 
of Robert Clere, esq., Jan. 13th, 1492-3, bequeathed to every house and 
convent of friars in Norfolk, 20s., and also every order and convent of 
the four orders of friars in Norfolk were to siiy dirge and mass by note 
for two years, on her year-day or within three days after in their own 
churches, for her soul and the souls of her husband and her friends to 
whom she was beholden ; every order to have therefore 10s. a-year : will 
pr. Mar. 6th. John Syrd, parson of Old Lynn, by will in 1505, gave " a 
rede dole in Gcywode to the black friars of Lynn."' 

' Hari. HSS., ockL X. Blomefield. Willi muada (Camdm Sooiatf.) , 
from Uw oomminaiy of Buiy St Ed- CtOOQIC 



The provincial chaptera, which frequentlf aeeembled in various 
piioriea for the good govenmieiit of the friar-preacliers of England and 
Wales, weFB celebrated at Lynn, in 1304, at the Nativity of the Blessed 
Tirgiu, in 1344 and 1365, at the Asanniptionj and without doubt would 
be found here in several ottieT yeais, if the Tocords of these assemblies 
could be brought to light The expenses of the three chapters were 
partly defrayed by the penaion which was regularly paid out of tha 
royal exchequer, Edward I gave, July 8th, 1304, twenty marks, being 
five marks more than the usual allowance, on account of the number of 
friars to be present being doubled,' Edward III gave, July 9th, 1344, 
15;. i and May 21st, 1365, lOt' 

The priory of Lynn lay within tha division of the Dominican province 
called the visitation of Cambridge. Very few names of the priors can 
be collected. F. William de Begthorpe or Bakthorp, who governed the 
community in Richard Li's reign, was a man of note in his time. He 
was appointed by the master-general of the order, Apr. Ist, 1393, viei- 
tator of the visitations of Cambridge and York, for suppressing some 
discontents which had been stirred up, on account of private favouis 
granted and ordinations promulgated by the master: by the master's 
. letten of Apr. 4th, he was released from his priorship, as soon ss they 
were read in chapter before the assembled brethren, while at the same 
time he was assigned to Lynn {as he had been elected prior from another 
house) and was also confirmed in the favours and cell conceded for his 
use here. If thus deposed, Bagthorpo was immediately reinstalled in the 
oliice ; and being S. Th. Mag. was also professor of Sacred Scripture to 
the students of the house. As commissary of the muster-general, he was 
deputed, Nov. 29th, 1395, to institute enquiries into nine articles charged 
against the provincial, F. Thomas Palmer, and Feb. 4th following, was 
empowered to displace him, if six of the articles were proved, being then 
also made vicar-general in case the province became thus deprived of a 
head. Palmer was removed, June 28th ; and Eagthorpe ruled the pro- 
vince till another provincial, elected August 15th, 1397, at Newoastle-on- 
Tyne, was confirmed, Oct 20th, by the master.' In 1488, F. John 
Braynes occurs as prior.* 

Besides F. William already mentioned in 1300, there were two other 
religious who hore the family name of Lenn or Lynn. F. John de Lenn, 
in 1320, was a black-friar of London, From 1329, F. Thomas de Lenn 
was the companion of F. Nicholas de Herle who, being in favour with 
Edward IIL wiks employed in state affairs and embassies ; in 1335, going 
to the Holy Land, F. Thomas had a gift of 40«. from the king, Apr, 25th, 
for the expenses of the way, and thus he disappears from view. 
F. Richard Wtsht (Wisbechi) was ass^ed to this liouse at Lynn as 
lector, Juno 20th, 1397, by the master-genoraL In a similar manner, at 
the same time, F. John de Merton was made a conventual here, and 
was not to be removed without the consent of F. Master William 

Among religious were found a scanty few, who led a more ascetic life 

'Lib. gird«T. (clemot.) S2 Edw. I: ■ Reg. msK. guL ord. Kt«tua ueervaL 

Addit. MSS. ood. 8S3F. Exit scac pauh. * Blomefidd. 

32 Edw. I. m. 3. * Lib. gardw. 11 Edw. II Bot. Etuder, 

' ExitscM. pBWb. 18 Edw, Uf, m. 16, 8-4 Edw. III. CoDtrMoL gtiAa, dtii 

and 39 Edw. lu, m, 11, regu. 8-8 Bdw. IIL B«g. mag. gw. <nrd. 



than the rest of the brethren, and amidst a community united to their 
rule the aecIuBion of the anchorite. Hence sprang the usage of construct- 
ing a solitary cell in the midst of a cloister. Such an anchoretagc existed 
in the Dominican priory at Lynn; and about the year 1440, it was 
occupied by F. Richard Frauncos, better known (probably under a mmi 
de plunie) as " Galfridus GranimaticUB dictus, frater ordinia S. Dominici." 
He vaz bred if not bom in Norfolk. Tanner thinks his name might 
have been Geoffrey Starkey ; but lie was probably only a former owner 
of the codex which fell into Tanner's bands. This V. Richard Fraunces, 
" inter quatuor parietea pro Christo inclusus," spent his spare time in 
writing and compiling several works chiefly of a philological chamcter. 
He produced the following: — In doctvinnle AlKj-andri, lib. 3. In Joannig 
Gartandi Sifnanifma, lib. 1. Garland's Synonyma was printed by 
Richard Pynson in 1496, 1500, 1509, " cum expositione magietri Galfridi 
Anglici ;" and by Wynkyn de Worde in 1500, 1505, 1510, 1514, 1517, 
1518. In jEquivoca t^u»<h-m, lib. 1 ; printeil as Midtimtm Veyhorum 
Equivoearum iTiterpretatio, by W. de Worde in 1490, 1506, 1514 ; and 
by Pynson in 1514. Exponitionee Hyrrmomm, lib. I. Hortus Vocabu- 
lorum, lib. 1, printed by W. de Worde, in 1500. Medulla Grammaticf.s, 
lib. 1, which is a Latin-English Dictionary. Prteeeptiones Piierilta, Hb, 
1. His English-Latin Dictionary was printed by Pynson in 1499, and 
hoe again appeared among the publications of the Camden Society : 
JVtimptorium Panmloruni siv, Clericorum, Lexicon Anglo-Latinum 
( Dietitmariiu Anglo-LatinimJ Prine^, aucfore fratre Qalfrido Gram- 
matieo dido o pnedieatoribus (ex onlifie Fratrum Prtedicatorum) 
Leone Episcopi, North/oleieiud feirciterj A.D. circa MCCCCXL oUm 
e prolis Pynsonianis (ex ojieina Pyneorwata) eilitum, nunc ah tulegro, 
eomtneniariolis giil^ectie, adjidem codieum recen^ait Alberiun Wat/ (A.M. J, 
Londini: sumplilnu Sodetalis Camdensix. The first vol was publisKod 
in 1843, the second in 1853, and the third (with the variations in the 
title bracketed above) in 1663; containing altogether 563 pages, 4to. 
This work ia the earliest English-Latin Dictionary in existence, and is in- 
valuable to tlie arclueologist in explaining obsolete English worde and 
curious provincialisms. The direction of F. Geofl'rey's literary labours 
seems to point to the conclusion that the Dominicans of Lynn taught a 
grammar school as they did at Yarm, and probably at other housea In 
1497, F. John Lot was the recluse. 

About the year 1456 the priory, which had become decayed and even 
partly ruinous by time, woe also devastated by fire. The cause of this 
accident is unknown, but the extent of it must have been consideraMe, 
for twenty yeara lat^ the buildings were not fully restored. The master- 
general, June 24th, 1476, empowered the prior for five years from that 
date to admit as many as he would to the benefits and suffrages of the 
Older, provided that the alms thus accruing were applied to the tepoii of 
the convent' 

The registere of the maateis of the order, about this time, contain 
various notices concerning members of the community at Lynn. 

Dec. 13th, 1475. F. Nicholas Meryell* who out of the alms of his 

* Keg. in(g. gen. ord. chongea Fitzgibbon into FiBsbona ; tmd 

* ityeU. But the oontnution ia the while Btudiously copying the olphaUitJcal 
common one for ul It is oftan difBcuIt letters before him writw Stbronjabfrie, 
to reeagniM proper ium«a in these regii- where be eiidently haa Schjevysbyne 
t«nL The lt«li*n scribe is guided either (SbrtwibaTy) before him. 

by bis tongue or hii eyei for inetanoe, he 


friends and kinsfolk has done much in the order, has this, that all the 
friends and benefactors, of whom according to his conscience he gives the 
names of a good many, are received, whether living or dead, to the partici- 
pation of all the goods and suffrages of the whole order : and also the 
chamber, garden, and other goods conceded to him by the order are cou- 
firmed to him, and no one can occupy them without hie leave ; and all 
other favours justly granted to him are confirmed. 

June 24th, 1476. F. John Hille, or de Monte, is assigned to his convent 
of Lenia Episcopi, and as long as he lives cannot be removed by anyone 
except Ihe master-^neral ; as be was assigned by the general chapter of 
the order, in 1468, to read the Sentences in the convent of Oxfonl, and 
has not yet complied with the decree, he is again assigned there " ad 
legendum sententias pro gradu et forma magisterii," according to the 
custom of his province and that convent. Master John Goldysborow has 
this grace, on account of the king and queen of England and other 
nobles, that he may accept any bishopric or dignity to which he may be 
(^osen by the apostolic see, with the benediction, favour, and sufirages of 
the order ; resigning, however, the goods of the order, according to custom, 
01 giving security if he is allowed the use of them for life : and he may 
remain in the service of the king and queen at court. 

July 8th, 1489. F. Robert Stephensum has license to eat flesh-meat, to 
wear linen, and to dwell in any convent 

June 20th, 1480. F. John Wetherell may dwell in any convent, with 
the good will of the president. 

May 29th, 1491, F. John Londem, of the convent of London, is 
assigned here. 

July 29th, 30th, 1497. F. Robert Stowerson has license to be "extra 
ordinem" ii.e., in a benefice or chaplaincy.) The prior has license to 
dispense F. Thomas Lambard and F. Richard Cchersfort, for the priest- 
hood. F. John Lot, the recluse, is empowered to choose a confessor, who 
may hear his confession once a month. The prior may, under the con- 
vent seal, receive and inscribe brethren and staters to the su&agea of the 
order. F. William Videnhus prior cannot he forced to accept office. 
And under no date of day, F. John Becclys, with the license of the 
sovereign ponti^ is received into the order from that of the Cistortiana, 
and is assigned to this convent 

In 1497, mention is made of a cbapel of St Catharine in this conventual 
church, and in the body of the church was an image of our Lady.' 

When the valuation of all ecclesiastical property in England and Wales 
was taken in 1536, F, Thomas Lovell being prior, tlie fiiar-prcachers of 
Lynn held a tenement let at l(k a-year, and a parcel of meadow at 8<. : 
total 18*. (not l&f. 1^. as Speed says) a-year ; the tenth to the crown 
being 2I|d* The community was destroyed in 1538, when the house 
was surrendered to the king by deed in 30th Henry VIH, but dateless 
as to day, which was executed by the prior and eleven religious. Willis 
gives the date of the surrender, Sept 30th. The parties who subscribed 
tlie deed were, Thomas Lovett prior, Robert Skott bachelor, Thomas 
Booss, Lawrence Curtoys, John Karhard, Thomas Carton, William 
Bruester, Thomas fiecke, Anketin Grays, John Tyndale, Thomas 
Wincent^ and Reginald Sobynson.' 

I Blomefleld. ' Valor EccleMMlicui, vol iii ' Surrendsn, Ezohe^uer, S& US. 



The aite and lands of this priory were soon all lat to tenants. The site 
with the gardens, orchards, &&, was taken by Thomas Waters fot 5k a- 
year. The tenement already demiaed for a term of years continued to 
be held by John Hollis or Hills, at Be. a-year ; to whom also the conduit 
of apring-water had been leased for 13g. id. a-y«ar. The meadow 
remained in the occupation of Cicily Some, for l(k a-yeat, and 
&e land in Middleton from whence Uie water-spring flowed was let 
to Richard Wall for '2s. id. a-year. Total yearly rente, 38& 8t£> A 
lease of the whole (with the reservatioa of trees, woods, and superfluous 
buildinga) was granted, Nov. 12tii, 1539, to Thomas Eliys, of Attle- 
borougb, for twenty-one years from the previous Michaelmas, at the aame 
rents. The particulare for the grant of all the possessions of the black- 
hiara of Dunwich and Lynn were made out, Nov. 10th, 1S44, to John 
Eyre or Eyer, who soon completed the purchase ; and the property was 
granted, Feb. 20th following, to him and his heirs and assigns, by fealty 
only and not in capito, with the issues from the previoua Michaelmas.' 

John Eyie, esq. was one of the king's auditors of the court of augmenta- 
tions, and became a great receiver and trafficker in monastic lands. He 
married Margaret, daughter of Sir Thomas Blenerhasaet, widow of Sir 
John Spelman, eldest eon of Sir John Spelman, and died without issue. 
From Mr. Eyre the Blackfriars of Lynn passed to a priest, who conveyed 

it to Thomas Wateia of , and he had a son Edward Waters, and 

a daughter married to George Baker. Edward died without issue male, 
and left it to his daughter Elizabeth, who was married, 1st, to Nicholas 
Killingtrec, but was soon divorced ; 2nd, to Edward Bacon who had 
issue by her ; and 3rd, to Sir John Bolls or Bowles, hart, of Scampton, 
CO. Lincoln. Sir John Bowles and Elizabeth his wife sold this Friary to 
Nicholas Killingtrce, who left it to his son William, and he sold it to 
Henry Barkenham, miller, who sold it to John Bivet, about the year 
1646. So far the descent of the property is traced by Sir Henry Spelman 
in his History and Fate of Sacrilegp.. 

In the Ictmographia Buryi perantigui Lennce Regie, Anno 
XDOOZXv, the site of the Blackfriara is represented by an oblong 
piece of land, enclosed by four walls with a house in the north-west 
comer of them. In 1738, Mackerel!, speaking «f the religious houses of 
Lynn, says, " Here remains nothing now to be seen of these Friaries and 
Religious Houses, but Kuins and Rubbish, being long since utterly 
demolished, notwithstanding the Placea of their Situation are stilt 
apparent, being separately walled in round, and commonly known at this 
Day by their several Denominations."* In 1812, Richards says of the 
Black&iais, " Of this convent (once perhaps inferior to none of the rest, 
if indeed it did not exceed them all, both in size and magnificence) 
nothing is now to he seen but some old walls, whose thickness and 
massy appearance seem to indicate that thay once sustained a large and 
sumptuous fabric." " The said site at present is thought to be partly 
the property of the corporation, and partly that of the Carey family. 
About the garden of the chief mansion of that fomily are several 

' Hiniaten' Aocoimta, 81-82 Hen. Till, ■ Particukn for gnnta (John Eyre) 36 

"So. lis. Hen. VIII. Pat. 36 Hen. VIII, p. 2S, m. 

> HaoeUaneoua Books of Court of 38(12.) 

JLugnt, vol coxii, foL IS. ' Mock 


scattered remeinB of this ancient edifice."' The magnificetux, which the 
im^^inatfon of this writer has conjured up, may well be called into 
question in a ruin painfully rebuilt through a long interval of time 
during the diaostroua Ware of the Roaee. In 1821, Taylor says, that the 
corpoiatiou of Lynn and sundry proprietois held the ancient site, and 
that " few traces of the original priory are now perceptible.'" 

About forty yeare ago, even these scanty remains were swept away. 
There is preeerved, however, a ground plan of the walla of the cloistral 
cemetery, which wae 116 feet long and 96 feet broad, and the kitchen on 
the north. On the some side too was probably the refectory, where the 
wall showed traces of groining. It may be conjectured that the church 
stood on tlie south side, as many atone coffins and bones have been found 
there from time to time ; the dorter or dormitory with other officea wae 
on the east Tlie gate-house points out the entrance from the street. A 
drawing of part of the west wall is interesting, aa the nquare-headed 
window was probably inserted when the priory was rebuilt after it had 
been desolated by fiie^ 

■ Bklwrdi' HJBtoi7 of Lynn. 

^, Google 

^rijirinal Damment& 

ABBEY, 1420 : prirded in Mr. Macraes Notes from the ManimeiUs 
of Magjaien ColUgs, Oxford^ 

Communic&ted b^ B. W. BANKS. 
Presens indentun testatur quod deliberatum eat per Dominum Thonum 
abbatem de Bello et GonneDtum Fratri Bicardo Dertymovth Befsctorario 
AuQO regni Regis Henrici quinti post conquestum riij°. In primiei 
Cocliaria oigentea xxxij . de vna secta pro couuentu. Item, ij . coclitiria 
magna pro salsiamentis. Item Ciphi argentei x . vnde ii^' eorum cum 
scutis Regis Anglie. Et duo de arnae uomitis Herefordie. Et ij cum 
ymagine saucti Martini equitantis. Et j . cum bomine equitante Idnceom 
argeDteam gerente. Item ex dono Galfridi de Eeningtone, j. Item j 
cuppa argentea et deaurata cum diuersta sciitia et aimis et lauatorio 
deaurato De dono Episcopi Rofencis. Item J Cuppa ai^ntea cum 
cooperculo ax dono Johannis Sapirton Item j Cuppa argentea cum 
coa])crcuIo ex dono Jobanuis Krecy cum scuto infundo de propriis armis 
Item j CuppJi cun] cooperculo bypartito auro et argento ex dono Symonia 
Brewdon. Item iij Uuppe quondam Sybille de Iklesham quaram due 
earum sunt deaurate et sine cooperculis et vna de argento et cum cooper- 
culo de argento. Item j Nux argentea cum cooperculo argentL Item 
alia Nux nigra cum cooperculo argonteo et deaurato. Item iiij Cappe de 
mirra' cum cooperculis et argenteis ligaturis. Item iij. coopercula de Mimt 
sine Ciphia. . Item parua Cuppa de Mirra cum cooperculo aigenteo ligato. 
Item j pama Cuppa interius a^ntea et cuDt pede de argento. Item 
Cyphus argenteus cum cooperculo argenteo quondam Recteris de Bram- 
ham. Item j paruus ciphus comeus argento ligatus. Item iiij" coniua. 
vnde j cum cooperculo et pede de ai^ente ex dono quondam Rectoris de 
Hauwkherst Item j cuppa vna cum cooperculo ex dono Rectoris de 
Hawkberat Thome de Offynton de argento. Item ij ciphi argentei plani 
et ampH cum cooperculo argentoo in cuius superficie est fabrifacta yniago 
Sancti Laurencij ex dono quondam Magistri Johannis Kmne Kectoria do 
Hawkherst. Item vi Magni ciphi Hnraldi de Mirra Item ciphus magnus 
de Mirra qui vocatur fenix. Item xx ciphi dc Mirra non ligati. Item 
xxxiij ciphi de Mirra et ligati vinculis argenteis et deauratia. Item viij 
oUe staunee vnde iij potelli Item iiij oUe de corco et noue. Item ^ 
vitrBB{t) ex dono Fratris Willelnii Chyllam et [fu'rl] quod Medewey. [ji 
few teorde are erased A«re.] 

Item iiij olle de coreo veteri [mace here] in (t) cuatodio • • * * 
in monicione Fratria Johannis Waller, 'prio de bello cuius ligatuum C^) 
remanet cum domino abbate. 

' Uagd. Coll. HummeDtB, Hiic, 233, * Him, or mum, tha heart id wood, 

perhapa hox, mod by tumor* ,, ^j, I. . 


ABBEY, 1437.' 

Hec indeDtnra teotatm de iocalibus refectorij deliberatie Koberto 
Haldene in preeencia dompni Willelmi MeTsch' prioria claastialiB J 
Excetoi J Walden' videlicet daminica prima post feetum Sancte Luce 
Euaugeliste Aaao Biegni regis Henrici Sexti poat canqueBtum xvi'"°. 

In primis xxxvi coclearia argontea de vna sects. Item 2° cocleoris 
magna pro salciamentis. Item decern crateres orgenti vnde quatuoi cum 
armis reg^e Anglie et duo cum armis Comitis Herefoidie et 2° cum ymagine 
Sancti Martini equitantis, Et vnum cum homino equitante cum lancea 
argentea ia manu et vuum ex dono Galfridi de Kenyngtone. Item vnus 
ciphus argenteus et planus cum coopetculo piano in cuius fuudo est yraago 
Saucti Martini equitantis et ciica eum ille versus Diuido non 
totum eta Item j cuppa aigentea et deauiata cum diueisis aimis. Et j 
lauacnim aigenteum et deauratum ez dono Episcopi Rofensia. Item j 
cuppa aigeiit«a et plana cum coopercuLo ex dono Johaiints Sapirtona. Item 
j cuppa argentea cum coopeiculo ex dono Johannis Grecy cum scuto in 
fundo de propriis aimia Item j cuppa ciun cooperculo bipartito auio et 
aigento ex dono Synionis Brudon in cuius cooperculo sunt 3' folia 
[....]. Item iij cuppe quondam Sibille de Ikikom quarum due 
aunt deauiate et sine cooperculis et j de argento cum coopeiculis aigenteo. 
Item j iiux argentea cum cooperculo argeateo. Item alia nux nigra cum 
cooperculo argenteo et deaurato. Item j cipbua argenteus cum cooperculo 
aigenteo quondam rectoris de Braham. Item j cuppa cum cooperculo 
argenteo cum iij (t) pedibus de leopaidis argenteis et deauratis [ . . . 
John'de Fynton . ]. 

Item ij ciphi argentei plan! et ampli cum j cooperculo argenteo in cuius 
aummitate eat yniago Sancti LauienciL ex dono Magistii Jobannis Crane 
quondam Rectoris de Haukherst. Item iiij cuppe de muira cum cooper- 
culo argenteo et deaurato. Item iij coopercula sine ciphis. Item j parua 
cuppa de murra cum cooperculo argenti et ligato. Item j parua cuppa 
[ . . . ] argenti [about four vxrrd» erased here]. Item j paruos 
ciphus comuus [aboid three words erased here']. Item iiij comua vnde j 
cum cooperculo et [ . . . ] de argento quondam rectoris de Haukheiat 
Item vj magni ciphi Haraldi de murra vnde duo ligantur bene cum argento 
pt deaurato et in fundo scutiun de aimis J Gayneefoid et in fundo altciius 
ymago Sancte Marie sub cuius pede acribitur Kicaidus Bryd, Item j 
magnus ciphus de murra qui vocatur fenix Item xx^ ciphi de murra non 
ligati. Item xxxii ciphi non ligati cum circula argentea et deautata. 
Item [t olle ^ ... iij potelli . . . ]. 

1 Hagd. CdL Honim., 2S4. This in- of BatUe Abbey, foondad b; B«nMrd 

Tantory ia initten on tha back of tha right Newmsrch. 

band half of adeeddatad l«SG,raUtiDg ■ InwrtediDtheauiiehaad. 

to the elaetion ot a prUa ot the Prioij ^ * The vorda in braaketa are eitlHr 

Sb John tha Bvai^eliM, Braoon, a call araaed or iltq^le. ^OQlC 



This Indenture made the aeconde daye of 

Nof the warrant for de- June in the ixix'' jeie of the reigne of out 

lyuery of these relikkes is soueraigne lord Kyng Henry the viiig*^ 

expresBed in the warrant of bytwyne Thomas Pope, Esquysr, Tresorei 

MTM'M'M' h paid to M' of the Augmentaciona of the Kevennes of 

~ ■■ ■ " ' the Crown one the one parte & Robert Lord, 

gent, one the other partie, Witteneasith 

that the same Robert haith raceyved of the 

s of our seid Boaeraigne lord the Kyng all the 

gamisshing of siluer & gilt heyng aboutt all the Belikes comyog from the 

Supprest Monasteries vnder written that ie to gaye 

ffirst the siluer of one litell croae w' Relikkaa 1 

Gostwike which 

remayneth o 

seid Thomas Pope to the v 

oomyng from the Monaaterie of Biseham parceU giltt 

I parceD giltt 

Item the siluer of three relikkes comyng from the H oe j quarter 
Monasterie of Horleve Whitt I Weyng | J whltL 

Item the ailner of a longe Boxe of CrititaU full of \ 
relikkaa | & the syluer of y amale Cristall Boxis w« I ■ ■■ ■>„ 
relikkes comyng from the Monasterie of Sawtreya | f i S" 
giltt Weyng ; in ^ ) 

Item the siluer of a relike lyke a Pixe w^ a pece of 1 r^tt — XTii^j ol. 

criatall ffuU of relikkes | the syluer of ij Relikkes w* I I— ■ 

cristaUes | the syluer of a f&owei w* serpentt^e >zX7iozInd&^ 

Tongges & counterfett stones outt of the Monasterye j p ' 

of Kyrkhye Bellowes J '-Wliitt — ^vi^oz. 

The xvi*'' Relikk which Item the siluer of xv^ 
was named to he a peee of Relikkes of dyuetce sorts 
the Holy crosse which by a some of Cristall comyng I xxx" oz di. 
warrant directed to me by outt of the Monasterie f parcell gUtL 
the Kingea Highnee bers of Stratfford at Bowe ] 1 
date the xxviij"' day of May contenyng | J 

A" xxix" shold have hji Item lie siluer of iy 
delyuered to the hondes of Relykkes sett in Cristall ' . :_ „ gtut 
M' Henage { was the ix*" comyng outt of the | ' ^ 

day of June A** xxix" de- Monaaterie of Colne 
lyuerod to the Kynges owne Item the syluer of the * 
hondes by the hondes of my Image of ooi ladye | the 
lord privey seale as my lord syluer of ij biiiallee | 
GhauncetoT of Eueland & the syluer of a ribbe of 
y* Chauncellor of the Aug- a seyntt | tiie syluer of -.-.„ rmcell 
mentadons can witnes. i] viigens heddss the V "^ . . I*™*" 

siluer of a Crismetorye 
w* relikes | the syluer of a crose of wood w' rehkes | 
the gawdies of a pare of grett beades of Jeatt | the 
gaw^ee of a paire of Almea Beadea comyng outt of 
the Monasterie of Couerh&m 





XTJ OE paicell 

Item the siluer of ij Relykea sett wt Criatallee stonee \ 
the syluer of ij Tabelettes of woodd w* relikkoa iiij f 
square gamysshed w* cristall stones owtt of the 1 
Monasterie of Biekenocke ' 

Item the ejluer of ij Cioases giltt, the one v*\ 
Coimterfett stones, and the other plane outt of the yzzx" oi giltt. 
If onasterie of Tynttoome J 

Item the sylnar of seyntt Benettos Arme sett wt 1 
Couiiterfett stones, and tiie syluei of a croese of wood j ;■ „ j: naieell 
gamysshed w* count«rfett atones | the Arme of seyut ^ ^ .,^. P*"*^ 
Benett comyng fi&om StratSbtd at Bowe & the crosse | ^ 
of wodd comyng ffrom Kylboumo J 

Item the ayluer of a dobill crosse broken & a leve ) 
sett V a lyon one the Bakke syde & counterfett f -■ „ -.^ 

stones owtt of the Monastarie of seyntt MieheUes > m "» P»«eu gutu 
beeide Stampford ] 

Item the Syluer of a cristall boxe w* a bage of Re- 1 
lykkes owtt of the Monasterie of Mayden Bradleye | 
the Syluer of f^e cristall Boxes the syluer of a 
Ciowue setto w* relikkes outt of the Monasterie of ! xxzix os paieell 
Letteleye | the sylver of a cristall Boxe w' relikkes in ^ giltt 
it owtt of the Monasterie of Qnatre | the sylnet of a 
relykke w' a ffotte sette w* Counterfett stones outt of 
the Monasterie of Mottcsone 

Item the syluer of ij litell cofEers w' relikkes the ' 
syluer of a lelike in a cristall, the syluer of a oer- 
penttee tonge | the ailuer of an other cristall n' 
Holye lambe one the bake syde, outt of the Monasterie 
of Kyrkbye Bellowes 

Item the syluer of a Pixe sett in Birrall & giltt wt ' 
relykkes ft Coanterfiett stones the syluei of a smale 
Fixe parcell giltt w^ rehkkes of seyntt Thomas of 
Catmterburye the syluer of a lytell Pixe w' relykes 
the syluer of iij smale crosses of wodd giltt 4 sett w* 
Counterfett stones { the syluer of a bone of seyntt 
Blase giltt with Counterfett atones the syluc 
litell coffer of severye | the syluer of a htell coSer of 
ayluer parcell giltt | the syluer of ix smale oohes w' 
relykkes in theym | the syluer of a signed of syluer | 
the syluer of xviij peces of syluer Tpon seyntt Six- 
borowe sieve the syluer of one half arme & a handd 
of woodd I the syluer of a grett old Paxe of wodd & 
counterfett Stones, the syluer of an other Paxe of 
wood wt ij bones sette in it & Counterfett stone owtt 
of the Monasterie of s^ntt Sixborowe. 

Item the syluer of ij litell crosses of wood outt of ' 
the Monasterie of Pelle 

Item the syluer of one Tahill giltt w' Kelykkes 
owtt of the Monasterie of Tortyngton the syluer of 
tme Relykke of seyntt John & seynt Blase owtt of 
the Monasterie of BoxegraTB, weying in all 

xiiij o£ giltt 

|-giltt — X OE. 

xxT 01 Inde. J 

r ^ 

I parcell giltt — 

1- XT OZ. 

ij ongUtt 

IJ 02. 

iiij oz Inde. -l 

pBicell giltt— 
L ii ot , 



Item the eyluer of a. crosse of vood sett w* cristall ^ 
& Connterfett stones & tlie ffote therof Coper outt of > z oe parcell giltt. 
the Monaeterie of Garoden, Weyug | J 

Item the ajluer of a litell crosse of wodd & relikkes \ . TMrcAll oiltL 
in it comyiig owtt of the Monaeterie of Langley j ^ P^^ '^ 

Prnbatui. ( Giltt cxiij oi 1 ^' per Auditores 

Somma of all the Plate < Parcall giltt cci oz > ccczxiii oe j quarter. 

( Whitt ix OB j quarter ) 

per me Robettum Lorde. 
Endotsed ; " Au Inventory for deljuery of Relikkes to M' Lord by the 
Kingee ■Warrant. 

the Warrant is conteyned in the Warrant uppon I payd 
M'lf'M' M' )i for the Kinges affoyers in Irland." 

Digitized by Google 

Vra»eMngs at f&tetixtss at tift XUtgal S^rdiieological 


November 1, 1883. 
Thb Bioht Hon. THB Eabl Febot, M.F., Preaident, in the ChAir. 

In taking Mb seat for the first time as President of tlie Institute, and 
on opening the new session, the chairman ezpieBaed hie thanks to the 
members for the honour they had conferred upon him, and hie desire to 
follow, however distantly, in the footsteps of his predecessor. Lord Talbot 
de Malahide, and to consult, as he did, the best interests of the Institute, 
"While he congratulated the members upon the succees of the LeweB 
meetii^ he had much pleasure in knowing that the next annnal ren- 
dezTous would be at Newcastle ; and he could assure them of a hearty 
welcome in that city, and in his own county. He regretted much that 
Mr. Hartshonie had resigned his position of Secretary to the Institute, 
bnt hoped tiiat the Society would continue, in other ways, to have the 
benefit of his advice and assistance. Lord Percy then spoke with 
satisfaction of the appointment of Mr. W. H. St. John Hope as editor of 
ihe Journal, and of Mr. Hellier Gosselin as Secretary of the Instituta 

Mr. J. T. Irvihb sent a paper " On Recent Discoveries in the Central 
Tower of Peterborough Cathedral" The removal of the lantern and its 
two eastern piers has brought to light so many of the moulded stones of 
the original Norman lantern that it would be quite possible to rebuild the 
lower portion of it with its own stones. Some fragments of Saxon date 
have ajso been discovered, but of no special importance. In excavatiug 
to examine the condition of the sleeper walls of Uie Norman piera, beneath 
the western arch of the cruat was found a thick wall, of Saxon date, 
running east and west ; another portion of which, but numing at right 
angles, was uncovered in the south transept, having a stone bench on its 
westeiu face, with part of a plaster fioor in front of ii. This fioor covers 
a still older Saxon wall, parallel in direction with that beneath the 
west«m arch. Of Roman materials only two fragments have come to' 
hgiit ; one high up in the lantern, a mere bit of plmth ; the other in the 
heart of the foundationB of the north-east pier. This has been part of a 
carved pilaster, a half circle in plan, entirely covered with foliage of a 
kind of oak leaf pattern, carved in shallow relief A remarkable Roman 
tile, of peculiar form, resembling the seat of a chair, and inscribed ua a 
ma, was spoken of as having been brought to light at Bamack, and 
deposited in the Natural History Museum at Peterborough. 

Mr. Edwih a. Babbbr communicated the following notes on " Some 
Fragments of Pre-historic Pottery from the Pueblo Buins of Utah " ; — 

" This Pueblo pottery is found in great abundance in the vicinity of 


tiie ancient raiited bnildii^ in tlie Ttdley of the Rio Sui Juan, which 
oepantes Utah and Colorado on the north, from Sew U«zieo and Arieona 
on the south. In the anntmer of 1875 I had the opportunity of aocora- 
panjing a branch of the United States Geological and Geographical 
Survey, in ohorge of Professor F. V. Hayden, through that interesting 
and Bomewhat inaccessible country. 

" Amongst the large nnmber of pieces of broken potteiy whidl I col- 
lected, only two were in a atate of entirety. The ware is ot three kinds : 
1 et, the corrugated ; 2nd, the red (resembling some of the Samian ware 
found in Great Britain); and 3rd, the white potteiy, with black or 
coloured ornamentation. Pueblo pottery ia remarkable as being the only 
ware found in the United States which posaessea a gloss, or polish, nearly 
approaching a glaze. The ornamentation consists of geometrical designs 
in Mack, bofi, or red, on a white or cream coloured ground In very rare 
instances this pottery was decorated with paintings of animala. In one 
apecimen, which I picked up in Southern Utah, an elk (H deer was 
painted. Another fragment of a water jar was moulded in the form of a 
frog. These, with two or three other examples, are the only specimens 
yet found which ezhitHt any artistio skill in the moulding or decoration 
of the Burfacea, The Moqui Indians of Arizona and the Pueblo and Zufii 
peoples of New Mexico still manufacture a similar ware, bat of inferior 
composition and workmanship." 

9ntfqoftiM ann ninfu tX 9ct tfijifUtili. 

By the Babon d« Co^oh. — A collection of upwards of forty gauntlets, 
tangii^ from the fifteenth to the early part of the seventeenth century, 
lent by himself, Mr. F. Weekes, Wi. 8- Lucas, and others. The develop- 
ment of the gauntlet, from the simple mail pouch for the hand, of the 
time of Richard I, to the elaborate and beautiful workmanship of the 
gauntlet of the early part of the sixteenth century, was most clearly and 
lucidly explained by die Baron himself, and illustrated by references to a 
series of full-sized drawings and to monnmentd effigies and brasses. 
Perhaps the most interesting features of the exhibition were certain left- 
handed gauntlets, explained to be part of the equipment of duellers in the 
sword and dagger conflicts so usual in Italy in the sizteentli and seven- 
teenth centuries. 

By the Rev. J. Bbok and Mr. HAKTBHonNX. — A collection of wafeh 
cases, showing different examples of old shagreen, and bom painted with 
foliage and pastoral subjects ; and a qntuitity of " watoh-cocks," or verge 
coven — ot^ects of ^ver and brasswoi^ of the gnaatest debotoy and 
beauty, wluch have only lately attracted the attention of o~ 

December 6, 1863. 

The Rev. SiB Talbot Bakkb, Bart, in the Chair. 

The Rev. JoBBFB Hibst read a paper " On the Methods used by the 
Ancient Romans for Extinguishing Conflagrations." After instancing 
the discoveries of the excitbUoria or guard-houses of the Vioilbs or 
firemen of the city of Rome, made in 1820, 1868, 1866, 1873, and in 
^Al^Ust of the preaent year, it was briefly shown what light was thereby 
thrown on the organization and tacties of that useful earpa. The bulk of 

d4 PBoo&BDiKas A^ hbeXings op 

tiie paper road was devoted to iUnstnting, by ntunerous quotations from 
the Greek and Latin claaaics, the sparse tdlueions that can alone be 
gathered fiom ancient authors and from chance inscriptions as to the nse 
made by the Soman fiiemen, of whom there were 7,000, of cloths wetted 
by water or steeped in vinegar, of the double-action forcing pump called 
sipho, of laddera, of axes, of poles, and of water buckets. Great use 
seems to have been made bj the Roman firemen of Esparto giasa, 
procured, says Pliny, from Spain ; but for what purpose is unknown. In 
conclusion, attention was drawn to some grajffUi inscriptions, made as an 
idle freak by some Eoman fiiemen on the walls of the Transtiberine 
guardhouse recently discovered, which reveal the names of two of the 
lower officials of the corps not hitherto known, and about the interpreta- 
tion of which the learned differ. 

After some remarks by Mr. Batub on the laif^ number of ' men 
employed, and the various methods of extinguishing fires, the chairman 
proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Hirst. 

The Eev. E. McClueb than read an able and masterly paper " On 
Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Personal Nomenclature," the result of twenty 
years' labour in that field of archeology ; for which a vote of thanks was 
passed to the author. 

^ftntiqnftfts anti CHoikf) of 9[rt £il)fliitil). 

By Mr. W. G. R Lswis. — Rubbings of brasses from Harefield Chureh, 
Middlesex, of Sir John Newd^ate (died 19th June, 1545), his wife, and 
childnn; and of Editha, wife of William Newdegate, who died 9th 
September, 1444. Also a fuU-aize drawing of a late fourteenth century 
bassinet, adapted for use in the sixteenth century by having a visor 
attached, and which is supposed to have belonged to Sir John Newdegate, 
It is now preserved on his tomb. The Institute is indebted to Mr. Lewis 
for the following notes on the chnrch which contains these memorials : — 

" Harefield Church consistB of chancel, nave, and north and south 
aisles, with towet and north porch. 

"The chancel and Brackenbnry chapel contain many monuments to 
the Newdegate family. In the chancel, which is raised six steep steps 
above the nave, against the east wall and on either side of the com- 
munion table are IsJge monumenta. That on the north is in memory of 
Sir Richard Newdegate, Bart, (eldest son to the first baionet of Uiat 
name), who died in 1710, and Maiy his wife (dai^htei of Sir Edward 
Bago^ Bart), who died in 1692. It is the work of Grinling Gibbons, 
who probably executed the interesting open carved woodwork behind the 
communion table. The background of it requires gilding, which would 
add great richness and enable it to be seen. 

" On the south side of the communion table is a monument to the 
memory of Alice, Gountese Dowager of Derby, who died in lfi37. It is 
ID two stories. The front of the lower part has three arched recesses 
containing representations of her daughteis, with shields on the piers ; 
the upper ia a canopy supported on Corinthian columns, with curtains 
tied to them in the very questionable taste of the time. Under this 
canopy is an effigy of the countess. The whole is painted and decorated. 

On the south side of the chancel is an altar tomb, with a very flat four 
centred arched canopy, in memory of John Newdegate, who died 19 June, 
1545, and Anne his wife. Agunat the back of the recess are brasses of 


Sii John, his wife, and children. I amd you a tough rubbing of Uiem. 
On the top of the altar tomb are sundry pieces of armoui, hehneta and 
gaaatlete, some geuuioe and some of only sheet iron. Amongst them is 
the hehnet of which I hare the honor to send a full-eixe drawing of the 
side. It is sapposed to have belonged to Sir John Newdegate, and ia 
very interesting as exhibiting an early fifteenth centiiiy baaainet adapted 
for nae in Uie sixteenth oentui}' by having a visor attached. This 
addition would appear to have been made about the second quarter or 
middle of the sixteen^ century ; and- would therefore be favoniable to 
the supposition that it belonged to Sir Jolm Newdegate. 

" The total length from the front of visor to the baok of head-piece, 
1 ft 2^ ms. ; height, 1 ft ; weight about 6^ lbs. 

" The other rubbing I submit is from a brass to Editha, wife of William 
Newdegate, who died 9th September, 1444 ; and was the mother of John 
Ifewdegate, Esq., Seigeant-at-'law, who died in 1528, whose memorial and 
that of Amphihcia his wife (died 1514) is in the Brockenbury Chapel at 
- the east end of south aisla This John Newdegate was father to the 
supposed owner of the helmet" 

By Miss LoniHA Walk. — Sketches of the old Sunnily Hill Wells 
posting inn, which was built about 1545, or earlier. It was erected near 
a chalybeate spring, situate between two hills, and is now in a very n^- 
lectsd state. 

By Mrs. Kbbb. — Seals of some members of Sir William Draper's 
family, tertq). Cromwell 

Febriary 7, 1884. 
ITie Preddent in the Chair. 

Mr. -GossxLiN read a paper by the Rev. C. W. Kino " On a Jewish Seal 
found at Woudbridge." This is a circular seal of brass, li in. in diameter 
bearing the device of a wyvem regardant looking at a star. The legend, 
which is in the lettering of the twelfth or thirteenth century, and some- 
what defaced in parts, feema to read : + aKATHiFXDERicuLEZNDRUVD, 
which may be translated, " Seal of !Nathan, son of f (rjederic, son of 
Alexander, the Jew." 

Mr. KiKO thinks the device may either astrologically represent the 
horoscope of the individual, or refer to his nationality, inasmuch as the 
planet Saturn — typified by the serpent, or medieval dragon — is the 
guardian of the Jewish race ; the Sabbath itself being meroly the diet 
Saiarni ; and their long-expected Messiah is to make his appearance 
when that star is in the sign Pisces The legend deserves notice as 
deecribing the owner of the seal in the names of his father and grand- 
father. The omisaiou, too, of the r in the second name aigues an 
Italian origin. The circumstance of our Nathan's baldly proclaiming his 
nationality, by the addition, " Judceus," is important, as pointing to a 
period of our history when " the chosen people " enjoyed aa mui^ con- 
sideration and real influence in the communities as in the present day. 
Again, the magnitude of the seal, according to the rule of the age, bore a 
defined relation to the ttatut of the sealer. The appearance of the crou 
prefixed to the signature of a Jetn may be got over by supposing that 
from its perpetual use in such a position the symbol had lost all religioua 

96 PBOOEEDiirafl at HiErracw or thb stbitfdtsi 

miamiTig wheu BO pkood, and was oome to be comddeied ae meiely the 
maik of Gonunenoaneiit 

Ur. W. H. St. Jobh Hon than read a papei on " The Ai^putinisiL 
Priory of the Holy Trinity at Repton, Derhyahire." After giving & bri^ 
outline ef the T«rioue ecdesiaetical eatablishmonts at Repton aiiice the 
seveiLth oe&tniy, Hr. Hope described the result of recent excavationa on 
the site of a Priory of Black Canons foanded here in the twelfth century. 
The discoveries made included the lower portion of the nave walls, wi^ . 
tbe bases of the aroades and oentral tower piore, with part of the ptiipilum 
at the entrance to Uie choir. The whole of the excavated area has been 
cleared out to the floor lioe, and amongst the debris were found many 
beautiful fragments of carving retaining their original coloring and 
gildinft Very many of the mouldings were coated with whitewash. 
NumatooB fine apecimene of floor tiles have also been uncovered, and in 
some parts portiona of Uie pavement still lie in titu to gite the original 

In proposiiig a vote of thanks to Messrs. King uid Hope, the Prbbi- 
DENT spoke in feeling terms of the great loss the Institute had sustained 
by the death of Hr. John Henry Parker, CB., and on the motion of 
Mr. B1.TLIB, seconded by Mr. Church, it was unanimously reeolved that 
an exfffeBsian of sympatiiy and condolence with the family be communi- 
cated from the Institute by the Secretary, 

9ntfiiuflfi0 anl) ttBarhs of 9tt ^{btttb. 

By Rev. C. W. Ema. — Impression of the seal of Nathan, son of 
Frederick, son of Alexander, the Jew, found at Woodbridge, Suffolk. 

By Mr. AV. H. St. John Hopk. — Plana of bases of nave piers from 
Bepton Priory, Derbyshire. 

By Rev, Prebendwy Soabtb. — A photograph of the recent excavations 
at Bath. 

By Mrs. KsBa — A set of phott^raphs of silver vessels found at 
Hildesheim, Germany.' 

By Mr. Soden Smith. — A small goa stone in a silk bag, which doubt- 
less was carried as a preservative against plague. The stone has once 
been gilt 

Mr. lUacb Smith wiilm it to be stated tliat the poeitieti la which hii name 
etands on page 133 of the preceding volume of the Jountat is altogether a miitake 
ud can in no way be justified. 

) Baa abci AnkmOogkal /mtimI, xxrt, 2M. 


NoticM at flrc!)HtaIogfcal ^uEduatfoiw. 

FURBECK, DORSET. ^ Thohas Bobd, &a. London : Edward Stanfotd. 
Bounumiotith : K. H. & A. STdenham. 

In the volume of the Journal for 1865 ' will be found an able paper 
'on Corfe Castle from Mr. Bond's peo, followed by & description of the 
bnUdiog by Mr. 6. T. Clark. The work before na embodies these two 
papers, wiUt such emendations and improvemente as further researches 
during the laat twenty years have rendered necessary. It may fairly be 
said, that the author has published probably as complete a monograph of 
a castle as has yet appeared. 

The three principal points noticed by Mr. Bond on which there may be 
some difference of opinion are (1) the date of the keep, (2) tite position of 
the cbspel of 8t Mary, and (3) the age and object of the herring-bone 

The difSculty with regard to the date of the keep has been diacusaed 
befora It arises from the apparently contradictory evidence of two such 
important authoritiee as the Domesday Survey and the Testa de KevilL 
The former states that, " of the manor of Kingston, the king has one hide 
in which he made the castle of Wareham, and for that he gave to 8t 
Mary's of Shaftesbury the church of Gillinghem with its appurtenances;" 
the latter, that the advowaoa of the church of Gillinghum was given in 
exchange to the Abbot of St. Edwaid's (Shaftesbury) for the land where 
the casUe of Oorfe is placed. 

If the scribes of the Domesday Survey inadvertently wrote Waieham 
for Corfe then the discrepancy disappears ; or the castle may have been 
considered aa a kind of out-poet to Ute then important town of Wareham 
— in fact, the casUe of Wardiam at Corfe — and they therefore gave it tlie 
name ot the town. 

In conBtmction the keep has many featoree in common with the White 
Tower of London, which, according to the Textvs Boffeneu, was bnilt by 
Bishop Gnndnlf before the close of the Conqueror's reign ; and if there 
is no inconsistout architoctnial peculiarity about the castle of Corfe, 
William the Conqueror may justly be claimed as its founder. The 
incarceration here of Bobert, Duke of Dformandy, by Heniy I, in 1106 
speaks of the existence of a (»6tle at Coife as early as that date. 

The chapel of St. Maiy is identifed by Mr. Bond with the upper 
chamber of the annexe on the south side of the keep. Both the aichitec' 
tural and docnmentary evidence point to the identity of it with the chapel ; 
but owing to its inaccessibility, and the difBoulty of examining any of its 
details from below, it is possible there may be some who will hesitate to 
accept the author's deductions without personal investigation on the spot. 

The question of the age and object of the herringbone work is one of 
' Arth. /«Mr., nil, 20O. 


g^t interest According to Mr. Bond, the south-west tower of ttie 
second ward "is partially built up againut the outside of a f ai more 
ancient wall, constructed in the peculiar style of masonry known as 
' herringbone work.' The stones are flat and thin, and set on edge, 
inclining disfjonallj. They are so arranged that tbe stones of each course 
incline inversely to those of the courses above and below. . . . 

" A. curtain wall, about seven feet six inches thick, has been built up 
outside and against the herringbone wall, and extends westwards from the 
mural tower last described, till it joins another tower of octagonal shape, 
crowning the extreme western spur of the castle hill, and which, from its 
piominent situation, was denominated the 'Butavant' tower. . . 

" The herringbone wall ceases about twenty-six feet ten inches abort ol 
the Butavant and is about three feet three inches thick, so that, as far as 
it ext«itde, the two combined walls measnie ten feet eight inches in thick- 
ness. The herringbone wall is constructed in similar style in botii its 
facefi, and originally measured from end to end about seventy-one feet 
inside measura It had three email windovra, about equidistant from each 
otlier, two of which are still perfect, though one of them has been whcdly, 
and the other partly, built up with masonry. The third is partially 
destroyed. They are of sinular form and size. The opening of the 
windows was six inches in width and about two feet six inches in height; 
but they are splayed within to two feet in width and four feet six inches 
in height The windows are square-headed, but the splays carry eemi- 
citculat arches ; the whole being neatly executed in ashlar. ^Dte two 
outer windows of the three are each about equidistant, viz., about eight«ai 
feet, from the respective ends of the building. 

" The peculiar character of this wall, and its extremely weatiieibeaten 
appearance indicate great antiquity, and render it worthy of special 
notice. It evidently could not have originally formed part of the mililary 
defences of the castle; and it must therefore be a fragment of soma 
building of either an ecdedasticsl or civil character. 

"With a view to ascertain, if possible, what was the nature and 
purpose of the building of which thia fragment onco formed a part, I have, 
by permission of the owner, searched for fonndatlons, coromencii^ at the 
west end of the existing wall, where a section shows that it originally 
turned at right angles. At four feet below the turf the aBtofT of the 
ancient foundation was reached ; and follovnng its courae, &9 whole was 
laid open to its full extent At the distance of nearly twenty-two feet 
from the corner where the section is seen, the foundation turns i^;ain, 
and runs parallel to the existing wall to about the same length as &e 
latter, and then turning again at light angles, it met the southern wall 
near its present termination. The set-off of the foundation at the east 
end, where there is no superstructure, is about six feet wide ; elsewhere 
it is less, the width of what remains of the wall itself beii^ about three 
feet six inches; Buttresses about three feet ei^t inches wide, and pro- 
jecting about ten and a half inches, twminat«d tbe west ends of both tiie 
north and south walls ; but there is no appearance of there having been 
any in the lateral waUe. The height of the herringbone wall towards the 
west end is eleven feet above the turf, and four feet four inches below it, 
making fifteen feet four inches in all. It was no doubt once somewhat 
liigher. The left-hand jamb of a doorway is apparent in the northern 
foundation at fourteen feet nine inches from the face of the buttress. 

Digit z^,.i - 0ootjle 

L, Google 


Fragments of herringbaDe work }ieTe and there shov that the vhole 
building was constructed in the same faahioo both inside and oat. No 
indication was met with in the masonry that there ware ever any original 
cross walls, neither are there any original joist holes, which might have 
shown that the building had contained two or more etories. Additiona] 
evidence that there never was an upper story is found in the position of 
the single row of windows. The sill of the western one seenu to have 
been about ten feet fire inches above the set-off of the foundation, hut 
that near the other extremity is about seven feet ten inches above it. At 
about twenty-seven feet nine inches eastward from the outside of the 
west wall is a comparatively recent cross wall, three feet three inches 
thick, which, leaping over a fragment of the herringbone, here six feet 
high, ia carried on northwards some way outside the older work. An 
excavation to the foundation of this cross wall seems to show that three 
successive walls have been built at difierent times on this spot ; but as 
there are straight joints, and no bonds where they meet the older walls, it 
would appear that neither of them was carried up simultaneously with 
the original building. On the east side of this cross wall the earth has 
been raised as much as six feet six inches above the set-off of the founda- 
tion, burying the old herringbone work, and rising nearly to the sills of 
the windows. This cross wall, the lower part of which ia rudely con- ' 
structed, and is manifestly older than the superstiiicture, seems to have 
been placed here partly for the purpose of sujiporting the earth heaped 
up in forming the eastern platfurm, iind partly, periiaps, to check the 
advance of the enemy, in case of the outer works of this part of the castle 
felling into his hands. There are no positive indications of any junction 
of the exterior walla with any other building ; and it would eeem, there- 
fore, from the above description, that we have here the remains of a 
single isolated building, forming one long, narrow apartment of some 
kind, measuring internally about seventy-one feet by sixteen feet eleven 

" One remarkable feature of this building is that the set-off of the 
foundation slopes upwards about six feet seven inches from west to east, 
and the floor of the apartment, therefore, no iJoubt, followed the same 
inclination. But the slope is not continuous in the same plane through- 
out, as west of the cross wall it is very slight, whilst at the spot where 
that wall now elands there seems to have been a sudden rise of about two 
feet nine inches. Here, therefore, there may possibly have been steps. 
The windows, in a great measure, corresponded with the slope of the floor, 
as they rise in the same direction about nine inches, one above the other. 
No pavement has been met with, but the ground seems to have been 
covered with mortar, in which a pavement might have been originally 

" Sear the vest end of the existing herringbone wall, at about three 
feet six inches above the bottom of the foundation, is what looks much 
like a drain, neatly constructed of ashlar. It does not penetrate beyond 
the herringbone wall, and runs in a somewhat diagonal direction. It is 
evidently an insertion of more recent date than the wall itself, bat what 
purpose it was intended to serve is difficult to decide. It ia shown in the 
accompanying wood-cut, which represents the western portion of the 
herringbone wall as fat as the cross wall The original window on the 
left of the engraving is partly ruined, hut sufficient of it remains to show ' 


that it was identical in form and sise irith the others, which ore perfect- 
The artiat, therefore, has tianefatred one of the latter to this phice in the 

" Some portion of the herringbone work ia concealed by plaster, as is 
shown in the accompanying view. 

" For what purpose was this building erected ) To what use was it 
appropriated ? The question ia one which the evidence hardly warrants 
our answering with absolute certainty, and we are therefore driven to 
conjecture. On the whole, however, I am inclined to think it was a 
church. Could it have been the same which was built by the (^roat St. 
Aldhelm, then abbot of Malmesbury, but afterwards bishop of Sherborne, 
in the decade of the seventh century 1 If such was really the case, this 
time-worn fragment and this hallowed spot cannot fail to awaken the 
moat lively interest, "-^pp. 59-63. 

" It seems that tliia building must have been either a hall- or a church, 
for it ia pretty certain from what has been stated in the text that it could 
not have been a dwelling-houae. The sloping floor would render it 
extremely inconvenient for a hall, even with such scanty furniture as 
might be found in an Anjjlo-Saxon residence, and its great length in 
proportion to the width would be but ill suited for a halL Moreover, a 
hall must have formed part of a dwelling-house, whereas this building 
seems to have been detached and isolated. If an Anglo-Saxon mansion 
requiring a hall of these dimensions — and such a residence we may fairly 
assume would be in some degree made capable of defence — had adjoined 
this ruin, it would have been completely dominated by the hUl im- 
mediately overhanging it. I think there can be little doubt, therefore, 
that whenever there was such a mansion at Corfe it was situated on the 
summit of the castle hill, and not on this spot ; and it is not likely to 
have extended as far as to the platform below, for Anglo-Saxon houses 
were not very large. 

" Before laying open the foundations, I rather expected to meet with 
traces of a chancel of narrower dimensions than the body of the buUdin^ 


which would have afibided unequivocal evidence that this vea a churdL 
Nona, however, were found ; but such an anangement was not necoBsaiy 
01 always adopted in vet; early chmohes, some of which are built of 
nnifonn width, after the Roman maunet. 

" The nave and chancel of Deerhurst chinch, in Qloacestershire, which 
have hnringbone work, and are supposed to have been erected before the 
Norman Conquest, are of equal width. They measure together fifty-nine 
feet in length by twenty feet six inches in breadth, and the chano^ was 
originally still longer. The chancel of Morley St Botolph, in Norfolk, 
is only three inches narrower in the inside than the nave, the whole 
measuring internally eighty-seven feet six inches by eighteen feet three 

"The roof of the building at Corfe must have been of timber, as there 
is no indication of there having been any arches, or any responds from 
which vaulting might have sprung. None such are mentioned by Bede 
and other ancient authorities in many churches which they describe. 

"The sloping floor ol this building seams more indicative of a church 
than of a hall, for there are many examples of sloping floors in ancient 
churches in England. The floor of the nave of Badingham church, is 
Suffolk, is an inclined plana, rising about six feet in sixty, from west to 
east The chancel, likewise, originally inclined, but less rapidly. The 
windows rise with the floor of the nave, as they do at Corfe. There was 
a chureh at Badingham when Domesday was compiled, and probably, 
therefore, it was built before the Conquest. The chureh now standing 
was most likely erected on the same spot as the original, and the sloping 
floor, therefore, may date from the Anglo-Saxon period. The floor of 
Barkaswell church, in Warwick slii re, rises from the west end to the altar 
about three feet, and consists of several platforms with one or more steps 
between them. The second and third platfonns are inclined planes, 
rising about one in twenty. The chancel ie still more elevated. The 
floor of the church of St. Mary, at Guildford, in Surrey, ia also an 
inclined plane, and has a very imposing appearance. Part of the church 
la said to date from before the Conquest 

"These sloping floors of churehes are in most cases accounted for by 
the slope of the ground on which they are built ; and at Corfe it is 
evident that this part of the castle hill originally fell rapidly from east to 
west, though it has since been artificially formed so as to make two nearly 
level platforms, one of which is several feet below the other. 

" I am inclined to think that where the floor rose rapidly, on the site 
of the cross wall in the Corfe building, there most have originally been 
steps, as at Berkeswell. 

" The orientation of this building at Corfe is as true as the ground 
will admit, being in the direction of E.S.K by WN.W., so that on the 
whole the evidence seems strongly to point to its having been a church," 
— Appendix, pp. 137-9. 

The author supposes this to be the church built in Purbeck by St 
Aldhelm soon after the year 690, and which William of Malmesbury says 
was at Corfft Mr. Bond continues :— 

" There is nothing in the architecture of this fragment which is incon- 
sistent with the theory that it is the remains of St Aldhelm's church. 
Ito very weather-beaten appearance, and peculiar method of construction, 
evidence its groat antiquity ; and its very small windows, though of less 


ditneosioiia, are not unlike in character those of the ' ecdesiola ' at 
Bradford-on-ATon, which ia still standing, and is admitted to have been 
built by St. Aldhelm, vho has been described as ' oae of the greatest 
buUders of his time.' 

" But there is no similaiity between the masonry of the church at 
Bradford and the wall at Corfe. This, however, is easily accounted for. 
Masonry in all ages aud in all countries has been iniluenced by local 
circumstances. Flint was generally used for facing walla in the eastern 
counties, and brick and wood intermixed were employed in Chei^hiro; 
but in Somersetshire and the adjacent part of Wiltshire, where admirable 
building stone, easily worked, was at hand, ashlar generally prevaUed. 
At Bradford this facility led the builder of the ' ecclesiola ' to adopt the 
later mode of construction, whilst in the remote district of Purbeck, 
though good building stone abounds, it lies deeply buried in the hills, 
'and is for the most part very hard and difficult to work. It is possible, 
therefore, that in the seventh and eighth centuries few, if any, quarries 
might yet have been opened. But atone, thin and fiat bedde*!, requiring 
no tooling, such as is used in herringbone work, is found near the surface, 
and is consequently easily acquired. The joints in Anglo-Saxon ashlar 
work were usually closer than in ^^Torman buildings, and the worked 
stone of the windows of this building at Corfe is neatly tooled and closely 

" The preservation of the building— possibly in its integrit\, but at all 
events its southern side wlieu tlie more recent wall wna built up against 
it — may not be without significance as indicating that some superior 
sanctity or importance was attached to it, arising, it ia natural to suppose, 
from the mimcle said to have been wrought there. Its retention could 
be of little use in strengthening the fortification, for the more recent wall 
outside it in seven feet six inches thick, and is on the very brink of the 
castle hill, which is there too precipitous for a beseiging force to find 
footing for attack, and, therefore, no extraordinary strength of wall was 
required at this spot That the Hdditional wall was of itself considered 
sufficiently strong is shown by its thickness not being increased after it 
quits the herringbone in its course towards the Butavaut. 

" If, theu, St Aldhelm did build a church at Corfe, and if the very 
ancient building which has been described was really a church, is it 
uni«asonable to conjecture that it may possibly have been the very same 
as that of which St Aldhelm was the founder 1 The question is one 
which can never be conclusively answered ; but whatever may have been 
the real date and destination of this building, its great antiquity admits 
of no doubt ; and whether it ia the remains of St, Aldhelm'e church or 
not, I think it may be fairly assumed that Queen Elfrida heraolf either 
prayed or feasted within its walls,"— Appendix, pp. 1+1-3. 

There is one point on which we agree with Mr. Bond moat emphatically, 
and that is, on the evil of permitting the growth of the "baleful plant," aa 
Mr. Freeman rightly terms it, known as ivy. Tlie enormous rate at which 
this horrid parasite grows is astonishing ; and in a few years the noble 
keep at Coife vrUl be reduced to a huge ivy bush. Besides the damage 
inflicted by the plant itself, the increased surface it affords to the wind is 
often highly dangerous to the stability of lofty pieces of ruin, and it ia 
incredible what beautiful fragmento are yearly sacrificed to the ivy god on 
the plea of its pictureaqueneas. . ^ 


The facBuniles of the Kingston I^cey plans which illustrate this 
volume have already appeared in the Arehi^dlogiedl Jourrud,^ Ibut the 
author has added several new and interesting woodcuts, two of which, 
by his courtesy, we are able to reproduce here. 

" "iit. Bond's work treats of the history of Corfe Castle, both archi- 
tectural and documentary, in a must exhaustive way, and it is difficult 
to see what further can be s^d about it in its present condition. 

The work reflects not only great credit on i^ author, but also on the 
local firm of printers who publish it. 

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Ctir iatc|)ata I osteal journal. 

Bj BUmmU, LEWIS, U.A., F.S.A. 

Iteiins' is well known aa a place of historical interest : 
the French kings for many centuries were crown^ there, 
bnt this ceremony was peculiarly imposing when Charles 
Vil received the rite of consecration, and Joan of Arc 
stood by with her victorious banner unfurled.* The cathe- 
dral in which these celebrations took place has a world- 
wide fame ; architectural grandeur, gorgeous colouring in 
the windows, and statuesque decoration outside, form a 
combination unsurpassed in France, I might even say, in 
the world." On the other hand, comparatively few are 

' Id tlie Middle AgM the name of tliu 
city vrta written Jtaim ; in the aiiteenth 
century the form Sanu wu adopted ; at 
tlte hwiiiniDg of the preasDt centuiy 
it was changed to Sluinu, bat the letter 
k ii now rojeeted by the Prenoh uniTer- 


beU. Oall. ii, S, &0. & dirtuigaiihed 
conbibutor hu, 1 prcmine, inadTsrtently, 
prefixed JOunniM u a heading to Mb 
article in the Salurdaji Rtniem, Februaiy 
6, 1879, toL nil, p. 181. 

Ftixi Sam*, whioh rsHmblea rained 
and rainaau (rinoean) Lt,, foliage, the 
armorial bearinga of the city an iteriT«d ; 
thej oondat Jl ■ bianoh oovered with 
leaves, and may be aaeii fignrad on Uia 
litle-pags of the Congiia SoieDtiflque de 
Pranoe, ti«dzi^e loitoa, Saptembre, 
1846 : Ifoticea aur Reinu et Mi Eati- 
raua, p. 95 n, Memoir by Mona. Ch. 
Ldriqnet, on Bonu, aea prinapalaa Insti- 
tntiooa at aea fti iiiiiirwiiiiii iila »iiiiiiiaaifi 
Thaae amt* pariimtm "oantiag arnu," 
in ae m ble the derioei on Gre^ ooins, 
which symbolim the name of the dty 
where tl^ were atruck. Comjiare 
Boutall'i Henldty, pp. IG-ia, AIlniiTe 
vol. XU. (No. ISS). 

quality of Early Annory ; p. 139, 
Mottoes ; pp. 143 tq.., Rebos. 

■ The Cathedral at iteiinq was the 
W«atmin>ter Abbey of Franca. Horeau'a 
admirable engraving of the Sufe de 
Louis XVI eihibita a display of feudal 
magnifioenoe then witnessed for the 
last time; it oiintsjnii 135 flgurea, many 
of which are portndts. This oelebrated 
artist ia known as Uoreau le Jeune ; his 
works are described by Porttdis et 
Baraldi, GnveuTS du Dii-Huitiime 
Slide, 1832, voL iii, p. 137 ; Gdmond et 
Jules de UoQcourt, L'Art du Dii-Hui- 
tiime SiMa, Ondftma Fascicule, 1S83, 
aao. vil, pp. 192-19G ; H. Drubel, 
<EuV[« de J. M. Monau le Jeune, 1871. 
In MHne books the raferenee for the coro- 
nation of Louis XVI ia given under 
SemeM, the oath which the king took- 

* AmMM Chthedral haa been often 
pntiaed h tba ftneat in Francs, bat Uis 
writer in the Saturday Ranan, loo. oit, 
justtv remsjki that " Amiens outaide ia 
Himply shapeleaa, Bhaims forms aa well 
dcngned a whole aa any chntch can that 
lacks that crown of the central tower, 
which;li«h and Hormsn eyea will 
always crave as indispenaalde to a perfact 


acquainted with the early history of this city, or with the 
monuments still existing that bear witness to its political 
importance and advanced civilization at a period long; 
antecedent to the erection of that magnificent temple.." 
These remains of GaUo-Eoman times I shall now attempt, 
to describe, and I hope to show that irom various points' 
of view they deserve to be considered attentively. 

I. Among them the Porta Martis is indisputably the 
most conspicuous, and holds the same position at Beims as 
the gates of Arroux and St. Andr^ at Autun. It stands in 
the north-eastern part of the Promenade Publiques, and at 
the north end of the Eue de Mars, or, if we describe it 
with reference to ancient topography, at the beginning of 
a street w^ch traversed the town and ended at the gate 
called Basilicaris. The facade towards the country ia 3S 
metres wide, and 13 metres 50 centimetres high. There 
are three large arches with a cornice above them, which is 
supported by eight fluted Corinthian columns on bases. 
The superstructure that surmounted this order has alto- 
gether perished. In each intercolumniation we see a 
rectangular niche with a pediment, and above it a 
medallion enclosing a bust. This latter ornament reminds 
us of Constantine's Arch at Rome, belonging, I think, to 
the same period ; * where two medallions are placed over 

' PrerioiiBly to ths Roman oocupatioii Some have ab«uriUy eiplained Ihira- 

ths oity bore the Dime of DurocortonuQ, ' - ■ ■ •^ 

and Ckbv, BeU. QalL, Ti, 41, in dig first . 

author to mentioii it. We have here % eentun ; auconUag t , . 

oompound of two Oallio trord*, dour «od tioa Remu mnild be th« dtv ot bard- 

eorl, the former sigiiif jing water, and hearted people ; Durocort ou lee Remoia 

the latter an enGloanre. Tua etymology houb lea Romama par feu Jean lacourt^ 

Rilts the podtioii at Btptim, which ia pp 9S and 262 (note J) ; oont. itt pp. ' 

■Ituated on the river Veale (Hometijoieii 83-S7. Many valuable notei have bem 

trritten VSle), a tributary of the Aime. added to Lacourt'e work by the editor, L. 

Ditur appaan in Adoor and Douro ; Foria. 

eoti ii otily another form of the Gaelio We l«m From Stnba that Raima «m 

wairt, mom nearly related to the Oreek a fiouriehing dty in the early day! ot th« 

Xf"! and the iktin aihan, Zhmtm, Empire ; Oeogr. Lib. iv, cap. iii fin 

like dunum, ocean both na a prefix and '^loXBy^arar 3*/ot1v iBni tw t^t^ 

M a Huffix ; Durocortomm reeemblee 'P^/ioi, itali] uiiTp6ToXa ivrfip timiptKo^Apit 

DnrobrivB [Rodieater), Durolipona (Ood- iii\um ffimmtSiTOJ, nl a^x'™" "*• ■"" 

mancheeter) and other placei m uur own 'PiiuiUai trftiiina. 

country; but DtTodurum(Uet2)ia farmed * Teiier and PuUaa think that the 

like Batavodurum, Boiodunim, An, 'aea Porta Martia waa areoted in honour ot 

Amutrong's Gaelic Diotionuy, a.v. Dur, tbe Emperor Julian, to oommemar^ hia 

tlnir. ■ Thia author improperly writes Sp**^ viotory gained over eight alUed 

Ditroeortum, and Betgier makea the aame Qermau Kings near Aigentoratum (Stna- 

miataka ; Darocoriorvn ia supported by bourg] ; and cite Aminianua Maroallinas 

the aothority of Strabo, Ptolemy, xv, 8 ; iviii, 2 ; xzi, 1 : fiyzaatina 

^teplvvnua Bytantinua, the Itdnerur of Architecture, illuatrated by exampks ot 

'AfflqiiiGU lod the Peutingaiiaii l^ble edifioes erected in the eMt during tiw 

[(t^fo. i-.D.) earlieit *gea of Chilttiaiuir . . by C^kriw 


each of the side entrances, taken from an earlier building 
erected in Trajan's reign, and representing scenes in the 
private life of that emperor. The remainder of the space 
between the columns is fiEed with winged genii (perhaps 
Victories), drapery, and caducei or standards arranged 
cross- wise.' 

One architectural feature in this monument should be 
specially mentioned, as it is rare, if not unparalleled. 
Though the central vault is higher and broader than the 
other two, its imposts are in the same horizontal line as 
those of the lateral ones. 

Considered a.s a whole, the facade bears marks of 
decadence, especially in the profusion of its ornaments j 
but on the other hand, lioth the proportions and the 
execution of details show that the precedents of a better 
age had not yet become obsolete. The soffits, or lower 
surfaces of the arches, are the parts most interesting to the 
student of art and antiquity, because they contain designs, 
of which the middle one is, as might be expected, mora 
elaborate than the other two. (1) The principal group 
occupies a square inscribed in a circle, it consists of a seated 
personajre holding a comucopiae in each hand, and four 
surrounding figures, two standing and two seated, the latter 
pair offering baskets of fruit. According to Honsieur 
Loriquet we have here Verturanus and the four seasons, but 
in an old engraving by Cohn the seated figure is more like a 
female, and is so described in the accompanying test,* 

Tezier ntd R. Popplswell Pullan, p. IG. platform : Rich. Compuiioii to tlie Lktiii 

Aocording to t]i«« writer* the fuliage DietioiiaiyB.v.; C. 0. Hiiller, Denkmaler, 

BDd mouldings and omaiiiente of the Pul I, PI. LXV, No. 3i5 d, from 

interior of the nniheB liATe all the Btrtoli and Bellori, Arcua triamphalea ; 

chanicter of Bjianliiie art ; but this tab. i-8. 

view aeuna to me exaggerated. The; ■ Hiiller, Archaolc^e der Kunat, Eng- 

ftpply tlie word ftrcuiuia to the circular liah tnuiBlittioll, p. C>4D, aac 104, aaya 

diaca or burldera <m which headi are that Vertumnua baa not yet been ajiy- 

carred ; dipeia would be more appro- whars reoogmzed witii certainty. It ia 

priata here. cUfficuIt to diatinsuiah him from SilTanua, 

' With these aculpturea compare derioea who ia uiuall; represented with pruninr 

on denarii : Cohen, H£duUes Commliureii, knile, stem of a young tree and 

PlaDche, I, Cariria, Noa. II and 12, pina wreath : Cf. Hirt Bilderbuob fiir 

trophy with spears croesed ; PI. zz, Julia, Mythologie, Zweitea Heft, S. 172 aq., Fl. 

Noa. U and IS, trophy with two Oallk XXIV, 10. 

trompetif in opponte diroctiona, the Texier and Pullan explain the central 

Bpedno name for which is camji, pBixODoge in tbe lofflt as the Omiua, of 

Ifiprvl, lipur) ; PL iixt, Postumin Abundance. 

Jnnia, No. 9. In caaea of this aort, old engra-vingSr 

In the ba8'reli«fH on tlie Arch of Titua, through thcdr iuoccuiKT-, afford vary 

trnDq>»ta are- similarly placed, together imperfect aaaJBtanoe towards identifying: 

with a table on a ftreulum or portable the aubjeoU. Similarly, winged genii 


A coin of Commodus bears on the reverse two cornucopiae 
and the legend tempor. felic' which suggests the notion 
that the artist may have intended to personify prosperity. 
It should be oljserved that in these reliefs there are two 
adults and two children, which makes it doubtful whether 
the seasons are here represented ; in that case we should 
expect them to be of uniform size, as they appear on 
another coin of Commodus which is well known.* The 
interstices between the square and enclosing circle are 
fiUed up with foliage ; ornamentation of the same kind 
and a maeander pattern form two concentric borders 
within an outer square, the spaces between the curves 
and right lines, like spandrils in architecture, being 
decorated with branches and leaves, arranged as scrolls. 
Around this design there were originally twelve com- 
partments, each contmning a separate scene, and supposed 
by some to correspond with the twelve months of the 
year — a subject Uiat occurs frequently in medisEval 
churches and cathedrals.* But this seems doubtful, 
because we cannot trace that sequence of occupations 
which such a supposition requires.* Perhaps we have 
here only res ruaticce, agricultural labours, that an in- 
habitant of Reims would see in the country about him. 
Seven groups are all that remain in Colin's engraving, 
the rest being totally effaced ; viz., (1) breeding of horses ; 
(2) mowing with a scythe, and reaping with a sickle ; (3) 
harrowing the ground ; (4) hunting, man on horseback 
hurling a dart at a stag ; (5) the vintage, man treading 

h*v« baen meDtknied tbove, who siutun TEHPORTM FELICrFAS (lennd in Uie 

Uis meiiUUioiu incloBuig long ■ humd ezeiKua), " Qiutre cmfuitB debont a.ytc 

haada, probdl^ <rf barbanan cbiefs ; but lea attributa dae qiutre aawDoa ; tndi 

Uieae flguna miqr be Tictorin— an inter- aont cua ; odni qui npr^ente Itwa 

pretation which would agree with the eat bkbiUf." TbJB coin ia engraved in 

anali^ of other trinmptnl arahee ; aee Hilmaa'a edition of Horaoe, p. SOD. 

the FUtea in Hmt&uoon, Antiquity Cann. ir, 7, " fimo the Freaob coUec- 

Bxpliqnfe, tome iv, p. 170, Heatea de tion." 

TAto de Cavaillon, Arc de Tita, aod p. * See my d^mt on the Antiquitiea of 

172; Suppl^ent, tome ir, p. 7S, L'Arc Autun, Aretaolefptal Jowtial, toL xL 

de St. Runi en Frovenoe. pp. 116, 119, 120 and foot-nolea j lUo 

■ Cohen, Deecription Hiatoriqae dee Ardaelegia, toL slir, pp. 1ST-S2<. 

Momuuee fiwp^ea acua L'Empira RoDtatn, Hemoir on Hedinval Repreaantaticna of 

toma iii, p. 170 tq., Noe. 763, 7S4. Com- the Montha and Beaaona, bjr Jamea 

pare the Egyptian lariee, where the Fowler, Eaq., F.S.A. ; Slid., rol. ilvii, p. 

oomuoopin oocum frequently ; it ia aeen 360. PI. IX, Eleven Signs of the Zoduc, 

doable on the coica oE Amnoe, wife of from the Foroh of St. Margaret'a Chundi, 

Ptolsmy It, Fhitadelphue: Onwii, Atla* York. 

Suminaatique de I'Ubtoire Aucienne, * It is poadble that the variation from 

Fl. VII. chronologieal order may have been cauaed 

* Cohen, ibid., p. 171, Nua. 765-758, bj copying aone oripnal carelawlj. 



grapes, and othei^ holding fruits ; (6) two men shearing 
sheep; (7) a waggoner driving a cart drawn by an ox. 
The space in the soffit on both sides is filled with half- 
length genii, who support long fillets and festoons on 
which birds are perched, some of them pecking fruits. 

The general arrangement of the central portion of this 
design reminds us of mosaic pavements ; for example, in 
the tessellated floor at Coriniiim (Cirencester) we also find 
concentric circles inscribed in a squai-e, and the " triangles 
at the comers relieved by leaves."' 

n. Jupiter, in the form of a swan visiting Leda, is the 
subject that adorns the arch to the speclator's left. She 
reclines, leaning on an urn from which water issues — an 
attitude which is quite usual for river gods and similar 
deities, but not particularly appropriate here. Cupid 
hovers above, and holds a blazing torch. With this action 
we nmy compare a gem in the Stoscli (joUection, where 
Cupid appears in the air, shooting an arrow at Leda.^ An 
old French antiquary has friven an allegorical, I might 
almost say rationahstic, interpretation of the group in this 
vault : it may at least amuse, if it does not instruct us. 
He says that the city of Keiin'j is symboUzed ; as Leda 
was the mother of Castor and Pollux who presided over 
laws, so Eeinis was the mother of the judges who com- 
posed the Council ; the torch of Cupid shows the need of 
a burning zeal for equity, and of enlightenment to 
penetrate the obscurities of litigation.* The design is 
enclosed, as it were, in a rectangular frame decorated 
with rosettes in .squares and octagons, arranged alternately. 
Next comes a broad border covered with arms of different 
kinds, defensive and offensive — helmets, shields, cuirasses, 
battle-axes and swords ; at each corner there is a winged 
Victory seated, carving with a mallet and chisel an 
inscription upon a shield.* This part of the sculptures 
at Reims resembles the reliefs on the arch at Orange, 
where, as in the monument now under consideration, 5ie 

' Buckman uid Nevmarch, RemainB Mn^alyne, pp. 3, 1, No*. 17, 19. 
of Romim Art in Ciranceater, p. 33, > ThU alisurd attempt at ui eiplana- 

a>lour«d enf^raving, Barton PaTemeiil. tioa is appended at the foot of Colin'a 

' Winckelmaaa Heirea Onvtea 

* A (inn 

fau Baron de Stoech Hfthologia Sacree, ' A Ime example of this subjoot w 

pp. 66, C6, aec. li, Lee amoura da aupplied oy W. Froelmer'B great work, 

Jupiter ; Taeaie's Oems, PI. XXI, Nos. La Colonne Tnjanne . . . reproduite 

1196, use, 1211; Harlborougb Genu, eo photot]rpi^;ia{iliie, vol. It, PL IIL 

ntakigued by M. H. Nevfl Stoiy- 


side facing the country is better preserved. Speaking 
generally, the style of ornamentation is the same m both 
cases ; but in the southern example, naval as well as 
military subjects are introduced over the lateral entrances; 
besides arms, trophies and standards, we see tridents and 
the aplustria of vessels.' 

3. Romulus and Eemus, suckled by a she-wolf, are 
figured in the arch on the right ; behind this group are 
Faustulus and another shepherd. This central design ia 
surrounded by the same kind of borders as those in the 
left entrance ; but the cornice on both sides of this arch 
is supported by three haK-length Caryatides on pedestals. 
The wolf and twins were adopted by the Romans as an 
emblem of their empire, and repeated on their monuments 
like the lion and unicorn on our own. They are specially 
frequent in colonial coins and gems, so that we need not 
be surprized to find them at Reims, far away from the 

No better illustration of these reliefs can be given than 
that which the pierres gravies of the Florentine museum 
supply, as described by Gori ; for they show us not only 
the principal figures, but accessories corresponding with 
Livy's narrative — Larentia, the wife of Faustulus ; the 
Lupercal or cave of Mars ; the Ficus Ruminalis, and the 
woodpecker perched thereon.* 

It is not difficult to fix, at least approximately, the 

■ HonumentH Antiquee ^ Orange, 
arc de triomphe et thMtre . ■ ■ par 

Augusta Caiutie ; Montfaucon, Ant. Histinre Rontaine, Nob. * i:n>-l3B, Tide 
Expl, tnma ir, PL CVIII, g. 170. Oallic eep. * 136. 

■hieldi occur on ^e denani of the gem ^ Qori, Q«mnue Antl qaw HuMi 

Julia ; Cohen, HMullw ConiulBinia, PL Flomildm, tome ii, Tabula XIX, Pi^. 1. 

XX, Km. 11-13, pp. ItiS-GS, 170. Colonial niilitiim Romanomm ex Legions 

■ HiUtn, Oalarie Hyihologique, Ex- XI in AMcam, .£g;ptum at Hiepuiiam 
plication dea FUnchea 6G5-7, e«pMaaU]r deducte. For the explanation of tbii 
6Ge, PL CLXXVnL U louve de Han elaborate dtmp, tf. ibid., p. G1. The 
QOumt Romuliu et Retnua dana la grotty provincea are mdioited by female headi, 
du Mont FnlBtin, appa1£e le Lupercal ; with appropriate armbolfi ; the lettera 
deux beigen, oi^ffea de gaJenia, «ont L X 1 C P F aigni^ L^o Undedma 
ftonnda de oe spectacle. Eckhe], Doct Claudia Fia Felix. 

Num. Vet., voL vii, p. 31 iq, s.t. Antoni- Tab. LIV contuns five engnred genu; 

Qua PiuB, Lupa in antro gemelloe laetana. it exhibits the same subject and accom- 

Prodiginm . . . innumeria publioe panying figuree ; in one case the head of 

monummtia conaecrBtum, et quoddam Han, father of Romiilua and Renna, is 

velutrei Romanae^mbolom habitum, ac added; vide pp. 104, 105, 

apedatdm etdoniarum. Cohen, M^. See also a Memoir by Profanor BursUn 

Com., PL XXXIII, Pompeia, No. 1, p. on Aventlmitn (ATenches), HittheQungen 

269, ,BeT.SEX.PO,FOSTLVH.ROHA;p. der ADtiquarischen Qeaelladiaft io Ziirich, 

aS4(EclairciBBementa) be coUa attention Bond XVI, Alitbeilung I, Heft S, Taf, 

to the device, m being " un dea mvtira ]m IX. 


date at which this monument was erected. Some have 
attributed its construction to Julius Cffisar, but this 
exaggeration of antiquity is so absurd that we need not 
attempt to refute it. I should be disposed to assign the 
Porta Martis at Beims to the same period as the gates at 
Antun, viz., the fourth century. In the former case, 
however, we have evidence which is wanting in the latter; 
the multipUcity of ornaments shows the decline of art, 
and contrasts strongly with the simplicity observable at 
Antun, where the purer style of an earlier age has been 
retained. Besides this argument from the general ap- 
pearance of the structure, proof can be adduced relating 
to the chronology more directly. An inscription is 
extant which records that the baths (Thermae) in this city 
were built by Oonstantine II, who reigned a.d. 337-340.' 
Moreover, coins of this emperor and of his brother 
Constantius were found in 1752, when the Porte Baz^ 
was demohshed because it obstructed a much-frequented 
thoroughfare.' Constantius Chlorus and his more famous 
son, Oonstantine the Great, resided at Treves, which will, 
to some extent, account for the architectural activity that 
prevailed during the fourth century in this part of Gaul. 

The history of the Porta Martis, from the middle ages 
down to our own days, can be traced accurately. 
According to Flodoard, in the tenth century, it was used 
as a gate of the city ; in the twelfth, it was walled up and 

' TMa iiuoription u given at length tliii pUoi tha luune tnnnn to b« derivAd, 

trj Honi. Ch. Loriqaet at p. 274 of hU jiut an another gste at Reims wai called 

tnaiUiM, ReimB pendaot la domination Portt. Trererioa, bocaose it looked to- 

romaine d'apria lee iiucriptjoiu, which wardn Trim (AuKuata Treveromm) ; ao 

occupies peg« 46-3SEI of the Tiavaui at the preeent time there a a Porta 

de rAcadenue Impdriale de ItaimK, toL Romana at Milan, and a Eoln Thor at 

xzx, 13GB-S0. We maj obserre in it the Aii-la-Chapelle. M. Loriquet diacuiMB 

fulsome fiattaiy of a degeaerate age ; the etymologj at great length, pp. 278- 

after an enutneration of the Empernr'a 2gS. Baaili& is meatjooed in the Ant^inine 

titlee, the (allowing words are added, Itinerary u the fint station on the road 

toto orbe victoiiis auis semper ao felioiter from Durocortomm (Keima) to Divodu- 

celebrandiu. This city is no longer rum (Hetz), and t«n Roman milea from 

Remorum fcedeiata oivitas, hot dvitos the fotmer, p. 3S1, ed. Wewaling, p. 1 78, 

aua : Loriquet, pp. 276, 277 ; Gruter's ed. Parthey and Finder. This place ' 

Inscriptions, toL i. p. clxxTiii, No. I ; must be distinguished from Basilia (Bile 

Orelli, Collectio Inaoc, IaL, So. 1096. or Basal) in Helvetia. 

There were probaU; several Thermae at A fragment of the Porte Baste may be 

Reims, a ttct which seems to be proved seen in the Rue de I'Dniverait^ ; it is 

by num«rous remsins of drains and inserted in the east wall of the I^yole, 

aqueduots : Coogrte Scientifique de and consists of a baa-relief in stone, re- 

E^oe, Treizikne Session, t«nue ^ Reims, presenting a Roman peraonage between 

D. 288. two pilaston ; Reims et sas Environs, 

pp. 1S2, 220, and plan at the end of ttw 

book, No. 2. 

112 1^ GAZ.LO-ROUAN ItONmifiirrS OF RBiua. 

buried under the defences of the archbishop's castle : a 
circumstance which, as in the case of Pompeii, contributed 
to its preservation. This fortress having been demolished 
in 1595, the arch of Romulus and Remus was disinterred; 
■ and the remainder of the upper half was cleared in 1677 
by order of M. ,Dallier, Lieutenant of Reims, the council 
and aldermen (Echevins). A reprint of an old engraving 
in my possession shows the building as it then appeared, 
partially exposed to view.' This state of things continued 
till 1812, when some progress was made in removing the . 
soil; at last, in 1857, the structure was completely un- 

A long period of neglect was followed by nimia diligentia, 
too much restoration ; and this was carried, in spite of 
many remonstrances, to such an extent that the visitor 
hardly knows whether he is looking at an antique or a 
modern edifice. 

Recent excavations prove that there was a large Roman 
quarter extending towards the north ; hence it is most 
probable that tlie Porta Martis was not originally, as its 
name might seem to imply, a gate of the city, but a 
triumphal or commemorative arch, bestriding one of the 
principal streets.* 

n. No less than twenty mosaics have been discovered 
at Reims, seventeen ancient and three mediEeval. Of the 
latter, the most curious existed at St. Remi till the great 
Revolution, and deserves a passing notice, because it was 
a kind of encycloptedia in stone, comprising aU branches 
of human knowledge. Besides scriptural subjects, such 

■ Iq Colin's engraving o{ the Porta rufitel de I'Arquebiue, d£fl1ent dam U 

Hartjfl sn imgulAr lioe drawn noroaa the Rue Large pour se reodre aui PromtiDadee 

mid^ of the plate marka the part which oCi deviut avuir lieu le tir g^njral." The 

mB then above ground. municipality allowed M. Qusntiu Oailly 

Colin waa not a great celebrity, for to reprmt Colia's four engravinga of the • 

Nagler'a Eunat-Leiicononlv aaya of him, Porta HuiiH from the old pluUa which' 

Kupfentedier zu Beima, atach von were preaarved in the Caitulaire. 

1660-68 Tereohiedene BildaiBne. A full ' Similiirly, there were two archea at 

account of hia worka will be found in the Pompeii npiir the centre of the town, 

ActMltoie fmp^rinle de HeiniB, vol. ixii, placed one at each end of the Strada del 

KDoiB 1SE8-1S59, pp. 43-52, "Jean Colin Foro ; they are marked E.B.,(.c, Ehren- 

Oraveur R^oie au xvii° Si£cle par bofcen in the Plan der Btadt Pompeii, 

M.^Mox Sutaine, membre tttulaire." Hia Rfsultat der Au^nbuugen von 1748- 

chef-d'(£uvre Beflma to have been " La 1S8B, at the end of Overbeck'a aecond 

Marche obaerve L la Moutre de Heasieura volume ; see also voL i, p. 65 aq., and 

lee Chevalien de tout« lee villea venu au Fig. 33, Aeuaaere .Anaioht des a.a. 

pris gfn^Tole. Faict i. Reims, le IG Juin, Triumphbogeiia Sir H. Ellis, Pompeu, 

16«7. Le tout par Alphabrt." M. Sutaias vol i, pp. 103 iq., 106-108. Sir W. 

remarks, "L'artiate a choiai Is moment Qell, Pompeiana, vol, i. Plan of Eicava- 

ob k* dhcHM eonfrfriee, torUnt da, tiona oppomte p. i, and! qf. p. 20. 


as Paradise, Moses, and the writers of the Old and New 
Testaments, it exhibited the four cardinal virtues and the 
seven liberal arts {trivium et quadrivium).' But the 
mosMC of the Promenades transcends all the rest in im- 
portance ; and as an illustration of Gladiatorial combats 
will sustain a comparison with those discovered elsewhere. 
Though there has been much discussion about its removal, 
it still remains in situ, half way between the railway 
station and the Porte de Mars.' For the protection of 
this beautifiil pavement a booth (baraque) has been 
erected, which is lighted only from above. The public 
are excluded, and I only obtained admission by presenting 
an official introduction at the Maine. These precautions, 
however, are quite insufficient to preserve the mosaic ; 
for, as most householders know by Uieir own experience, 
a skylight or glass roof cannot be kept perfectly water- 
tight. I piud my visit on a very wet day, and was eye 
witness of the mischief caused by rain dropping on the 
medallions. The gamins aggravate this evil by stone- 
throwing, there being no custodian to check them. It 
would be a great advant^e if a gallery were erected, at a 
slight elevation, round the mosaic, which would enable 
visitors to inspect it without walking upon it, and would 
prevent injuries from sticks and umbrellaa. But the best 
plan would be to remove aU that is left of the monument 
to the museum at the H6tel de Tille. 

In the year 1860 the municipality were improving the 
approaches to the railway station, and laying out those 
beautiful gardens which every traveller admires as soon 
as he alights. Deep trenches were cut in order to plant 
trees or drain off water; and in the course of their 
operations the workmen found the ntosaic' It is eleven 
metres long by eight broad, including the borders, and 
consists of thirty-five pictures in squares and lozenges 
placed alternately. The usual cable pattern encloses not 

1 For dvtauk, aea Coogtig Arahfiolo- In the ArAaol. Joum., voL li, pp. SS- 
liqQB da Fraooe, zxriii SMBon tenafl Ik 44, there is a Notice of * DacoratiTe 
Banu, 18S1, pp. 1S.1S. There a Hi PaTemanli in the Church of St. Remi at 
enmrtng of t£e " How^ue tronT^e >ur R^nu, by the Rtfi. Edward Tmllope 
I»Prom«B*de"beiiig p. 18. F.S.A. It should be obanred that t!iu 
* It is muted Ho. 16 in the PUn is not a moeuc. For^.«ght lUbe re- 
appended to Bom* et lee Enviroue. main, oontaining Scnptnrel subjecta, 
• * Vide Md, p. 198. At the nine "the de«gii on eaoh qnanj hai been 
tinu tbe Htatoe of Colbert, nev the indeed, and then fiUad In with nudtad 




only each compartment, but also the whole composition. 
This is succeeded by a foliated scroll carried round the 
four sides, and fonning by its graceful curves an agreeable 
contrast to the rectilinear designs within. A maeander, 
or Greek fret, added at the top and bottom completes the 
symmetrical arrangement. 

I shall not attempt to describe all these subjects in 
detail, because this has been already done with minute 
accuracy by Monsieur Loriquet ; ' but I propose to notice 
some important particulars, and to consider them specially 
with reference to the Satires of Juvenal and the Epigrams 
of Martial. The numbers in the following account are 
reckoned from right to left and left to right alternately, 
beginning with the design at the right-hand extremity of 
the lowest row.* 

Nos. 1 and 2 are combatants who wear feathers (pinme) 
in their helmets. So when Juven^ Sat. iii, 158, is 
speaking of the sons of gladiators who sat on the cushioned 
benches appropriated to the knights, he uses the word 
pinnirapus, i.e., one who carried off the plume as a trophy. 
An inscription in Henzen's Supplement to Orelh has 
pianensis in juxtaposition with s.v., i.e., spectatus victor; 
hence it would appear that the first term denotes a 
victorious gladiator decorated as we see him in the 

No, 3 is said to be a MyrraiUo. He has a crested 
helmet, a vambrace on the right arm which was not pro- 
tected by the shield, a girdle, and a covering for the front 
half of the left leg. These details correspond exactly with 
Juvenal's description of the accoutrements of a female 
gladiator : — 

' The tJtie of M. Loriquet'a elaborate 
work U La Moealque Am Promenndea 
at autres txonvies j> BeimB, £tiuie sur lee 

Moaiques ot «ur l«a Jeux da I'Amphi- . „ „ , .„,_._._. , 

thUtrs, 18fl2. coverisB at HalicaniauuB, Cuidoa and 

The photogrtph at p. 345 (Planche Branohidre, vol. ii. Part II, Tart, p. 781, 

iTiii) ia a KMuctiou »u quarantiime No. 72, PI. XCVll, and p. 787, No. 72*. 
d'aprca le deaain do U. E, Qeperthea. ' Orelli, Inscc. Ijit., Tol, iii, p. 230, 

* We, iherefora, look at thene pictures No. 6171, On the atone tiie line stands 

ta WB read early Greek iusoriptinns of thus: THR'PINNES18S-V. 3ee Hen- 

the class colled ^oinTps^qSiJr (ai-tiiniiiig- zen's note, in which he refen to Jlctt 

wise) "in which the direction of tha Acad, arch, pont. iloDue, 181G, qf. ProL 

lines alternated, as in the course of a Majror's JuTenal, Snd edit, loo. dt, toL 

ploogh." Key, on the Alphabet, p. SB ; i, p. IM. 

i:; GOOJ^IC 


" BaltenB et manicfe et cristte cmriaqne siuiatti 
Dimidium tegimeu," 

where the meaning of the last words is made clearer by 
their being opposed to ocrece (greaves), mentioned im- 
mediately afterwards.' 

No. 7 is a Eetiarius, He wears a close-fitting jacket 
{Justaucorps), and holds a trident in the right hand, a short 
dagger in the left. But the inquirer may ask. Where ia 
the net (rete) from which he derives his specific name ? 
Juvenal supplies us with an answer : 

" Movet ecce tridentoiii, 
Poatquam libmta peudentia retia ilextra 
Nequidquam e^/udit ; "> 

after having cast his net in vain, he prei)ai'es to defend 
himself with his trident against the advancing foe. 
English antiquaries may be interested in observing that 
the peculiar weapon which is absent here appears con- 
spicuously in the veiT curious tessellated pavement at 
Bignor, described by Lysons, Archwolor/ia, vol. xviii, p. 
211. The short upper garment of the Ketiarius at Eeims 
is only a diminutive tunic, and therefore corre-sponds with 
Juvenal's epithet ttumattis? 

No. 8 is called by M. Loriquet, with great probabihty, 
a Eabdophorus. This figure occupies the middle position 

> S&t. Ti, T. 366. 177, Das Amphitbmter ; Fig. 129, 

■ Sat. Tiii, T, 203. GladiatoreDkampfe von einem Orabrelief ; 

* 3at it, T. US Tunic&ti fuadna Fig. 130, Fortoetznng des vorigen Reliefr. 

OnicchL Cf. SuBtoniuB, Caligula, o. xmi. Vol. ii, p. 36, Dia Oraber und Grab- 

tteCiarii tunicati qninque nmnero grega- denkmahler ; Fig. 236, Gnb lies Scaarua. 

tim dimicantaa, sine oartamine iiUo, 'WinckelioaDD, Honumsnti Inediti, Tomo 

totidemaecutoribus succuhaerant ; cum ii. Parte IV, Capitolo i, Oladiatori, pp. 

ocddi jabflrentur, uiiu«, nramts fuwdna, 26S-260, Tarv. ie7-lS9. The naiiia of 

ornnea Tictoree interemit. gladiaton are appended— -Astiaaaz, Ca- 

LjBona' article extends from p. 203 to leadio, Bat«, Sic. Ab an illuatration of 

p. 221 ; PI. liz at p. 203 coDtaioa a pku the feathara on helmets mentioned obors 

of the buildinga, and figuraa of gladiatoTE comp. a Sgure in the lower row, TaT. 

at foot. A omiOar moaaio waa diBoovered 198, and p. 259, " Inoltre I'elmo d'ono 

at ATenchea in 170B, and is noticed by de' gladiatori k guamito di due ali." 

De Schmidt Beoueil d'Aatiqnit^e de la Mazoig, Rtiines de Pompei, Part II. 

Souae, 1771. The reaemblanoe between We Snd in inacriptioiu the abbreria- 

theaa two parementa ia ao dose that tiona RET. TK HVB. for Betiarioa, 

I^aona aaja " there aeema good ground Threi, and Uyrmillo ; Mona. J. O. 

tor conjecturing that the; are the work Bulliot gives examptea. La , Stile 

of the BOme artist." I ma; add that Fun^raire dii Qladiateur Eduen 

remeina of Uiia clasa in Switierliuid Columbus, ounservfe au Mtisce de la 

deserve more attention than the; have Maiion-Canje, il Kimea (ndtb fac- 

received hitherto. simile), ,Extrait des Memoirea de la 

~ ' dreaa and arms of gladiators Sud^tS Eduenue (Nouvelle S4rie), Tomft 

sue Ovorbeck Pompwi, Vol. i, pp. 17*- 



between the Eetiarius and the Secntor, whom he is trying 
to separate. He holds a curved rod that estends above 
his head. There can be little doubt that we have here an 
officer appointed to keep order in the arena, and acting 
like a constable or pohceman in a place of public enter- 
tainment. Such a functionary is sometimes called 'Pa^Souvoc 
— the term used by St. Luke for the attendants on the 
Philippian magistrates, and translated " Serjeants" in our 
authorised version. The Bignor mosaic presents some 
examples exactly like the one before us ; but Lysons 
explains them as Eudiarii, veteran gladiators who superin- 
tended the combatants.' 

No. 10 differs widely from all the other designs in the 
series ; it is a Hermes or terminal statue, consisting of a 
bust and truncated arms on a long pedestal. The head is 
decorated with a crown of leaves and red ribbons hanging 
down on the shoulders. On the left side, a large angular 
shield leans against the pillar, and a palm branch is placed 
between them ; on the right, there is a helmet with visor 
closed, holes for the eyes, and a conical crest. The 
Augsburg mosaic contains a similar Hermes and a trident 
in front of it.* It is unnecessary to prove that this 
medallion represents the rewards offered to victorious 
combatants; but we may remark that the garland of foliage 
at Reims is the corruptible crown contrasted by St. Paul 
with that which fadeth not away.* 

No. 11, Agitator, so called. This figure holds a whip 
and chases a wild beast, which a pikeman prepares to 
pierce with hb spear. From the prominence of the breast 
one might suppose that the artist intended to portray a 
female; and this supposition would agree with many 
passages where women are mentioned as fighting on the 

I Stoplum Tiwunnu Litigan Omen, ooovjom ths lownt oomputaurat on Uw 

»iUt. Didot, ToL T, p. eOS. UMrryit^i- tlu nriit-haiid ride, pp. $5-89. Pnmii 

FlaeelHfoi, Uctoras qui agonotlietu in de^ Atleti Tincitrai eotpreari nd H — *'- 

~-TB onrtamluibuB oomiteMntur ad m"™- i"t™.!-i.~n 

moTHidu turbMetoohibeadutedilioneH, * First RueUeto the Corintluaiia, is, 

C^, ^MTtTor^iw. AtA. Apost, rri. 8G, 2S, iniam lOr ^ Jm ff^pTtv rrlfnar 

'tliUpa* ti t*r^tirv ir^nAM* ti arforv- \i(3w, W<t » I^A^nw. H. BidUot, 

ytinh fif f Uixfivt- op. «!»*■> P- 7, mentionB »n insoriptbii 

> OniUr, Iiucriptioiiea Romuios, jol in which the worda COB TBIVH oocor, 

i, p. occzzxTi, wilii full-pege rugravin^. " Cm couroDnes ^taient une guirUndeda 

P. Oiunpiatro Seochi, H Mosaioo Antoni- fleunratortiU^derubansdelunsuipal&i 

niuo n^ipreeentanta U Bcuola degli Inmumiti, qui £taient plociei «ar M t£t« 

atletj, Rmna. 1S43 in 4tn, In Uiii puTB- du gladiotaur doot on vooUit honorer k 

mant, now prewrved at Uie Latent), thera '-* " 

ia a BamiM like tbe one nt Beimi ; it 



arena gainst animals.' It is doubtful whether Monsieur 
Loriquet has in this case chosen the best appellation ; I 
should be inclined to prefer Provocator, one who excites 
or irritates, as in Orelli'a Inscriptions, No. 2566, we read 
PAitDVS. PBOV. VET., i.e., Provocator Veteranus, the gladiator 
apparently deriving his name from the leopard whom he 
challenged or provoked.' On the other hand. Agitator 
is specially appUed to the driver of an animal or chariot. 
Gruter, vol. i, p. 337, has Agitator Circensis ; and Virgil 
uses the same word when he describes the rustic loading 
hia slow donkey with oil and apples.' Besides the whip, 
we see at the feet of this figure a large spherical object, 
probably the ball (pila) mentioned by Martial, which 
would make the creature still more infuriated.' 

No. 14. A bear rushes at the Bestiai'ius witb agitated 
ears and open mouth, as if going to devour him. Tlie 
head and forepart are drawn with great spirit, but the liind 
quarters are carelessly executed. Though the Romans 
were very famibar with this animal's appearance, from 
seeing great numbers and various kinds in the arena, 
representations of it are comparatively infrequent. Unlike 
the graceful forms of the lion, antelope, or swan, this ugly 
creature does not ■ readily lend itself to artistic purposes. 
However, we meet with it on the arch of Constantine, 
where the Ehnperor Trajan appears taking part in a bear 
hunt ; ' and in a coin struck by Orgetorix, generalissimo 
of die Helvetians, the Alpine bear is depicted with 
admirable realism.* But our medallion is more appositely 

• Juvetutl 8»t. i, T. !JS— tionftry, ».y. Agitator, and woodouta. 

Xnru Tiucum * Spect. xii, Suitulsrat raptu taunis 

FSgit ^>nim, et nuds teneat venabula in aitra pilBS. <y. ibid., ziu, fin. 

mamma: * HoDtfaucou, Antiquite ExpliquSs, 
EugHsh Traii^ation by HumphnTi, 
voL iv, p. lOS, double-page engraTing, 

Doivi EnuL Brann, Roiiu and Uuimuila cd 

Giflbrd'B tranalatioii. Borne, p. S. 

Bm alw Ruperti'* Commentaiy and foot- * L'Art OauloU : ou lea Qanlow 

note. Blaitial, De Spectaculu, ti, d'aprie leura HMaSlaa par Eogitle 

Ftmiaa in Ai»jiAaiualr« twa Uoti£ eerie.- Uacher, PL L£XII, Na 1, p. 27. The 

mot. I^and on tlie obvet«e k EDVIS ; on 

* Mart. SpecL, it— the reverae OHGffTIRlI. We have, 
Et Toloerero longo porreiit vulnere tlierefore, here ■ JHonusunf Awtorffw, 

pMdum; ooiroborating dcaar's account of the 

Pntmia cam laudk ferret, adhno league formed iMtneen the Helvetiana 

potentt. and the Oanli, BdL Call., i, 2-4. In 

> Oeorgic i, 273 — Hona. Hucber'a work the engravingH are 

Saepa ^eo tardi coetae agitator aaelli on a very Isige bcoIg, which often givea 

'^Wbus aut oDerat pomu. oocaxion to inaccuracy. 

Cf. Biob, CompanioD to the Littn Die- The bear ia the Henldic davke \A 


illuBlirated by a similar one of octagonal form in a mosuc 
pavement discovered at Nennig near Treves. The group 
consists of three combatants and a bear. The men are 
armed with whips, and hold small narrow shields in their 
left hands ; one of them who has fallen is being trampled 
on by the bear, but defends himself with his shield, while 
his comrades are trying to drive the animal away.^ 

The keeper was called uraarius — a word which is not 
found in classical authors or in the Latin dictionaries 
generally used, but in an inscription at Xanten (Castra 
Vetera), on a stone dedicated to the god Silvanus. This 
term is said to have been applied to those Who had the 
charge of other animals also, that were kept in a meni^erie 
(armamentarium) till they were required for the amphi- 

No. 16 is a man seen in profile, holding a bow unbent, 
and running to right. He is preceded by two dogs (17, 
18), who bark and pursue a buck with branching antlers 
and a doe (19, 20). It should be observed that five con- 
secutive compartments, forming an entire row of .subjects, 
are devoted to a hunting scene, which, as we know from 
the poets and historians, was a very popular spectacle 

Bern, and frequtintly meets the traveller's urwrum autot ; he quotes from thu 
eje in tbit city, bat it would be difficult aboTe-mentioned Rheniah inBcription in- 
to trace hu d^weDt frcuD the oiicieiit correct;, 

prototype. For eiuiiplw of the beu' in uicieDt 

' J, H. VoD Wiliiiowiky, Die BSmischs art, see Aroiaol. Joarn., vol. ixxv, pp. 

TillK Eu Nennig iind ihr Hoeaik, Bonn, 103-105, Uemuir by the Rev. C. W. Kiiif, 

ISeS, folio, wiUi fine coloured ptata. On bd antique cameo fouod at SouUi 


Geacliichte in Eimeldar- ShJnldB ; Ibid. 402, iq,, my rentarka o 
[ungeii, edit W. Oncken, Abtheilung the Polar bcKr. 

HoHaikfuasboden in der rSmiichen With the existiiig monuments compare 

viiia EU Kannig bei Trier, double-page the following paaaagea : Martial, Spect. 

engraviiig, lii, Huda Caledonia no pealora pnebuit 

* Bnunbadu InacriptioDes RhetuuK, utbo ; Ibid., li, and xt, 

Ka SIl. nie at pnecipiti Tsnabula condidit urso, 

DEO SILVANO Frimua m Areto'i qui fuit arce polL 

CBS90RINIVS CapitolimuB, Qordiaui Tiw, c. iii, Fetaa 

AHKAV81V8 Libycu uiw die oentum exhibuit, uisoi 

VBaUtIVS LEG. una die mille. Vopiacua in Probo, e. m, 

XXXV .vs. A. V.3.L.U. Venationem in Ciroo ampliaainiam dedit 

where V.T.S.A. Ulpi« Viotricia Sere- — Addidit alia die in ikiupbitheatro una 

riame AleiandriamB, t Orelli Inacc., Ko. raiaaiDne centum jubatoa leonea — Editi 

SasS, and oomp. Henzen'a Supplement, p uni iimul trecenti. 

335. " Of. cum eiutode vivarii. Or, 22." Turning from claasical tu mediaeval art, 
Ibid. No. 614S, uivoa quoque crudeloa we find that tu the symbolical sjatema of 
Moidit X, No. 6170 ; Orelli Inecc, No. the latter the bear appean hs the emblem 
2252, Propomtus armamentario ludi of luxury, violence, ur auger ; Sketch- 
muilL book of Wikra de Uonecort, an architect 
Urtarim b omitted by Porcellini, but of the thirteenth century, edited by Pro- 
will be found in Quicberat, Addenda fcMor Willu, p. 31, PL vl, Note L 
Iaoxu Latinia, with the explauaiiun 



with the Eomans. However, I need not enlarge on the 
Venationes, because Gibbon has described them with such 
power of word-painting, and such fuhiess of details, as 
leave his successora but little to add.' 

No. 21, a pikeman waving a cloth. This is one of the 
best preserved figures in the whole series. The cloth 
must be explained with reference to the lion in the next 
compartment ; the man has held it up either to frighten 
the beast, or to protect himself by covering its eyes. 

Nos. 24, 25, bull and toreador, a group that reminds us 
of . Spain. The bull, with head lowered, butts at his 
adversary, who was called Taurariua or Taurocenta,, for 
both names occur in the same inscription (Orelli, No. 2530). 
The movement of the animal is very similar to what we 
see on a coin of Thurium ; there a Victory appears flying 
down from heaven, with a palm branch and crown to 
reward the conqueror, as in the medallion of Hermes 
mentioned above. The man holds in his left hand a shield, 
curved and oval in the lower part ; in his right a short 
dart with a broad iron head, which would cause a large 

No. 26, a stag wounded in the breast by a spear which 
he has broken in his flight. The soil below is reddened 
with blood. 

No. 27, Mansuetarius (tamer) holds in his left hand a 
ring, possibly to entangle the head or foot of the animal 
in the next medallion ; in his right hand there is a piece 
of cloth for the same purpose as before. No. 21. I should 
be inclined to call this figure circulatory juggler or mounte- 
bank, who was so named from rings {circuli) used in tricks 
performed by trained animals, bears, dogs, monkeys, &c. 

I Decline and Fall, chw- xii, vd. it, * So Hona. Loiiquet expluns tlia ana : 

p. S8 M., edit Dr. Wm. Smith. Over- " Ift ooumiiDe at la palme deotiniea ui 

beck, Pampaii, voL i, p. 16S, Fig. 126. toi^edor v*inqueur da I'viinuU, p. 316. 

Qemmde on der BriiBtungBmauer. Thier- Carelli, Numi Italiae Vatrau, PL 

kampf— einea SUan mit aiiier gewaltigeD CLEVII, No. 37, p. 91 ; but comp. the 

Holomerdogga; Slid,, pp. 177-180, ligs. British Huaeum Catalogue ot Qreek 

131-IS5, Uebiing eoDes Beetiuius, Oaim, Italy, b-t. Thmioni, Noa. S6, 

Eampf mit dem Baran, Thierkompf, 113, 115, 122, tl3, "Nike crownillK a 

Jagdaeenen ; oomp. Tomb of Scaunu btill," wbence it mi^t be auppoaed that 

mentioned above. the artdab intended to rupwmt the 

On a ooin of L. LivinaiaB Reguloa we animal aa victorioua. 

see two gUdiaton fighting — one with a HeroviBgiaD jaTelina have been foond 

liOD, the otJier witb a tiger— and a reeembling that in No. 2fi ; one of them 

wounded bull in the baokgroond : ' '~ '^'"" " ' ■"-■—- 

Cohen, H£d. Cotwnbiiee, p. 187, FL 
XXIV, Uvineia, No. 1. 


A good example may be seen in Rich's Dictionary, copied 
from an ancient terra-cotta lamp. Exercises of this sort 
were carried by the ancients to great perfection, as we 
learn from the monuments and the authors. Suetonius 
relates that the Emperor Galba in his prsetorship exhibited 
elephants walking on a tight rope." 

No. 30, a wild boar pierced on the side by a spear. He 
is represented in profile, thrown down upon the ground, 
with eye closed, mouth open, tongue projecting, and 
blood streaming from the wound. A similar figure of a 
boar is given by Caylus, RecueU (TAntiquitda, vol. i, p!. 
XXX, No. I, with the addition of a pikeman, who faces the 
anim^, and attacks him with his lance. Hence it is doubtful 
whether the mosaicist meant to convey the idea that the 
spear on the side was the cause of death. In lightness of 
limbs and length of dorsal ridge this figure resembles the 
famous Erymanthian boar, as he appears in Greek sculpture 
and painting; but it is said that the modem varieties 
differ widely from those with which the ancients were 

> Hutia], Spect. irii, De Supplioe 
elepbaato, KoD facit hoc jnmu, Dimoque 
dooenta mBgiHtro. xym, Lombere 
eecuri dextnun cotumeta nu^itri. 
Tigris, ab HrrcMio gloria ran jugo. 
l^mpridiua, Heliogabalus, c. 2t. Habiiit 
et l«i>ltaB et leopardoa aiannatoa in 
deliciil (bb pets) ; quos edoctoe per man- 
Buetarioa lubita ad aacuadam et tertiam 
menum jnbebat aocumbere. 

Oori, Mtueum Florantinum, vol 2, 

l^b. XVIII, No. 2, p. iS ig., has an 

engrnTing of ■ rematkable gem (peirara) ; 

the Bubjei^t a ■ tntiner who ezhibtbi a 

daucdng bear. Rich baa copied the pUte, 

but omitted the iiiacriptiotu oa both ode* 

of the (tone, Vtma (for nTTXEl) 

HABKEAAE, Fdix alo, MaruSe; EIPHNH, 


Orttal farttma AntiocientiiUK. QoK 

refen to a curioue imoriptioB in 

Qnitet'a TbeminiB, toL i, ji S37, So. 

1, wbUb bagina thna : 

UiMii togatna Tilraa qui primoa pila 

Ltiii deoanter cum meb luaMlbua, 

Laoduttepopulo maTimiii cUtnoribui 

Theimia Trajani Thennia Agrippa et 


Jbid., the bMT ia oaUed piliereptu, baU- 

plajar; idulatHau, learned; taediarin*, 

aotor in a oomio intiuiude. 

For the pertormanoea of elephants, see 
Stietooiiu, Oalba & vi, Nonua apactacuU 

genua, elephantM funatnbnloa, edidit : 
jfilian, De Animalium Natura, lib. ii, c 
ii, tmnalated b; Sir Emeraon TemiMit in 
hia Natural Uiatotr of Ceylon, Appendix 
to chap, rii, ppL 287-240. 

* C«;lua explains the Plate Srid. p. 
SO •;. Bepreeentalions ol the buar and 
boBT-hunta will be found in the following 
woi^i— Pano(ka,Ri]deiAntikcn Lebnis, 
Tafel V, No. 1, Elwjjagd, No. 2, Trana- 
part dee erlogten Ebera. Hillin, Qalaie 
HTthoIoRique, PL CLXXII, No. 038; 
Explication dea PUncbee, iroL ii, p. 10& 
Bev. C. W. King's Antique Oems and 
KingB, voL i, p. 15S, woodcut in the 
text, described p. zii. Combat b et w e e n 
Hoimd and Wild Boar of prodj^ous UM: 
iWi, voLii,PLXL,No.l; PLLIV.No* 
1, 2, 3, and DesciipUon of woodoota. 
Bellori, Piotunc Xntiqius Scpuktri 
Hosonum, Konue HDCCCIK, Tab. VTIT , 
p. 60 (f . Apri Venatio, a most important 
illustration of the lubjeot. CataLwoa 
of Roman Medallions in the Brhuh 
Museum b; Mr. H. A. Orueber, Hadrian, 
No. LO, Pi. IV, Fig. S ; Hanma AunlJhis, 
No. 2^ PL XVin, Fig. 8. In both casta 
the Bmpetor js hurling a jarelin at a 
wild boar before him. 

Uy Paper on Constantinople, Seetiou 
rV, tec 6. ArAaeL Jmtr., toL -rj-rfT, p. 
14S s;.,givee many ref m 
for the Calrdonlaii Hnnt 


No. 31, pikeman advancing towards a panther or leopard 
against whom he points his spear. Ilie transverse bar 
immediately below the head of the weapon should be 
noticed ; it was placed there to prevent the lance 
penetrating too far, and so bringing the animal too close 
to hia adversary. This appendage was sometimes, as in 
the present instance, of a crescent shape; sometimes, on 
the contrary, it widened at both ends. Eich, in his 
Dictionary, explains it well, s.v. Mora} 

No. 34, lion rushing to left, with tail elevated. He is 
not a mere repetition of No. 5, as his body is longer and 
his mane less strongly mai'ked. In the mosaic a man 
contends with the lion ; but this part, as we know from 
Martial, was sometimes performed by a woman.* The 
monarch of the forests afforded entertainment to the 
Komans by his ferocity and his dociUty. We have an 
example of both in the pavement at Nennig, where a 
meduhon represents the end of the venatio. A lion has 
devoured a wild ass (onager), of which only the head is 
left; he places his paw angrily upon it, but submits to be 
led away by his keeper, an old slave who strokes him on 
the back.* Martial has written six epigrams on a lion 
carrying a hare in his mouth without hurting it — a subject 
which became so popular that it was repeated as an 
ornament on terra cotta vases.* 

m. Before describing the tomb of Jovinus, a few words 
concerning his biography seem necessary by way of 
explanation. His birthplace is not certainly known, 
though, according to an ancient tradition, he was a native 
of Eeims. He played a conspicuous part in the political 
history of the fourth century ; and, if not on the throne 

At Remu the boar ig wen not only in are the Kr4ii>ms ; the itnijjht ones 

th«_HasBio but abo on Ihe tomb of with wideiiing eaSa, like T^gi, the 

Jtmniu, d, infra. rripiiya ; . . . . tliey are molnded 

Profwaor Hartog haa luggeated that bj' the Latin writcn tuider the one 

the differenoe bstireen the modem gsneial nune uf mDTa." 

tl and hia repraaentatiTe in andent • Spectac. VL Asiina tn ^aipU- 

m»y ariae from a conTantional tkaOro a. 

that copied inaocnnunco. Dr. Hebc jam femineH Tidimna ac 

Ounther tells me that the bear in tlie > Allgemeine Qtaehichtn in Mnieldar- 

Hoaaicat ReimBia the same aa that which stdlungen, edit, W. Onoken. Abtheilung 

ia oommon throogliout Europe, eioept fl*. The engmTing from Wilmowakj ia 

the Britiah lalea. reiy well eiecated. 

' The man holda hia Bpaar level aa in * Epigr., i, 7, — 

Caylua'a Plate menldoBad above. See Nanc ana Coaareca eiorat pnoda lAonea, 
the speai-hnds engraved by Kich, loc Tutoa at ingenti ladit in ore lepus. 

dt "The shaip curved pinBtB,lilutMth, Wiqust, Op. Cit p. 268 sg. and note. 
VOL ZU, » 


itself, he mounted the steps that led to it. Under Julian 
the Apostate (or Philosopher, as some have called him), 
Jovinus commanded armies in Gaul and Illyricum ; but he 
gained his highest distinction in the war against the 
Alemanni, whom he defeated in three battles — at Scar- 
ponna (Charpoigne), on the banks of the Moselle, and in 
the Catalaunian plains (Chalons-sur-Mame). This last 
victory was a most decisive one, and long remembered in 
that part of Gaul, as we infer from frequent allusions 
made to it. The Emperor Valentinian not only came 
from Paris to meet Jovinus, but as a reward for his 
services, raised him to the consulship in the following 
year, a.d. 367. According to Gibbon, Jovinus assumed 
the imperial purple at Mainz, a.d. 411, and was soon 
afterwards put to death by Adolphus, king of the Goths. 
But there is surely some mistake here, for we can hardly 
believe that Jovinus was commander-in-chief in a most 
important campaign, that he disappeared for a period of 
forty-four years, and then re-appeared as a pretender to 
the throne. Gibbon might well Hay that every circum- 
stance in this short reign is dark and extraordinary. It 
is far more probable that the usurper was a member of 
the same family, who belonged to the following generation.' 

Jovinus is supposed to have fixed his residence for 
some time at Keims, partly from laws dated there, which 
he himself may have suggested,' partly from the fact that 
he buUt in this city the church of Saints Agricola and 
Vitalis, and selected it as his burial place. It may be 
observed, in passing, that the importance of Eeims is ^o 
shown by the long stay of the !&nperor Valentinian, who 
must have remained there in the year 367 until August 
6th, at least. 

Liscriptions throw little light on the family of Jovinus. 

' Decline aod Ftll, Chaps, xzii, xit, Britain, uid senda Provertuidce Uiithtr 

xxxi, vol. lii, pp. lis, US, 1SS, 268 *q., before him, ItTJii, 2." 
«d. Dr. Wm. Smitti. The chief ancient * Dam, Bouquet Becueil dea Hia- 

auUiorilj for the life of Jorinua is torieoB ilea Q«iln et de b FiUM, vol. i, 

Anunianua HaroelHnua, lib. xii paaaim ; p. 75i, Ex Codice Theodomaot. — Anno 

(lii, 3 ; XXV, 8 ; ixrji, 2, 10 ; Cf. Chriati 370. Impp. Valentininnua, Vilena 

OrnduB, vii, 12. Tillemoot, Biatoire dee ei Gratunui AAA. ad Jovinnm Hi^- 

EroperBura, -voL v, p, S3 >;., p. 380, trum militutn. CommoDeattiuSinceritaa 

note IXT. hoc Saoctione Veteranoa ut loca sbanl- 

JoTinua is connected with the history tium aqiudida . . . quaDtam Tine 

of our own counti? : MoniimeiitA Bia- uoiua cnjnaque patuntur, exetoeant. 

toriea Britannica, loL i, p. 140, "A.D. The object of (he statute ia toenoounga 

367, Jotimia in appointed Pnefect in tba ouHivaMov of land br ttw Vatsran*. 


There U one at Eome, where Jovina, a female infant, is 
mentioned : — 





Another gives us the name of Flavins Jovinus, general 
of an armj' in Istria; it was found in Hungary-, and the 
forms of the letters prove that it belongs to a late period.' 

This sarcophagus is 2 metres 84 centimetres long, 1 
metre 40 centimetres broad, and 1 metre 50 centimetres 
high ; it consists of one block of white marble, which is 
not good in colour and unequal in grain : a crack iu front 
extends to nearly two-thirds of the height. The figurea 
on this side stand out in high relief, but those at the ends, 
though they form a part of the same subject, are only 
sketched, perhaps by some inferior artist. This com- 
position contains fourteen statues, differing in age, sex, 
condition and dress ; but they all wear a mantle {.sagum), 
which a brooch on the right shoulder fastens. 

The chief personage occupies the last place but one to 
the spectator's left. He has short hair and no beard ; his 
costume indicates a military officer of high rank. Like 
the soldiers in the bas-reliefs on Trajan's Column, he wears 
drawers [feminalia)* extending a little below the knees, 
and a tunic {colobmm), which also is short, and only covers 
the upper part of the arms. His cuirass is of the kind 
called pfoma(a or squamata, because it imitates the feathers 
of a bird or the scales of a fish ; a double row of leather 
straps is appended to it, as a protection for the thighs; 
and on the ^ouldera there are similar straps, nearly cor- 
responding to our epaulettes. This part of the armour 

' G>mt«r, p. 1S04, Vo. 1. Ducangs account, to vhich I aaa greatly iu- 
inhis QloB8ai;pv«sUieform Neoph}^ua debted, of this monumrait id tbe Tra- 
olio, Of. SuUu, VSB^I ^urnifili. See TUiK de VAcad^mie Imperude da Beima. ' 
Smmi's Dictipnaiy of Cliriirtuui Anti- Trentj^ma Volume, Aiinie, 18fi9-1860 ; 
qiiitieB, ari^ Ifeaphjte. The newly it touaa parts of his ( " ' 

bsptized tor eight days wore n white — ^ — * '- "^ — ' — '■ — * 

droa, henoe we Stti the eipreesioiu in , , ... ^ 

alMi .ind albatiu ; Fabretti, iMcriptionB, sepHratelj, with the title, I,e Tombeau de 
|ip. S77 ^q., 735. . ■ .. - ... 

' Orelli, Insoc Lat., wl iil p. al5, 
No. niZt, Supplement by Menzen. In 
Paiuianid, in comitatu iStwUwnsKniur- 
^nu( HungariiB; , . . littenc avi reoentis. 

t lloni. Lariquet hai giren ■ [nil 


may be veiy well seen in the figure of Caracaila, so called, 
at Constantinople, a photograph of which I exhibited two 
yeai's ago. The Byzantine example, however, is more 
ornate than the present one.' A short mantle, fastened 
in the usual manner, is thrown over the lorica. The boots 
resemble the cothurnus, but, having the toes exposed, they 
would be more correctly designated by the term campagua; 
at the top they are decorated with the heads of animals 
and foliage, a fashion of which Montfaucon supplies many 
instances.* Of the right hand the fingers are broken off, 
but the left arm is preserved only as far as the wrist. 

Around this figure four others are grouped : a young 
man, with flowing curls and wearing a Phrygian cap, 
holds by the bridle a horse ready for his master to mount; 
another, on the left end of the sarcophagus, whose tunic 
has long sleeves {manicata), presents a helmet with chin 
pieces ; a naked child looks up to the chief personage, and 
also offers a helmet — a repetition which seems meaning- 
less ; in the back-ground a man with a curly beard is 
talking to the one first mentioned. 

Next, to the right, we see a young female standing in a 
firm commanding attitude, and looking towards the 
principal action as if she were prepared to take part in it. 
She wears a crested helmet, from which one lock of hwr 
escapes, descending on her shoulder. Her right arm and 
breast are exposed (expapiUata), her left shoulder is 
covered by a garment which forms many folds there. 
This Amazon's tunic, like those of her male companions, 
does not quite reach to the knees.' Her boots also 

' 8«e m; Paper on Cnutantinople, cuirui in partiQulAr, Hopo's Onctmna of 

IrehaoL Jmir»a '^o^ mix, p. 118 «;., the AndeDta may be aonialtnd with 

with sngnving of Romaii Emperor, tdnattge, yd, i, p. iS tq. ; toL ii, FktM 

1 Uantfaucoii, Ant. Enl., tome iii, CCLII, CCLVI. 

Fut],pp.E>4-afl, FtatcaXXXIII-XXXV, 'The nnenl iw>eantiM of this 

■ae eepeodly lib^ ii, e. v, mo. n. Le fij;ura recalla to mind the goddlet Bonu 

cantpagiu chwiwure dea Emperaun et on luge bnas ooinB, t-t-, then of Teo- 

des prindpaux offloien de I'umie — qui puiuii CoheD, lUd. Imp., toma i. tnmtii- 

difil^«it peu de !■ atlige dea aoldatfl ; piece, and p. 81 G, Rome aaiiae i drcdt^ 

tec vii, qui par interriUIes lainalent uae adoana k lept colliiMa, tenant un para- 

pfitie du pied d6couTert: Cf. ibid, tomt zoniiun. Better illuatralions are auppUad 

T, Part 1, p. IfiS, lib. iv, c x, Apothtese bj Hirt, BJlderbuch fiir HTthologie, pp. 

d'Augiute dam I'lgathe de la Saiote- 183-185, Die D&moneu der Stsdta ; the ' 

Chapall* (now in the Biblioth^ue latter part of the HOtioti {pvea a full 

Natunj^c] aoooant of the pennoifioation of Rome in 

Ducange, m.i. Campagua, eipbiiu tba andent art ; Cf. Taf. iri, 2, Scnlpturea 

derivation, a Oneco ic^ir^ crua, quud rspreaenting the apotheoiia of Antooinua 

eruta tegjn^ and Faustina ; alau Taf. ixt, 1&-I9. 

for Soman annouT fenanllj and the Auf dm Bo 


resemble the campagtia, previously described; they are 
pierced with eyelets {anaw), through which a thong 
{obatragvlum) passes. In her right hand she holds a spear 
[venaindum), of which a small portion is visible, and in 
her left a large oval shield [clipeua). Below, there are 
two animals, a wild boar and a creature that seems inter- 
mediate between a stag and a reindeer. 

The central place in these bas-reliefs is occupied by a 
man on horseback ; he has hair cut close, is beardless, aud 
wears a tunic with long sleeves ; his left hand holds the 
reins, his right a short spear which does not pioject 
beyond the liunter's breast ; with it he is going to pierce 
a Uon who advances towards him, though already wounded 
by another weapon.' In front of the rider a man wlio 
has been thrown down, now half erect, is defending him- 
self with a shield against the lion, who plants his fore-paws 
upon it. The dress of this figure should be noticed, as it 
differs from all the rest. He wears long trousers (bracae), 
the ends of whicli are tucked inside his shoes (calcei). His 
countenance accords with his costume ; both aUke indicate 
a barbarian.^ 

In the back-ground there is a second personage on 
horseback, clothed like the first ; his action also is the 
same, as he hurls a javelin at the lion ; but his face 
presents a decided contrast, for his hair is long and in 
disorder ; moreover he has a beard and moustache. Then 
come two men on foot; the one with an open tunic 
(exomis) seems to be an assistant of the horseman ; the 

{Rouui) in Raliaf glnch einer Amazone to diatinguuh her fram Mtnerra. Ths 

gebildet, wo sie dtm tod Dacien riickkeli- ensntTed genu exhibit the aingle lock of 

noden Traiaa Etehend empfin^ p. 18G. hiur eBOkping from the hehuet, m oq th« 

In the celebrated Vieima Cameo the larcophi^iiB at Reimii. 
belmated feDuile seated beaide Auguetus ' A lion-huDt appeara on a cein uf 
k unudlj ooQiidered to be the goddeea Hadrian ; Orueber, Op. dtat, p. 6, Ko. 
Boma, but IIt. King (slla her liria, IS (Nu. 8 is a miat^ in Index IV), 
Antique Gems and Rings, vol. ii, p. 70, Reverse, VIRTVTI AVGVSTI : Emperor 
Deacripticin of Woodcuts, Plate LII, 1 wearing paludameatum, on horse 
(Oenuna Augnitsa). The subject is gaJlojiing r. ; he hurls, with r. hand, 
discuned t^ Wieseler, notes added to javalia m lioo running before him. 
C. 0. HiiUer's Denkroaler, Part I, No. ■ b'rcehner, La Cnliiiine Ttajane, Farie,' 
877. Taade's Catalogiie, vol i, Nob. 1865, Sto, p. SB, un pantaloD de tuile 
' S2B5-8825. Oraeber's Roman Hedallions, plisa^ par le baa et serr^ dans Inohauaaure: 
Antoninus Pius, No. 13, p. 9, and Plate Mote [\] ibid, and tV 11; Orid, TriatiA 
XI, Big. 1 (Autotype prooees); oomp. IV, 6, 47. Vulgvis sdest !jc;thicum, brae- 
Index IV, Tjpea, B.T. Ruma. uatoqiie turba Oetarum. V, 7, 4S. Pellibus 

In some cases the ideotification of Roma et Ulis arcent mal& frigora bmoda. 

in eas;, because a spedsl attribute has Fubretti, La CaloDna Trajuu, TftV. viii, 

been inMrted ; in others it is difficult lie. i 


second, like the child who presents a helmet, has a mantle 
for his only covering ; his left arm is broken off in the 
upper part. These men are separated by some foliage ; 
the interval between them and the second horseman is 
Med by a head which has short hair and no beard. 

At the right end of the sarcophagus we see two figures 
clothed in tunic and mantle; one of them holds a spear 
and leatls a dog by a string, the other appears to be 
departing. There are three other dogs in the composition, 
but aa their noses are mutilated, the species cannot easily 
be determined ; each of them wears a collar ornamented 
with borders and projecting ytiuls. The horses are 
caparisoned with the skin of an animal (siragulum), whose 
head ha.^ Ixteii divided into two parts and re-united in 
front of the chest ; the bridles are decorated with lace, 
studs, and metal pendants on the head stall ; at their necks 
is a kind of mai-tingale from which hang a crescent 
(lumula), bells, aiid i\)- lea\'es alternating with trefoils. 
This part of the harness is like the crepundia on the breast 
of a child, as figured bj' Itich in his Companion to the 
Latin Dictionary, s. v.' 

At the left hand comer of these bas-reliefs a pilaster, 
covered with a scroll-pattern and ivy leaves, supports a 
cornice. The capital is adorned with reeds, in the midst 
of which a river-god rechnes In a semi-recumbent posture, 
as usual ; his right hand holds some aquatic plant, his left 
arm leans upon an inverted urn, from which water issues : 
a cataract is also descending in front of him. M. Loriquet 
endeavours to explain this subject by reference to an old 
cosmogony that regarded water as the origin of all things; 
he thinis that it symbolized life and continued existence. 

. ' Loriquet, Acad, de Rmnu, toL ixt, utiquity ww found iu Thonbjeig, and 

p. 1B9. II 7 a ■luvi tela details, dans le a reprewnted in Plate XIII, P%. ], hub 

BaiHachranent den chsvaux, par eiemple, deta^ being drami futl-aize in No. 1* to 

qui Be retrouTeront sur la oolonne d' 1'', p. 60. A very great number of 

Antonin (I), eur eelle da Harc-Aur^e, ornamental itudt and boeaes for placing, 

BUT Vara (t« Septime-S^v^ et d'autrw along tlie lesthar etrapa, bb niay be seen 

monumente du II* Si^de, maie paa au. in our figure of tbe oomplete headitaU, 

del^ que nous aaohionB. imd in representatione of nuch objects on 

Enadhardt, Denmark in tlie Elarly Eron Roman Bculpturea of the Rrat centuric* 

Age, Chap. Ill, wc 7, pp. fio-ez Bar- aft«r CLrieb. They occur io a great 

ueu (Thorabjeig, Platen XIII to XVI, varietj of »hupw, Bgured in Plale SlII, 

andNfdam, Plate XIV.) Many interest- Fig. <2-ll, p. Gl." Index to the Plates, 

ing inrtinulan are mentinned in thiij Horse Hameea and Riding and Dtiying 

section. "The nnly tolerably well Gear, p. 70 
preaerred kead-itaU which ii l«ft bom 

t, Google 


and was therefore adopted as a funereal emblem.' But 
this interpretation seema far-fetched ; it reminds one of 
tiiose German critics who always find some deep sig- 
nificance where nothing of the kind was ever intend^. 
Montfaucon, Tome Y, p. 148, PI. czxv, describes a similar 
figure painted on a tomb as the Styx, and though M. 
Loriquet calls his reasons inadequate, this opinion is sup- 
ported by a comparison with other groups in the same 
plate. However, it is possible that we have here neither 
a symbol of perpetuity nor the Styx, but only a river-god 
inl*od«ced by way of ornament, just as we see sometimes 
in ancient mosaics marine deities or monsters which are 
not specially appropriate.^ 

This sarcophagus was fonn^ly deposited in tJie church 
of St. Nicwse, now demolished, on the right side of the 
principal door; it was supported by three colimms of grey 
marble, as shewn in an old print which I exhibit. Jn 
1540 a storm threw down the window over the grand 
portal, and covered the interior of the church with frag- 
ments of stone : probably this was the cause of the fracture 
in the monument which has been noticed above. In 1800, 
it was removed to the Cathedral, of which only a part was 
then naed for Divine Service, in order that it might be 
more accessible to the public. Last September (1882) I 
saw it in the crypt (chapelle basse) under the great hall 
of the Archevdch^, a vault so cold and damp that it was 
impossible to remain and examine the sculptures carefully. 

The tomb of Jovinus formerly bore this inscription : 

",Vema Dei basis fidei jacet hb Jovianus, 
Restituit qnod destitnit nequam Julianoe." 

' Comp. the eoioa of Smprut, Himtar'i H. Loriquet^ op. dM. p. ISl, nfnt. 

Catalogue. Tub. li, No. 4, Figura fltirii as illuabBtioiu, to two broiiEe msdalliom 

deotnnboiu ad aiaiatram, dertra anindi- struck at Epheaus in honour of Antoni- 

nem, mnistra urnEe innixa ; nee also Not. nui, where tiiere is a sinular pecsoniBoh 

6 and 8 ; the latter hu on the rererae donofariTor, with Jupiter above, hurling 

HKAtK^ whence Homer ww called a thunderbolt and pouring down nin 

Kelengenee ; Cambridge As^quariaii apon the earth. 

Societf , Report and Commumcationi, * So in the moaoio at JoianijoD, near 

ISSO-lSSl, Vo. 23, p. iS, Memoir on Fau, and therefore remote from tJie ae*, 

die Portrait of Homer upon an unpub- we meet with a i»1o«bh1 bust of Neptune, 

iished Coin of Nicee in Bithjnia, tv the Nereida, dolphina, fish and anchors ; Hy 

Rot. S. S. Lewia, H.A., Corpoe Ouisti Paper on Antiquitiea in the Soath Weit 

OoDegfl. of France, ArchccU. Joam., toL xxxvi, 

Acoordiug to Thalee, water, or aome p. 18 *;, : Le Cceur, Moeaiquce de Junoi 

fiqnid dement, wai the ongin of all things; con et Bielle (BaBses-PTrtefiee), Notjoaet 

TtiirlwaU, matorj of Qreeoe, Chu. Zll, DeMJna, Plate DI eolMired 
p. 18a, edit 1888. lO'jIc 


These lines are evidently mediaeval, and Jovianus has 
been substituted for Jovinus on account of the rhyme. 
They cannot, therefore, afford evidence to prove in whose 
honour the monument was erected.' 

Some say that the aubject liere is Jovinus killing a lion 
in Persia, though we liave no proof that he ever was in 
that country ; others, with as little reason, think that the 
design refers to his three victories over the Glermans. 
The excellence of the workmanship sufficiently refutes 
both hypotheses. For the same reason we must reject the 
fanciful absurdities of Lacourt, who saw in this moniunent 
a whole imperial family. Valentinian, according to him, 
pierces the lion, an emblem of the barbarians; the 
Emperor's wife, Valeria Severa, stands by his side, accom- 
panied by young Gratian who received the title of 
Augustus when he was only eight years old ; Valens is at 
the end on foot ; and the general on horseback near 
Valentinian is Jovinus.' 

M. Colin, a friend of Bergier,* author of the celebrated 
work on Eoman Eoads, thought the man killing a lion was 
Hadrian, and the child holding a helmet Antinous. This 
theory is not, like the preceding, contradicted by the style 
of art, but it would require the Emperor's favourite to be 
represented much older. 

The chase is a common subject on sarcophagi. We 
have a fine example in the Cathedral of Girgenti (Agri- 
gentum), usually explained as relating to Hippolytus and 
Phiedra;* but M. Loriquet finds in it only allegorical 
portraiture of the brevity of life and the suddenness of 

' Horeorer, i fake qouitit? ib mode Reima et «e EaviroD*, p. IG3. Com^ 

t^ leogtbamiig the fint ajllable of batu: Congria 3<nentifique de France^ IVei- 

ty. tlortH, Lraicon Qmco-ProaodiMMmi, lifine BeuioD, ISIS, Circulaire de I> 

edit. Dr. MaJtbj, Pitlt, greuui. 2, pes. 3, CommiauuD d'OrguuEBtion, p. liu. Qm- 

' -' viuB's Thesaunig, voL i, contains a Latin 

mt penon traiuUtion with notw by Hamuniiu, of 

imediately Bergisr's book entitled, lutein da grandt 

Bucceeded the Emperor Julian, and c/temim dt t'Si^pire romain : Dictioiuij 

reigned a.i>. 363-364: Oibboa, Ch^. of AnCiquitiea, ed. Dr. W. Smith, a.T. 

XXIV, Tol. iiL pp. 216-232, ed. Dr. Via. 
Wm. Smith. * These Kulpturee are well desoribed 

' Tillemout, Hiatoire dea Empereun, by Qsell-FelB. Unter-Italien und Sieilien, 

vol T, p. 31, Qrelian it called DobiliBai- in MBjen Beuebucher, aacond editioQ, 

muH puer ; Cf. OibboD, Chap. uv. 1877, p. IIS, e.i. Dom B, Owianda 

' Bergier alao wrote a Hiat^ry of Vordere LangBeite : Hippoljt in Bt^eitK 

Jteima ; Bnmet, Hanuel du Libraire, No. ung Ton Jagem arlegt den Bboi — lAiten 

24G06, table mfethodique. He flgurea in am Sookel in deo EAen 

the Alphabetical Lut of Celebritiea, LSweo, Tig"r, Qreifco, Hoikle, Hindt- 

bom at or near the tHj, Votioea but kftmpf& , ~ > 


death ! For other mstances we may consult Spon's Mts- 
ceUanea Erudites Antiquitatis, p. 312 ; Caylus, Recueil 
{TAntiquitds, tome iv, pi. cix ; ' and the collections of 
the Louvre.* Such comparisons have given rise to 
mythological explanations ; accordingly some have dis- 
covered here the Calydonian boar hunt, with Melet^er 
and Atalauta sustaining the principal parts. On the 
other hand we may remark that the lion is too prominent, 
and the costume is not exclusively Greek. 

The Abb^ Pierret says that the sculptures exhibit life 
contending against, and triumphing over, death; and that 
the former principle is represented by human beings, the 
latter by animals. This view is too subtle ; it may 
harmonize with Christian ideas ; but we must remember 
that the design and execution of these bas-reliefs are 
altogether pagan. 

Lastly, M. Loriquet, rejecting all these interpretations, 
endeavours to show that we have here a funereal hunt 
(chasse funfebre). In the earliest times slaves and captives 
were immolated at the pyre of the deceased ; at a later 
period gladiatorial fights were substituted for human 
sacrifices ; other entertainments were also provided in 
honour of the departed — dramatic performances, boar 
hunts, combats of men (bestiarii) with wild beasts, and of 
animals with each other. Thus, although at first sight the 
chase appears to have no connection with mortality and 
burial, when we consider these ancient usages, we under- 
stand why subjects of this class are frequently introduced 
on sarcophagi and sepulchral urns. 

The great variety of persons and dress observable here 
is quite in accordance with the accounts of exhibitions in 
the amphitheatre by writers of the first and second 
centuries. One example of this correspondence must 
suffice. The Amazon in these reliefs by her costume 
calls to mind the Msevia of Juvenal (Sat. i, 22 sq.) : — 

' The twa-retieb on thii ntcmumsnt, words " Si oe Bu Belisf ert an etFat 6» 

' which wu at Buoeloiu whan Cayloa Jovian, H t M tuaaatk par an Artute 

wrote, "wnu la Pcsie du Grand Arohidi-. pliu M;»Tuit que oeni de aon aitele, dont 

Mie de la Catli&lrala," r o pr o e o nted nou oonnoiMona tea ounagea." 

four aoBiiet quits SMnet in charaoter. * Clarao, Hiu6e de Sculpture, TeitO) 

/Sti, Pkte CXIX i» the Tomheau de " " ■"" 

Jorin. BO called: C^lue dieounee the 
attribiilion in hia t^t, p 3M w. and 
Iw hia Tema^ with the following 
TOL, Zi£ 


" Mseria Tnsmim 
Figat apnim et nuda teneat venabuk momma." 

" And tlie bold fair 
Tilte at the Tuscan boor, with bosom bare." 

These scenes on sarcoph^ are similar to what we find 
on lamps and vases of red glazed pottery ; for the fonner 
clafls compare Montfaucon, Antiqtiitd ExpUquSe^ and for 
the latter Mr. Koach Smith, Illustrations of Roman London* 
But it would be absurd to ima^ne that these representa- 
tions were in all cases funereal. 

M. Loriquet's view has the merit of ii^enuity, but I 
think we are dealing with a case where certainty is un- 
attainable. As many passages in ancient authors contwn 
obscure allusions to persons and events now unknown, 
so the sculptural monuments present problems which baflBe 
all attempta at a solution. The subject here may be some 
historical incident, of which no record exists ; or it may 
be some mythological story, into which successive artists 
have introduced additions and alterations until its original 
features can no longer be traced.' 

IV. The Eoman Inscriptions found at Reims itself are 
not as numerous as might be expected, seeing that it was 
the capital of a nation second only to the Aediians among 
the allies of Caesar, and that it became under the Empire 
the residence of a provincial governor. On the other 
hand, many stones are still extant in various parts of 
Europe, bearing the name of Eemi. From them I have 
selected some which specially illustrate our own Eomano- 

■ Tome T, Part II, CXC PI. i I* lo. Pstri BeUwiJ iUmtratii, No. 24, 

223 pige, Fig. 3, and CXCI PL & la 2S0 Primolooo.BallMiuBiUtvidetur.Inipenitor 

pace. militui habitu cODapicuuB, utrique tnanu 

' p. Si. Cbwnm from Uie Sports of pugioDem aeu psTuomum tenet, quein 

Caiuloluu MsximuB et BalbinuB, cap. 

Dr. Birob, On Andont Pottery, toL ii, viu, Auguatan Hiatory, vol, ii, p. 149, 

p.S44. edit Luid. Batav., 1B71. Uude autem 

'On Tecoiuideiatioii, I am Mronglj moa tractun idt utproSciacentH adbellum 

JDclined to think that the subject u Imperatoiw munua gladiatoHuia et 

Imperial, and 1 dnv tbit oonoluaioD from tenatus darent, breviter dioendum est. 
the Amazon and the [^dpal male figure M. Alphonse Ouaaet in hia dissertatian 

in juxtH-pcdtion with her. A oomparison on Reima Monumental, Reiiiu et Sea 

wiUi other monmnenta goea far to prove Enviroas, p. 217, anigni the Tombeaa 

that theae personages are the goddeea de Joviu to the fourth century ; I ebould 

Ikona and an Emperor: Cf. omnino be diapoaed to date it earlier, and thil 

Admtnnda Itonumamm AnIiquilAtum oo («inion ia lupportad by the authority of 

Teterii aculptuno veetigia ... a Petro Cvyloi, loc oitat. 

£ti Bartolo dalineaU inoiaa . 



British antiquities.' Considered from this point of view 
the followiug seems most mteresting. 






/ / / / IVES-REMI-QVI 

/ / / / EMPLVM-CioNSTiTv 


"Marti Camvlo sacrvm pro salvte Tiberii Claudi 
Caesaris Avgvsti Germaiiici imperatoris cives Kemi qvii 
templvm coiistitvervnt. 

Ob cives servatos." 

" Dedicated to Mars Camulus for the safety of Tiberius 

Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Emperor by 

citizens of Keims, who have erected a temple (in his 


On account of the preservation of citizens." 

Following the reading of the earlier editors I thought 
that we had here mention of the Empeior Claudius and of 
the god Camulus, as they are in juxta-position, so to speak, 
at Colchester, a i)lace whose antiquities were carefully 
investigated by the Institute on the spot in 1876. After 
all that has been said and written on the subject, I need 
not now stay to prove that this town is on the same site as 
Camidodunum^ which means the Hill of Mars, and is 
therefore equivalent to Areopagus.' A magnificent temple 
was erected there in honour of Claudius, and Tacitus, in 
relating the fact, uses the very word with which our 
inscription terminates. 

Templum, divo Claudio consHtutumi quasi arx retemae 
dominationis aspiciebatur.' 

' I hsva endaarourod to oil atteation which sbowH stranga n«gl»ct of exiatiug , 
ti> this branch of interoatioiiRlarchaeDlo^ muDiunantB at CoTohntOT, id«iitifla Ca- 
in myPiqier on AutuD,*actionui,Caruiuc mulodunum with Maldon ; and Oralli re- 
InaciiptioDs, Arduiol, Joarn., toL xl, pp. in>duosi the aame opinioi) in hia note □□ 
ltl-48. TadtuB, Ann. lii, R2 : botli these nritera 

' Act Apoatol, ivii, 22. JraSih U i seem to have been deooiTed by falae de- 

IlaiiXiii ir ititrif toD 'Aptlou viyaa 1^. rivation. The abfCDce of romains of 

CunjbeaiBunil HowBon. Life nml Epistlee Hiimin buildings at Maldon maybe re- 

uf St Pnul, vnl. i, pn^ 440-443, ed. Sto. garded ai conclusive. See trro excellent 

• Annals, Honk XlV, chap. 31, Dr. Papera in the Archiml. Joara,, CuduIo- 

Latlum in his urtide Colonia (Smith'v dunum, by the Kev. Prebenduy Soarth, 

Diet, of Cl*»iuul <Jcutp»phy, vuL i, p. a4£>) toL miii, pp. S2G-334 i and BoBua In- 



But on closer examination, it seems almost certain that 
instead of Tiberii in the third line we ought to substitute 
Neronis. Brambach in the Corpus Inseriptionum Bhenana- 
rum states that the surface of the stone where Tiberii is 
engraved shows a depression and marks of some tool that 
has been employed to alter the letters : moreover, the 
genitive case Tiberii is formed diflerently from Claudi.' 

Carradus, according to one reading, occurs in an inscrip- 
tion preserved at Eome ; it is placed over a figure of Mars 
with attributes, and immediately follows Arduinne, the 
Gallic Diana, who carries a bow and quiver.' 

The Eoman monuments of England, as far as I know, 
supply no example of this name in its simple form ; we 
have only the compound mentioned above, but an altar 
found near Kilsyth in Scotland, and now in the Hunterian 
collection at Glasgow, was erected to Mars Camtdus} At 
first sight the abbreviation camvl on the coins of 
Ounobeline might be taken for Camuius, but a comparison 
of many instances shows that it stands for the name of the 
town Camuhdunum} 

Kaiptioiu at Colchester, b? W. ThampaoD 
Wsaiti, ToL zixiT, pp. 76-82 : bIko Mr. 
Fraemui'a Opening Addreo, t&, p. 49 
■q. ; and Evuu, Aodnit Britiih Coins, p. 

' mdex IT, s.?. Man Cunulua, No. 164 ; 
p. 49, B.V. Rindsra. Qniter, T<j. i, p. Ivi, 
.No. IS, RiTS> the mate inacription, but leas 
aoouiBtelj. Camulia Attio ocoun in 
BeinadUB, Nov. Rcpert. mMiipt. antiq. 
Append,, p. 809, quoted bjr Loriqaet, p. 
73 ; and Csmnliiiiiu Oledo in Brambaob, 
ib., Ko. S25, p. ISS (Trier, pan antjca aazi 

InBomaoo-Biitiiihspigiwhj we find the 
namn of a legate and of an emperor, 
probably Ekgabalui, atboed : Bruce, Rn- 
man ^^, edit. 4to., pp. 320-822 ; De- 
•criptive Catalogue M Antiquitiee at 
Alnwick Caitle, pp. ISS-188. But the 
Atcb of Semrue at Rome auppliea the 
moat renuAable Inatanoe of an eramre, 
CuualU having raiH>Ted the namecJ bit 
brother Qeta from the inacription on the 

* Thia form of the nama appaan in 

Uie editon of Caeear'a Commentariaa 
adopt Atdaavaa, v. Oudendorp, Belt QaU. 
V, 3. The modem varietiee ire Ardeunen, 
Ardennes, and Anleii in ShakespeerB't 
As Vou Like II. Fabretti adda sume 

details not mentioned b; Qrutar, Inscr 
Domeet., Emendationes Oniterienae, p. I 
Henzen, Supplement p. 168, note od No. 
1960 ot OrelU's InBcriptione. says : 
ArdiriMnam Ligorius videtur introduxisse, 
ut Qallicam deam Remo Oollo adjungoet. 

The etymology of ArdueHD&isobaoure ; 
it ii evidently a Celtic word, and the firtt 
qAUUe Buggesta a compaiieon with the 
Atmoricae dvitetee of CEceer, De Bell. 
OalL, vii, 7B ; the aecond may be ralatad 
to the Giaelic, doMAainn, deep, prc^oimd, 
which eaema to be the aame with ifon in 
Bn Breton. 

It ia said that the wonbip of Diana 
continued in the Ardenneg down to a late 
peiiod of the Middle Agea ; if thia state- 
ment is corrMt, it would be a curious 
illustration of the word pagan, which 
meaoH prinunly, one who Uvea in a rund 
district, v. Duconge, e.v. peganus. 

> Hilbner, Inacriptaonee BiitanniEB 
Latinoi, c. liri, Vallum Fii, mcl v. Wee- 
terwood, Btatto per lineam volli terUa I 
No. IIOS. Com^ Hu) of Britain, and 
Map of the Antemne Wall on an enlaiged 
Bode (1 ,E00,000) at the end of the volume. 

' On the gold coins of Cunobeline the 
word Camulodunum ia more or leas ab- 
breviated ; on H copper coin we have 
CAMVL-ODYNO. in two compartments 
of a tablet: Evens, Op. Citat, p. 8S7 ; 
VU.'m, It, Ml ; XI, 1-4 ; XU, ft-U ; 



Similarly, a British deity Codditis was indentified with 
Mars. The combination of these two names was first 
discovered at LaDcaster upon an altar, which Mr. 
Thompson Watkin has engraved and described in his 
interesting work entitled Roman Lancashire.' The Lapi- 
darium Septentrionale records the name of another deity, 
Belatncader, as associated with Mars ; though worshipped 
in the north of England, if we would seek his origin, he 
must be traced back to the far distant East.^ 

On the back of the altar are the letters O.C.S. within a 
wreath of oak-leaves, which form the civic crown. The 
medals of Eoman Emperors, notwithstanding their limited 
space, enable us to expand what is here abbreviated, for 
on them we sometimes read in full the words ob gives 
SERVATOS with the same surrounding.' 

This inscription was found at Eindern, not far from 
Qeves, to which place it was transported in 1793; it was 

xni, I-l, PL Xtl no e ud eap. Letewel, 
MoDiuuB OauloiBe st Celtique, PL VIII, 

Eiibner, Op. dlat, p. 3S, quotes 
powBgCT ralatiiiK to Camulodunum froni 
Flin;, Dki, Taoitua, and Seneca in divi 
Clandii imnAncvrrArii ; &id., p. 34. 
Komm vero oppidi retiutum ejuBdem 
stirpis esse atque Cmnuli OaUorum et 
Britaimorum dd cum Uirte Bomanorum 
compooi Boliti t«cte a multu obeerratiim 
est Oruter ia miBUken when he Ba;fB, 
*ol. i, p. Ivi, No. 1 1, LinguA Sabins sic 
(i.<. Camulum) appellari Martem constat 
az inacriptione 9, folii xL 

The CabUogue of the Blade Collection, 
now in ths British Husoum, contaios b 
notice of a curious ^lecimen of embossed 
riaaa, reosntly found at Colchester ; Put 
1, SM. n 0, Ramati Qlasa blown in a 
mould, p. 8S, Vo, 1 98. It is an entire 
cup. Orer four charinteen are their 

the three othen VALR 

In the Colchester museum the follow- 
ing objects dsMTve special attention :—■ 
an MrtliMimre vase oniatnanted with 
bH-relieb and bearing an inscription, a 
Sphinx in oolite, a bronze head of Silenus, 
and large glata cinerary uma. For e 
description of Che sepulchral monumeut 
of B oenturiuD, found 1868, see a pani- 

ei hj Rev. B. Lodge ; with the vine 
ch in hia right hand comp. JuvenaL 
viii, 217 ; siv, 1»3 ; Tacitua Aon., i, 23. 

Mons. Hucher, L'Art Gaulois, p. 20, 
nutioes h very curious miidal, wiUi the 
legend CAUVLO, figured PL 101, No. 6. 

with Julius Cssar : Bell. Gall, vii, 57, 
Summa itnpsrii transditur Camuli^ena 
Aulerco, qui, propa conf actus «rt»t«^ 
tameD propter singulsrem scientiam rei 
militaris ad eum est honorem evocatua ; 
d ibid. oe. SB, 02. H. Hucher renuu^ 
on the type of the revaras, on y retrouve 
I'idfe d'indBpeodance caractens^e par le 
cheval bondissaut en liberty. 

' Chap, vi, Lancaster, p. 170. This 
altar waa found 1797, in alesriDg away 
some earth for improving and enlaiging 
the Castle. 

' Nob. 309, 310, D[E]0 MAETI BE- 
LATVCADRO. " Prom the name of the 
Eod we are oeoeeaaiily led to suppose that 
he was allied to the Boat of the S;rians:" 
of. No. 18S, and Index I, Nsmee and 
Attributes of Deities, t.t. Belatucadma. 

Cf. ApoUo HaponuB, Mr. Thomp-oa 
Watldn's Roman Lancashire, pp. 131-135, 
esp. p. lit. 

' These words appear on the copper 
ooinogBof ColiguU and QaudiuB I, Cohen, 
M^d. Imp., vol. i, p. ISO, No. 22 ; »., p. 
1S4, 77. A reverse of ViteUiua eihiHte 
the phrase abridged, OB CIVIS SERV., 
being inscribed upon a shield placed 
against a pal:n tree, Cohen, ii,, p. 206, 
No. 62. We also find OB CIV SER. 


still there in 1866, when Brambat-h wrote. Whatever 
may be the situation of the atone at present, it certainly 
remained for many years in the Castle at Cleves, where 
the Princess Anne, Henry the Eighth's "Flanders Mare," 
was bom.' 

We cannot say with certainty on what occasion, or by 
whom this altar was erected. Some suppose that the 
■whole body of citizens resident at Reims dedicated it to 
Claudius out of gratitude for the privileges he had con- 
ferred on the Gauls; but why should the Eemois have 
chosen for this purpose a site so remote from their capital? 
It seems more i)robable that the cives Eemi here 
mentioned were colonists who lived near Cleves, on the 
banks of the lihine. 


MEBTE- CAMTIVS. ////(/// T / / / 
FILIVa- EX- V / / / T / / / / / 

Deo Mercurio et Eosmertae Canttus Titi Alius exvoto. 

Erected in honour of the god Mercun,- and fiosmerta by 
Cantius, son of Titus, according to a vow. 

Montfaucon, who seems to have been badly informed by 
his correspondent at Langres, reads i!X)RTE. vektk, i.e.. 
Fortunae revertenti, to returning Foitune.* Gruter has 
POSTVERi'E instead of uosMER'nc; his mistake in the first 
letter was probably caused by a jiart of the r being 

That Rosmerta is here associated with Mercurj', the 
patron of traders, and so we find them together in an 
inscription at Sion, Setiita Leucorum ; * and hi Henzen's 
Supplement to Orelli, N". 5908, Rosmerta is called 
Mercurialis; moreover the dedicator of the last monument 
was an adjutor tahdariontm, and therefore was employed 

' See memmr on "The RanotutraDoe," . . . puturientJbuH jiropitda," Orelli, 

of Adiu of CHeree in the Archaxilogia, loc dtat : but tbu ioterpiebitioD in 

vol. xl-rii, pp. S4S-2S1. doabtful. Sea Forcinelli, Lex. a.T, 

■ Ast. EipL tome ii, p. 415. OreUi, ' Dbooverad in 1S!0 ; H^oriea de la 

luce Lat. No. ]41fi, ffivee mother expla- Soddt^ dee Antiqusriea de Fnnce, t. iii, 

nation, Vtrtmti, inat»bili. p. 476 ; t. XIII, p. 208, »p. Loriquet, p. iS. 

Montfaucon saya that the tvo beads in Cf. Kevue Arch^logique, NouTelle 

axemi-airciitiirrece«aboretbeilismption Siiie, vol. xl, |). SI; Rosmerte, lA 

lire llioae of Mercury and Fortune. eouvent emod^e k Hercure dana lea ex> 

"P. L, No. B. "POSTVERTA D»« veto dea Vo^^." 




to keep accounts.' From these circumstances we may 
infer that Eosmerta was a commercial deity.* 

This inscription was found at Langrea {Andemantum) ; 
others containing the name of the same goddess are to be 
seen at Treves and Luxemburg ; so that the provenance 
shows the origin of her worship to be Celtic. 

For Cantius Gruter reads C. Antius,* but Cantius 
occurs on a leaden pipe of an aqueduct at Aries, of which 
Montfaucon gives a full-page engraving, Antiquit. Ezpl. 
Suppl^m., Tome HI, p. 165, plate LXI ; upon it the 
following words are inscribed, c. cantivs. poihinvs. fac* 
As in the case of the last inscription, so here again we are 
reminded of our own country, the part of it nearest to 
France being called by Caesar Cantium. He also remarks 
that the manners and customs of the inhabitants resembled 
those of the Gauls — neque multum a Gallica differunt 
consuetiidine." These words afford the clue that should 
be followed in our enquiries : the two countries are so 
closely connected by their historical monuments that 
neither can be thorouglUy studied apart from the other. 

I Cf. HtM. 5907, and 6G08 which bIeo 
contaiiui the tntrA tahulariut. 

' U. Loriquet, p. 7S, plocaa Roemerta 
in the Bamecategpiywith Huoduia, "qui, 
doiu d'autree canir&ta, a M to)UTJ« 
£galement awoci^ au dieu ilea tnarch- 
andg." Clawical scholare are familiar 
with maidinae (the ninth day, (lie market 
day] and deriTatiTeH auch an nundinufui, 
nundinari, &«., and the phiaaa (rinum 
nurM/tnum ; EeighUej'a second edition of 
Ovid's Faatd, Introduction, p. iv ; in the 
Paati that have been diacovered the letters 
on the left A — H denote the Mindinat ; 
ib., after p. iviii, Tabula HaSbiana : Orelli, 
Inscc. Lat., vol ii, chap. ixii. Kalendaria 
AQtiqua, pp. 879-413 op., p. 40B tq. 
Arguing from analogy one might expect 
to find Nundina, goddeea oF marketa, as 
M. Loriquet implien, but I bare aot met 
with this divimtv in any ancient author 
or inscription. The Nundina mentioned 
by Macrobiua ia a totally different per- 
■ooage, and not in any way oonaectad 
with trade : Saturnalia I, ivi, S6. Est 
etiam Nundina Bomonomm dea a nono 
die naBCetitium nuncupata, qui luxtricuB 
dicitur. Est atitem diee luatricus quo 
infantas lustrantur et nomen accipiunt ; 
Md is maribus noniu, ootavxui eat fenunia. 
On this paeeage Ludov. Janus, a recent 
editor, hu the following nota : Hue hoe 

solo looo oommemoratur a scrip tore retere, 
cf. Hartung (Die Religion der Homer) i, 
p. 151, et ii, p. 2«4. The Din luatnciu 
when the child woa named ia like the 
Jewish Circumcision and our Chriatflning : 
St. Luke, i, SB-SS ; my Paper on Con- 
stantinople, Arehaol. Jovra., vol. tttJ i, 
p. 148, aod note on p. 14S, dce- 
cription of reliefs on a aarcophagua 
in l^e Museum. With theae rites compara 
the Attio festival 'A^i^p^jiuo, (Diet, 
of Antiquitiea and Liddell and Soott, 
a. V.J : PUlo, Theaetetus, ISO E, /uri U 

kAk^ mpfSp^Krior r^ ^oy^, SdloL tUld 
HeindorTs note. 

* Similarly the earlier editors, t-g, 
I.ambinuB and Taubmann, write M. 
Aociua PlautiiB, but Ritschl calls this 
author T. Hocdus PlauCua ; ao he reada 
in the Hercator, prolog, v. 0. Bad^ 
latine Hdrcator Haeci TUL The line aa 
it stands in Bentley's note on Tersnoe, 
Fhormio, Prol. 26. Eadem latino Marootor 
MaotJd ia metrically defective. 

' Hontbucon remarks, " Ce qui est 
oertsin, est que /'oiAfnui ne ae peut 
Bouffi-ir," and proposes to subatitnte 
Potiinia, wbjch aeema ve^ planaible. 
Grater, voL i, p. "t^^"", " "" " " 

canTHTva T^imHTS. f ac 

* Belt OftU., Y. 14 unib 

veiT planaiblt 
i, No. », hM C 


(8) D. rVL. D. FIL////// 


PLAM ivi En. rirviR 


/// ma AERA ////// 





D. D. D. 

Dedmo IVLio DMinii FIL(io VOLTnTia) | CAPITOTn, n FLiMM 

ITvENtutiR, lUTIRo II (loooniia) PTBLIConim PER toquendonun 


L{EaiamB II ADITTridi)||OEH(iii>e CIVITaba VIENKa COLonk 

ET) RBHI FOEDERATA | (Looo) Dato Deoreto Dttnirionum.' 

Erected in honour of Decimus Julius son of Decimus, of 
the Voltinian tribe, sumamed Capito, priest of the goddess 
Youth, triumvir for inspecting pubhc places, dumnvir of 
the treasury, president of artizans, military tribune of the 
second legion (assistant), by two states, the colony of 
Vienne and the confederate city of Eeims. 

The site was granted by a decree of the decurions. 

There is some doubt about the interpretation of the 
word Geminae. I have followed Monsieur Loriquet who 
connects it with Cwitates ; but Chorier supposes that it is 
an epithet qualifying Legionia. 

This inscription has been selected for consideration on 
account of the words Praefedus Fahrum, which correspond 
with similar expressions on a sepulchral stone found at 
Bath, and engraved by the Eev. H. M. Scarth in his work 
entitled Aquse Sohs, PI. xxi, p. 59." What is wanting in 

' Thii ituoription and the sipaiuian of thatthalBttera were carredouthapedesUl 

it lae givan b^ M. Loriquet on pages SO of a statue of Capito. 
and 83 rapectively ; the attAntiTe reader * Mr. Soarth ducuaaea the ancient name 

will obserra that they do not harmonize of Bath, pp. 3, 4, aud writes Aqme Solis, 

eiaotlf, but the lae^mat tn to numaroua following the Antonine Itiuerarj, ed. 

tlut we must be contented with a wobabla Wesaeling;, p. 486, ed. Parthey and Pinder, 

interpmtktion. The original was formerly p. 233 ; but Hiibner, Inacriptionea Bri- 

at Vienne (Danphin^) and haa bean loet ; tannicc lAtinEO, cap, ix, p 24, with good 

ila daflciencisa are supplied, to a great reaaon, I think, prefers AqaEB Solie, " ex 

eitott, from another ioacribed stone atill titulia dece Sulu MJnervn ibi oultm," 

extant in the MuMum at the aama place. "Son. 38-44, G3 : and io Lyaona, Reliq. 

Spon, who wrote at Lyons and saw the Biit. Rom. i, 1813, p. 9,adn. c, "Sedneg- 

moDument, in hia Hiacellanea Eruditn leiit Tsritatem ia quoqua qui nuperrime 

Antiquitatu, p. 203, Seetio T, Qeographica nrbis monimeata compoeuit (Scarth)." 

&c., corracta the miatakea of Oruter, iroL Sul Minerva is anoiher axampta of a 

i, p. 421, No. B : " Hano iU ultimam In- barbarian identdfled with a Roman divi- 

Bor^tionem foedi apud Orutenim mutJ- nity, like Mara Cunulus mentioned abore, 

tatamteatituit eteiphcat (Chorier) ;"cf. Apollo Toutiorix, and IMana Abnob»; 

Orelli, Ko. 3S41 and not& It U evident Scarth, p. <7, HcCauJ, Britanna-Bomin 
Inlcriptiana, p^ 101, 


the French monument is supplied by the EngKsh, and 
vice-veraa. The latter records the burial of Julius Vitalis, 
an armourer {/abrkensis), who was attached to the 20"" 
legion, and states that he was interred at the expense of 
hia guild (ex colegio fabrice elatus). Fabricensts here has 
a nulitary meaning, as in the Theodosian Code,* but fabri 
in the French inscription are probably work-people 
employed for the purposes of civil life, and their president 
(praefectus) would in most cases be some influential person 
who held other municipal offices. M. Loriquet calls 
Vitalis un Beige, but this may mislead the reader : he was 
not a Belgian in the usual acceptation of the word, but 
one of the British Belgae, a tribe inhabiting Hampshire, 
Wiltshire and Somersetshire.' 

The latest archaeological novelty at Beims, as far as I 
know, is an inscription communicated by the Baron J. de 
Baye to the French Society of Antiquaries, and discussed 
in their Proceedings on October 5, 1881.' It is on a 
cippus of the ordinary form, and 60 centimetres high. 
Besides the stone, a skeleton was discovered in good 
preservation, together with a cinerary urn containing 
human bones imperfectly burnt. The words are as 
follow : — 

. . HECM^~^HO 

M. H^ron de Villefosse expands it thus: [a] meca?, 
memoria tuam, for am[i]ca(?), memoriarm] tuam [feci]. 
The form of the letters shows that they oelong to a late 
period. Memoria is not used here as in classical Latinity, 
but means a memorial or monument ; so Ihicange, 
Glossary s.v., explains it by monmnentum sepulcrum, 
ftw^naov ; he gives examples from Jerome and Augustine, 

' Codex Jiutinianiu, Cod. XI, Tit. X voL ii, No. 4079, wko erpUina fabrioend^ 

(tX), De Fabrioenaibua ; Coipns Jiuil ex fabrioa ferrariB i. ofScma umamentuu 

CiTiUs, ed. Beck, toL ii, p. 8ST. Cf Wil- legiont cuique adacripU ; cf Heimn. 

iiunn>,EMiiip1aIiuoriptioniiiiiLatin>ram, Suppl. No. S7f>l. Pnefsctui Fabrioe, *a. 

vol ii, p. 663, Index x, CoUegiA, : v. Bnnonim. HcC«ul, Op. CitaL p. IB7, 

FabruDL Dotes, hu «omB oliao^fttioiu on the 

' Wright. The Celt, the Bonun and words fabri, fabrieeMu, Jabrka, Aat»i» 

the Suon, pp. 22, 10. and coOegwtn. 

The inscnption at Bath ii givan b; ' It wM found nsai the Goods' Depart- 

Hiibner, Op. Cit No. 49, p. 27, who thitika ment of the Bailwe; Station. Remarki 

it belongs to the Bacond eeatuiy. He rayB on the Baron de Bave'a letter were made 

that the dBTice in the triangular top is by H. Hfron da VillBfoasa : Mdmoirea de , 

Heduu'a head ; according to lit. Scarth, la Soci£t£ Kationole des Antiquains da 

it conmitaof b^tandflowera. SeeOreDi, France, tome sUi, Bulletin, p. 241. 
T<m ZU. X 


and notices their frequent occurrence in ancient inacrip- 
tions.' Titulua has the same signification in the phrase 
tittdum ponere, which we meet with on a slab near 
Brougham Castle : this expression is rare in Britain, but 
the German museums afford many instances of it.* 

From Epigraphy we pass by an easy transition to coins 
bearing legends. Speaking generally, those of the Bemi 
are not remarkable ; in variety of types and beauty of 
execution they must yield to other tribes, especially to the 
Arverni and Aedui. But one of them deserves notice, 
partly on account of the controversy about it. The 
obverse exhibits three male heads, conjugated, with their 
hair cut close in Koman fashion ; the device of tlie reverse 
is a winged victory in a b'^a, holding a whip, and the 
reins in both hands: the legend hemo appears on either 
side of the coin. Some connoisseurs see here the trice- 
phalous deity that has been found on altars at Eeims and 
in the neighbourhood. This theory may be rejected, 
because the resemblance is not sufficiently close.* M. 
Loriquet thinks that the three heads represent three 
provinces, Belgica, Germania Inferior and Germania 
Superior ; in support of his opinion he refers to a medal 
of Galba, on which there are three heads in a horizontal 
line with the legend tres galliae.' But it should be 
observed that in this latter case the personification of the 

> In Orelli, Nob. 4469, 4G12, 45S6, No. S three headB ore imited, having thret 

4ME), we find the phrases, memoriim nous and thi«e mautha, but oalj two 

hMn «Ucui, and conpuare aibi memo- «vib. H. Bertruid oonnecU the coin 

lias n. aboTe-mentioned with tiie TiiodphalM, 

* See mj Paper in the Frooeedinga of and cites M. Hucher as an authority in 

the Society of Antiquarjee, Second Series, faTOur of this view, bot does not represent 

ToL vi, p. 38S aq., and referenoe in a him oorreotl; ; for, thou^ in the Art 

foot-note to Zehetmajer, Lexicon Etymo- Gaulois, Part I, p. 41, he aaya " trois tcte* 

liweam CompaiatiTum, lv. Titulua. . . . qui noui avaient Bemb1£ oBVir t'effigie 

■ Six of thoM aJtuB (or rather tUlae d'un Dieu Tridphale tr^honci^ k 

ah^ed like altaia) are in the Collection of Reima," in Part II, p. 103, he ahow* 

U. I>uqu£Delle et Reima, one is in the hinuelf disposed to odl them the Trium- 

Husfe r^trospedJf at the H6tel de Ville ; virate. 

Loriquet Op. Citat. p. 62, note 1, Cf.omn. ' Cohen, HMailles Impdrialea, to), i 

the memoir* by }L Alexandre Bertiand, p. 216, a.T. Oalba. Trtni tiles de femmo 

entitled L'Autel de Saintee et !« Triades i droite. (Lee Qaulea aqoilAine, narbon- 

Qt.ilXoattiiaiiiBReviuArdidclogique,liiO, naiae et lyoanaise.] Fl. XIV, No, 8. It 

Nouvelle SMe, vol. xzxii, pp. 387-347, will be remarked that thia account of tha 

vol. il, pp. 1-18, (0-84, with engraiinfn prorincn diff^ from M. Loriquet'a intor- 

and photonaphs, eep. pp. 6-13 La Triads pretation. He also thinks tb«l Qalba'a 

et lea Tiiolphales ; the latter part of thia coin was imitated by the Remi (p. S3S, 

section ii devoted to the payt rAaoit, the note], but the altered arrangement of the 

diatriet which ban been Mtherto moat heads seema a fatal objection to thia 

fertite in monuments of this kind. In view. 


provinces is, as usual, female, so that the analogy fails.' 
Lastly, M. Hucher in his Art Gaulois calls attention fo 
some features which render it probable that we have here 
the effigies of the Roman Triumvirate. He says that the 
face on the right has an aquihne nose, hke that of Mark 
Anthon)' as it appears iu lijs denarii, but that the face on 
the left does not show any nasal curve, and in this respect 
agrees with the likeness of Octavian: also that the time of" 
hfe here indicated suits veiy weU with the Triumvirs, as 
one head is youthful and the other two middle-aged ; for 
when this coalition was formed, Octavian was only twenty 
years old, Mark Antony was about forty, and Lepidus 
could not have been much younger, as he held the office 
of praetor six years previously.* 

Another coin of the Kemi is interesting, because it 
illustrates an important passage in Caesar, and assists us 
to correct the text. The device of the obverse is a head 
with curls arranged in large masses ; that of the reverse is 
a horse galloping and a wild boar underneath. Here, as 
in the preceding example, the legend is repeated, 
ANDECOM — ANDECOMBO. At first sight we might suppose 
that this is the name of a cliief not mentioned by Caesai-, 
for no such word 0('curs in the editions commonly used. 
But where they read Antehrogium, Ondendorp gives 
among the variae lectiones Andocmm Borium, Andecum- 
borium, Andecomborium^ Andocumborium, Anodocutnirtum. 
The true reading Andecomborium is therefore, I think, 
ascertained by comparing the coin with the manuscripts, 
though Monsr. Hucher prefers Andecombc^us : see the 
learned note in his Art Gaulois, Part I, p. 63.* 

' Hirl, BUderbuch fur Mviiologe, rev,, ...TILOS. WiUi Uie Victoiy on 

Zwdtea Heft, p. 178, Tab. XXV, XXVI, the Remiah coiii we may comutre a 

Die Damonen bestimmter Under, Qegeli- dcDarius of the gens Afrania, CoheD, 

den, Qrter, 4c, eap. p. 179. StaUUche MSd. ConiraWrea, PL II, p. 1*, Vict<Mro 

Frtmea, nut der Thurmkrone auf dam ^'^ ™ ^^ s" g»lt>p a droite, tenant un 

Hsupte, imd daa Siapter tragend, f°^<^ Tb* featurea of Maik Antony are 

' In the Art Oauloia, Part II, ii. 103, "■ i™" known t-i lu ob tbon of Auguatue 

ve have, "uno bonna raprteentation de bimaelf, see Cohen, ibid., at. AntonU, 

la chann-inte mfdalilte de Rrinu ; " it PU IV, V, pp. 23-34; thohoad of Lepidiia 

baa bean, I think injudiciovialy, eoJarged, appeara, a.y. ^Emilia, H. II, No. 18. 
which detract* fram the value of the M- Hudier's eiplanation ut the coin at 

Bvidonce it BUiiplLeH. The repetition of HBims le corroborated by one struck at 

the leaend is not unwjDimDn ; llnllin and ICphewui, which has the heiulB of the 

Feuardent'H Cutalogue gives many ei- triumvira similiirly placed ; it may bo 

iimplea; e-g y. 8, No. 101, TOGIRIX, 

revene,TO(ini;p.I4,IJo.l66,COAIMA, ' Bell, Gftll. hb, II, o. 3, edit. Ouden- 

lev., COAllIA ; 1..25, Ni. 284, PIXT... dorp; Remi, ([ui proximi "-"" 

the Britiab' 

. II, c 3, edit. 

nrofimi '^■^^ _ , ,__ 
\BR A R V - 



V. It would be impossible on the present occasion to 
describe in detail the Cathedral wliich presents so many 
interesting features of different kinds, but I beg permission 
to notice the external sculptures, because they excite the 
curiosity of the most superficial observer, and neither 
ordinarj' guide-booka nor general works on architecture 
will afford the information he desires. My account is 
chiefly derived from an unpretending, but very instruc- 
tive, work by the Abbe Tourneur, entitled Description 
Historique et Archeologique de Notre Dame de Reims.' 

The north transept has three arches i the central and 
that on the left are richly decorated, that on the right is 
walled up.* In the former the middle place between the 
two doors is occupied by a figure of colossal size wearing 
long robes, a conical cap and a cope fastened by a breast- 
plate in which twelve precious stones are set." This 

Balgia aunt, ad eiim (Cavarem) Iwatoa, 
IcciiiU 6t ADtabroeiuin, piimoa cinUtis, 
miserunt. With tbe former put of the 
wurd ' Andeoombogiiu, Hucher compax«s 
Andes (Anjou), Andematunum, Ande- 
camuJum ; ood with the ternunKtioa, 
Varcombo^ua (Oruter, p. DCCLTin ; No. 
II), &a. Lelewel, Homuies Oauloiae et 
CeltiquB, PL III, Nob. 44, 45. Hucher, Art 
GftuloiB, PL I, p. 29 1 PI, 62, fig. 1 ; Ft. 
II, p. 103,iuidp. 139, Catalogue Critique 
dea Ugendee dn Homudea GauloiasB. 

A geDen] ictuuDt of the coina of 
the Hemi it given by Bortb^leniT, Nu- 
miauutique Andenue (Manuela-ltoret), 
Gaulea, Bel^ca, p. lOa 

" Typa: Troii buites de profll, daoM 
une couroone de feuiUage ; bige ; tSt« 
imherbe toumde i dnute ; lion urSt^, la 
queue pnaa^ autre las pattea, 

UatBda : BEHO ; REMCK. 

H£|«] : BronM. Oa Ut aur In mon- 
udce dee R«mi 1e doiq du chef ATISIOS." 

ItoUin and Feuardent in their Catalogue 
da H«dail1a da U Qaule, Cheb Rfmoia, 
p. S2,Noa. 354-358 give,be8idea ATISIOS, 
the following namea :— AeUAIAC (aic), 
firat of tleae De Saulcy mda ASHDIAC, 

a that it 

I the 

Greek form of ATISIOS, cf Ce 
GalL, I, 29) in the laat caae ha pralen 
VBNEXTOS : Uuchw, Op. dtat, CataL 

' Tbe fourth edition of this book was 
publiahedatReimain 1880. Soealaothe 
Jcoui^iraphiB intdn'eure de la Ciith^Tale 
de lUime, Hiatore et DeecnytioQ d«ii 

Vitnus et dea Statuee by the name 
author; and for the Utursj of angjels, 
Mra. JameKo's Sacred ud Legencbu? 
Art, p. Sfi. 

■ On thU nde, prerioual; to I79S, a 
door opened <m a hall named fVetiow, 
beoauae the canons aoaembled there to 
hear tbe mar^rrotogy read, and the aarrioa 
began with the worda, Fretioea in oon- 
■pectu Domini mora sanctorum ejus. 
Precioufl in the ught of the Lord is the 
death of hia sainta, Paalm cxvi, 16, 

' This part of the veatment is derived 
&om the " breaat-plate of judgment " 
mentioned among Aaron'a garmenti. Ex- 
odus ixviii, 2.4, 16. ft is called in the 
Septuagint Xaytiai tmt Kptataw or riti 
Kp&Mi, and iripurritSaiT ; nod in the Vul- 
gate rationale. 01 laaiah lix, 17, iytiiaan 
SucamrirTir iit Affwra ; Ephea. 'vi, 14, I 
Theee. v, 8. B. Cyrilli Archie^piaooia 
Alexandrini De Adontione ia Spiritu et 
Veritate, hb. li, p. 3S4 tq., edit Aubert, 
Paris, 1038. Philo Judeeua De Vita 
Mods, hb. iii, p. 670, Paria, 1840. Kal 
Kvrit T^ a^6os ftAAac >lioi inKtrrtKia 
tiafiforrtt rati xpi^'i v^pTf^ri* iomirii, 
Ik rpoHi trrpaariHX'l, Si., p. S7S. 

Ducange'a article AUtoiuife ectanda 
over more than three columns in Hens- 
chel'a edition. The Rev. Wharton B. 
Marriott in his Vatianum Chrittianam 
quotea and tnuulates manj paaauges from 
ancient authora : Introduction p, iv, iq., 
pp. 1, 6, 17, 22, etc 

The Vakass, a vHitment peculiar to the 
Armenian Cburuli, has a breast-plat« 
attached to it : Smith's Dictionary of 

VttE GAlLO-BOUAK UONtrUBNTS Ot' ttfitUB. 141 

personage raises his right hand to bless, and holds a book 
in his left. Some suppose that St. Sixtus, others that St. 
Peter is here represented. The figurines on the pedestal 
symbolize the episcopal virtues, gentleness, fortitude and 
charity. There are three statues on each side of the 
porch : on the left, St. Nicaise, head in hand, between an ■ 
angel perfuming him with incense and his sister Eutropia : 
on the right, a corresponding group, St. Eemi holding the 
Sainte-Ampoule {holy vial) said to have descended from 
heaven, between an angel and Clovis who wears the dress 
of a catechumen. 

The Tympanum contains five rows of sculptures : — 

1. St. Nicaise kneels before an altar on wnich his head 
is deposited; this subject is repeated, but in the second 
case the saint presents his head to the barbarians for 
decapitation ; Eutropia stands by, and strikes the Vartdal 
king in the face, that she may share her brother's martyr- 
doni. Proceeding towards the right we see the baptism 
of Clovis by St. Kemi : the former is in the font, behind 
him are his wife Clotilde and Prankish lords ; the latter 
receives from heaven the Sainte Ampoule, and is followed 
by his clergy. 

2. An angel announces to Montauus the birth of St. 
Bemi; Montanus in his turn informs Cihnia. St. Remi, 
while yet an infant, commences his thaumaturgic career ; 
on his mother's knees he restores sight to the aged 
Montanus, anointing him with his mother's milk. C3ad in 
episcopal robes, the saint expels a demon from a girl at 
Toulouse, and on this occasion is attended by two acolytes, 
one of whom scatters holy water with a brush ; he also 
chases evil spirits, three adults and a young one, from the 
Gty of Beims. The devils form the most animated group 
in the whole composition; amazement and terror are 

Chri«ti«ii AatiquiCieB, a.v. It ia wid that 3. Htrk Si rh tiinini' wrnr^turfta 

(be Aoltaiu't adorned with premouBBtoDW vntr)) 4 ^lyo/iii^'Ayia'Aytmr, H., vi. If ; 

b ■ Bign of a papftl legate, and therefore x, 20, and the By-AltAT of PropoeitioD, 

appaan on Aichljuhope of Rama, in npiStaa (Ducange, Olonarium OrEeci- 

■onlpture and glin-painting. tstU), ooirecpondB mth the table of ahew- 

Suaitiul; in the Greek Church Bome bread, for which the same word ia lued in 

parts of the ritual mar be traoad back to theLXX. Dr. Cuvel'saocountof theOreek 

a Jewish origin ; the wooden Bcreen Church, Camb. 1722 ; hii Plates are 

CEunrrfn-wrii), for nhtch a curtain would derived from Goar't Notes on the Greek 

be a tetnpor>irjHubBtitute,reptodaoeB the Ritoal {Elixi'^iy"')- 
veil thnt hung )>ctoi-f the Holy of Hotiea Theltev. Churton,B.D.,fa\-oured 

at J enualoin : Kpiatlc to the UebreWH, il, lue with aoiuc nf the foregojug refereiicw. 


depicted in the countenances of the elders, but the juvenile 
like an impudent gamin, looks up at the saint defiantly. 
These grotesque beings contrast well with the solemn 
gravity of the ecclesiastics. 

3. Job appears as the chief personage ; he is seated on 
a dunghill or heap of aahes, for it is not easy to determine 
which of the two is intended: Satan lays one hand on the 
patriarch's head, and with the other raises his left leg. 
These gestures correspond with the Bibhcal text: " So went 
Satan forth from the presence of the Lord, and smote Job 
with sore boils from the sole of his foot unto his crown,'" 
Behmd Job his three friends are consulting together ; then 
comes a repetition of this group, with a tree between;' 
Job's wife closes her mouth with both hands. In front of 
Job the same persons are reproduced, but the wife's 
attitude is different, for she now stops up her ear. The 
remaning space is filled by the maid of Toulouse and 
friends who surround her. The story from the Old 
Testament has been introduced out of place; it breaks the 
continuous series of the acts of St. Eemi. 

4. The Saint restores to life the Toulousaine, who died 
after the demon had been expelled. To the right, he 
makes the sign of the cross before a cask from which wine 
issues, the butler on the other side of it expresses astonish- 
ment by his uplifted hand. We have here a representation 
of the miracle worked at Cettus {Cemay). According to 
the Acta Sanctorum there was a deficiency of wine, when 
St. Eemi visited this place; but while he was praying for 
a larger supply, and before he had risen from bis knees 
the wine overflowed the pavement, so that the servant 
exclaimed, "In the name of Christ who ever saw such a 
thing (In nomine Christi quig unquam tale vidit)!"' 

' Job, chw. ii, T. 7. at great tengtb in tlie Acta Sanctorum 

* Comp. The Bajeux Tupcstr; elud- (Oct. Irt) Tol. 47, pp. (0-137. ^)Hncti 

dated b; Dr. Bruce, Plato i op|>OBite p. iiatiTitaaaSu]ctoHoiitaaopnBdicta,p.Sr); 

?. 40, in p. IE, ete. ; and C. 6. historia energumenEe Tolosanic per Sanc- 

Hiiller, Draim&ler der Alten KuDBt, pert tutu libnatffi et tiIeo reddita, p. 71. 

i, PI. LXX, "So. S82, TraJBu'H Column, 'EHpTufyuns meiuis a demomao in eccle 

Die badflm Baumstimnie lur Beohten suuticalwiiten; whenoecomntheFreDch 

nnd Linken trannen die aoene toq andem word inergittaine, now commonlj' used. 

Kri«gBb«genlieiteii. See also the iUuH- lb. p. 188 (VetuaCapitumPflrtitJo) Qua- 

trated works of Fabretti and FroehDer Iit« de porro liquors in villa CeltoTitiimi 

pBwini, redundare fecit ex vaeculo non mndicrp 

' Thin legend aeema to be an absurd qiiuititatia. These exploita of Saint Beini 

exagguration of the turning of water into were too wonderful even for the Bollandist 

wine at the marriage-faaat in Cana uf editors ; accordinitly thej deambe hia life 

Galilee^ The Life of Saiut Kemi ia related written by Hinmnar aa prcdixior fobulia 


5. The triangular space at the top is occupied by Our 
Lord seated, holding me book of the Gospels, between two 
angels who kneel and offer crowns. 

Most of the figures in the tympanum txe erect ; in the 
voussoirs, on the contrary, they are all seated. These 
latter occupy three bands, viz: twelve bishops on the 
interior, fourteen patriarchs on the middle, and sixteen 
■ popes with tiaras on the exterior.' 

Under the left arch ■ of the North Transept colossal 
statues are arranged on the basement in the same manner 
as those previously mentioned. Our Lord stands in the 
centre, raising his right hand in benediction, holding the 
globe of the world in his left, and treading on a basUisk,' 
This statue is so beautifully executed that it goes by the 
name of Le Beau Dieu. On the side-waJls we see si?: 
apostles distinguished by characteristic signs. Our Lord 
also appears in the summit of the tympanum seated as a 
judge, his feet resting on a stool, which indicates his 
power. The Virgin and St. John the Baptist adore him, 
while two angels display the instruments of his passion. 
Below this group are two rows of figures rising from their 
tombs ; but the repetition does not produce satiety, 
because their attitudes are sufficiently varied. The third 
row is divided into two compartments by a tree in the 
centre; on tiie left are three theologicid and the four 
cardinal virtues, on the right impure vices, greatly 
mutilated. Immediately over the lintel the souls of the 
righteous are represented by infantile forms which angels 
carry to Abraham's bosom ; the wicked, amongst whom 
there is a bishop and a king, are dr^ged by Satan to a 
cauldron ; two demons fill it with the spirits of the lost, 
and a hideous toad climbs up on its edge, while the flames 
are blazing all around.* On the voussoirs, angels blow 

respam. To use Gibbon's phnae, ot tnuiaept is admirBble, while on the other 

wbloh B friend hw reminded me, we may hand the ouda figoniB are veiy inferior. 

md these pretended miracles " with a The eiceJlanoe in the former cue arote 

smile or a ^h." from imitation of the antique ; the defeat 

For the Cburch of SI Bemi at Beima in Uie latter from igooranoe of anatomj. 

T. Congrte ArohdoL de France, IRfll, pp. For tluB remark I am indebted to tfa« 

S7-102, and Congrte Soientif., ISIS, pp. Rev. C. W. King. 

27S.Z78. ■ Pealm id, 13. Thou ihalt tread 

Hincniari Archicnpisoopi Bemenns An- upon the lion and adder : the yoong lion 

lalea, A.D. 8SI-S8S, are contunOd in and the dragon shalt thou trample under 

Perts, Honumenta QarmaniEB Historica, foot. 

torn i, pp. 4fiB-Gl(i. * There is a aimilar aoaae in tia l^m. 

' llie tiMbnent of diapeiy in t^ pniinm ttf the Cathedral at Antua : «ea 


trumpets or hold the book of judgment ; the wise and 
foolish virgins have their place next the tympanum ; at 
the top are two temples, one open for the former, the 
other closed agaifist the latter, with the awful announce- 
ment, Clausa est janua, the door is shut I 

The sculptures of the "West front are of course' far more 
numerous and elaborate than those in the transept, but in 
many cases, the subjects being of frequent occurrence, less 
explanation is required. Four young men emptying urns 
surmount the abutments of the porches; they are supposed 
to ' be the four rivers of Paradise, mentioned in Genesis.' 
As the Cathedral bears the name of Notre Dame, we 
cannot be surprised to find the design of the chief entrance 
specially Manolatrous: everything here from the rez de 
cnauss^ to the apex is consecrated to the Virgin's honour. 
She stands in the middle under the rose window presenting 
the Divine Child to the worshippers as they approach. At 
her feet Adam and Eve eat the forbidden fruit, and are 
driven from Paradise. On the exterior surfaces of the 
jambs the twelve months are represented by appropriate 
labours; on the iiiuer, thirty angels, in various habits, 
form the cortege d'honneur that waits on the Queen of 
Heaven. Twelve colossal statues are grouped round her ; 
eight of them relate to the Annunciation, Visitation and 
Purification; the meaning of the other four has not been 
ascert^ned. Originally the lintel exhibited the Nativity, 
Presentation and' Death of Mary, but in 1802 a Latin 
inscription was placed here which still remains.* The 
tympanum is filled up by a rose window,' and the gable 

af itmunt on the Antiquities of that * Deo tq>tinio Haximo, aub invooklioiie 

dtj, Ardtaal. Jonra., vol xl, p. 118, nith BeeUe Uutsb DeiptMB Viif^nii, templum 
illuatntioD. jdii" ueculo nnedificatiiin. These words 

I Obap. ii, TT. 11-11; Piaon, (Hhon, 
Biddekal(orTiBris)aadEuphntM. With 

d'ensemble du grud PorUiL 

the BTinbolism hen oominire the river- ' Tliia lubstitntioD of ■ window snd 

god in (he Tombesu de Jorin moationed openwork (k jour et vitrS) for a tympanum 

above : Loriquet, Rami pendant la Dom- oovered nith figures in an unusual airange- 

ination Romaine, FL oppiHite p. 1 26, fig. 9, ment, but it has the sdvuitage of causing 

and p. ISO sq. See aiio Eirt Bilderbuoh the interior to be as well lighted at the 

fill If jthotogie, die Gewieser dca festen west end as at the apse : Toumeur, Dea- 

Landea — p, ISA, Oewisse Attribute lind cription, p. it. The atotuM esMl as if 

tmen gemmnscbaftlich . . . sin Schilfnihr they had mounted into the pedimenia 

und ein lungestUizter Krug, aus dem Above the doCTB. Speaking generally, 

Wmbst itromt; p. 1 GS, ■ painting at Her- throughout Uiis fai^e the proportjoai of 

oulaneum is described, where tbe river die vsrious membsn and the detaila id 

Aacaniui appean tagetJier with a goup nf decoration are equally adnunblei 
Ofmplu who cany i^Hylas, PL £L,ti.5. 



end over it contiuiis the principal subject — the Coronation 
of the Virgin by Our Lord in the presence of Seraphim 
and Angels. She is seated, with the sun overhead and the 
moon at her feet, as the woman is described in the 
Apocalypse, lii, 1. A series of canopies, rising to the 
summit of tiie pediment, however beautifiJ in themselves, 
produce a bad effect, because they interfere with the 
architectural lines. There are no less than seventy-five 
statues on the voussoirs. Beginning with the interior row, 
the sequence is as follows — ^Angek and kings with musical 
instruments ; prophets and typical personages of the Old 
Testament; martyrs, s^nta and virgins of the Christian 
dispensation. Many figures here were clumsily restored 
between the years 1742 and 1792. 

Left Porch — eleven colossal figures adorn the side-walls 
of the entrance; amongst thera are St. Nicaise, St. Remi' 
and Eutropia. On the Untel the conversion of St. Paul is 
represented ; dazzled by a supernatural hght he falls from 
his horse at the gates of Damascus. On the inner surface 
of the door-cases there are sixteen guardian angels; on 
the outer, arts and sciences corresponding to the manual 
labours of the central porch. The gable contains the 
Crucifizion ot Our Lord, the executioner piercing his side, 
and the soldier presenting a sponge. St. John and the 
Virgin stand at opposite sides lower down. The sculptures 
on the lateral arch at the extreme left and on the 
voussoirs of this porch exhibit scenes in the life of Christ, 
from the Temptation to the Ascension, together with the 
discovery of the cross by St. Helena. Above this legend 
we see a female of great size, probably intended for the 
Synagogue and as counterpart of the Church at the other 
end of the fa5ade. 

ffight Porch — In the basement statues of Abel, Abrar 
ham, Hoses and Isaiah occupy one side ; Simeon and St. 
John the Baptist are fitly placed with them, because they 
announced the mission of Jesus. On the other side 
of the entrance we have the saints who first preached 

' St, Bami (Romif^ui) mart be dig- s.y. ; tod Bemigiui fint Nonnui bishop 

tingnuhed from oUien who bore tlie nnw -• " — '- -' — ■' — «.— .■-- n l. 

name : — St. Remi, arohbUbop of Ljon* 

in the (Kb centiuT, who h*d a ooutTOVenv 

with HincmAT about pradeatinatirai and Venabln in tha ^rMouI. Jmtrn., to), xl, 

gnos; NoutsUb Biogr^hie Qinfaale, 


Cliristiamty in Gaul. Th6 lintel continues the history of 
St. Paul ; Ananias restores his sight, and baptizes him. 
The jambs also continue subjects previously noticed, and 
express the idea of moral culture by means of virtues, 
opposite vices, and lawful amusements.' Tlie desifjns on 
the voussoirs resemble those in the . left tympanum of the 
North Transept, but they follo-w the Apocalyptic vision 
more closely. They include St . John writing his 
Revelation, the Seven Churches, heresies, the tree of life, 
angels beheading the wicked, hell, the book of judgment, 
Michael contending witli Satan and the Son of man, from 
whose mouth a two-edged sword goes forth.' In the 
gable Our Lord, as judge, pronounces sentence, attended 
by angels. The side-arch may be regarded as an 
appendage to the porch, both in architecture and in 
sculptural decorations ; the latter exhibit the bottomless 
pit, Christ victorious, the book with seven seals and the 
souls crying beneath the altar. A similar arch, turned 
towards the Archevfech^, contains the legend of St. John : 
he is plunged into boiling oil which has no effect on him, 
drinks poison unhurt, and is carried up into heaven. 

First Story of the Fajade — We admire here four 
colossal statues placed on the buttresses ; Our Lord and 
St. John on the spectator's left hand, the Virgin and St. 
Peter on the right. David and Solomon beneath the great 
rose window, and scenes from their histoiy on the arch 
immediately above it. In the spandrils David slings a stone 
at Goliath, and cuts off his head.' 

' ThBBB Bmiaeraenta »re approprata ' Rav. L 16, Kd lie to! arifiam aintS 
to the bmbohb cf the jm, t^. summer- fieiupala tiareiiot jftui imiipruiiitni. See 
heat is indicated b; a naked figure, pre- Forcellini'i Lexicon, and Rich's Com- 
paring to bathe ; m, on the eontniy, panion to Uie Latin Dictionary, b.t. 
ninter is draped on a coin of Commodui Rhomphlea. 

to which reference hai ab-eidy been made. ' The Abb£ Tnumier, DescriptioD p. 

Here, an in many aUier cases, the tn- 41, aayB that David and Solomon are here 

ditioDB of claoical art were cloaelj as anceston of Muy : but I ahould rather 

followed. Sketch-book of Wilara de think that they hare been inserted in the 

Honeoort, an Architect of the Xlllth compositimi, beoiuae they were Che moat 

CentiUT, edit Profcwor Willis, p. 39, PI. famous lings of the Oid Teatameat, and 

X, Divine hoDouiB paid to an Emperor. therefore are &tly placed next the kings 

"Thia drawing shows that mediccval of France in tlie fa^e of a bmlding, 

ertiata had more respect for woiks of where the lattor were crowned (or many 

antjquity thao ia generally supposed, and gennatiotia. David ia drened as a shep- 

that architects attempted to imitate them herd : Goliath bolda a spear and shield, 

in thdr ooDstractions, aa the tioubadoura and wears a coat of mail, like a kuigtlt of 

did in their poems." Cf, Hid., p. 33, PL the tOddla Agea. 

vtt ■ 



Second Story. Fifty-six personages adoni this etage ; 
the series of figures form as it were a diadem, crowning 
the edifice, and conspicuous from afar.' The baptism of 
Clovis fills the space between the towers.* The king 
stands nude in the font, his Uueen Clotilda and Montanus 
are on his right, the latter holding royal robes; on hia left 
St. Semi receives the Sainte Ampoule, and St. Tliierry 
carries the metropolitan cross ; a sceptred king occupies 
a niche at each of the corners.* 

On some former occasions I have had the honour to 
read before the Institute memoirs on Antiquities situated 
in remote locahtias and difficult of access ; to day I have 
invited your attention to objects lying on a most 
frequented route, on the tlirect line between Ix)ndon and 
Switzerland. Tlie majority of trave*llers pass through 

' From theiT superior elevation the 
ngal atatuei at Seinu produce n better 
effect than at Notre-Dama, Paris, where 
they are Biranged immediatelj' orer tbe 
three entrances of the West front : Ralig- 
nani's Guide, p. 313 iq., Gulerio dea Boia. 

' Mr. M. L. Rule infonned me that 
QotU woe prepared for baptiBin by St. 
VedaaC (Vaait) Biahop of Arma (Atreba- 

>ia): he 

iratci c 

eth. Acta Sanctorum, toI. iii, pp. 782-816 ; 
tee >1bo vol Ixvij, pp. 77cdf, 78a. In. 
terim Rex Chlodoveua ... apud TuUum 
uppidum sum [Vedaatuin) aguovit : eoqua 
socio itinsria aaaumpto id Sanctum Remi- 
gium bapUnrndua propersTit, p. 7S3, CI 
ibid., p 782, Vita brevior, cap. 3. Two 
other sainta of the same name are men- 
tioned bj Potthaat, Wegweiaer durch die 
Qeechichtawerke Eurofnischen Hittelal- 
tere Ton 376-1600; Voll«tiuu!i«ires Ver- 
lEciehiiiM iler Hedligeii, ihrer Togo und 
Feste, p. 254, Vedaatua epiflcopua 1 Oct., 
Vedutua martyr 26 Oct 

A church in foster Lane, Cheapaide, 
the work of Sir Christopher Wren (16B7), 
ia dedicated to St. VedasL " The spire 
ui a charming oompoaition of niietiea ; 
ihe aquarc, t^ conolie, the oonvei, and 
the square repeated in the pyramidal 
termination give hard and nnft shadows 
moat agreeably dtstribated ; " Boy. Inst. 
BriU Architi-cts. paper by John Clayton, 
Assoc., Ajnil 5Uian.l 20th, 1852. Comp. 
Fictonal Handbook of London in Bohn's 
lUuBtnvtod Library, p. 1S5, ij. (woodcut). 

Clovia I is well knovra, but historians 

five a meagre account o! Clovis 11 and 
II (Ifartin, Hiitoire da France, voL ii, 
p. 141 tq., 146, 16B, 171). The Uat of 
these kings is said to have reigned A.D. 
681. 6BS; but on this subject see a 
brochure by M. Charles arellet-Balquerio 
published in 1882, "Deux D&»uvertes 
Hiatoriqnes. Hiatoire de Clovis III. 
noiTveau Ko! de France, S7S ou 673 h 
677-37S. Authetitidt^ et date precise 
de la translation du Corps de St B^noit 
en France an 1" de aovis III," with Joe- 
simile of inscription on the tomb of St. 
HummoleorMummolenus(end of seventh 

Clovis is called in Latin Chlodoveus; 
Martin, in his index, usee the form 

* St Renu himself relates that aftw 
baptism he anointed Clovis with hol^ oil 
(sacri chrismatis unctione ordinavi in 
Regem], but the slsry of the deecent of 
the Sainte Ampoule from heaven was 
invented by Hincmar 8S0 yearn after- 
wonls. Tins vial was broksn in 178* ; it 
seems to have been i>ne of the kind im- 
properly called lachrymatoriea, which were 
used to perfume the ashes of the dead : 
Biograptue Universelle, vol ix, p. 185, 
not« 3 ; Art. Clovis by Walckeoaer. 

It is nicarded that tbe baptism of Clovis 
WSH Bolemnixsd with eitraordinary pomp 
and inagnifitrenep, and hence perhaps we 
uiny, in Hoiiie me.vure, account for the 
scene being twice figured HDOUg tbe ex- 
terior sculptures at Reims. 



Eeims without stopping, and some devote only a single 
day to it. My remarks have by no means exhausted the 
subject, but I trust they may induce archaeologists to stay 
a little longer, and (though they may forget " the drudge 
and pioneer ") to explore more carefully the monuments 
of the city, both claasical and mediaeval. 


Beaidea the luMriptJona inveetigated alMve, there are some others 
connected with Reims, by their provenance or contents which deserve 
attention. M. Loriquet, Op. Citat, p. 308, uya that the foUowing 
letters are inscribed in relief on glass — 


which he expands thns : — Fiimi Hilari avrl -rvXiia-tia^ apaias, Collyie de 
Finnns Hilaris centre les callosity naissantee de I'csiL 

The bottle was found at Clairmaraia, tiear Reims : see Figs. 16 and 17 
of Plate opposite p. 125. M. Loriquet derives his interpretation from a 
passage in a treatise ascribed to Galen, and entitled, Euraytoyrj, ^ 'larpAi, 
Introductio, sen Medicus (a 15). He has mis-spelt the name of the 
Greek physician, calling him Gallieu, t.^., Gallienus ; he has also mis- 
read the inscription. A notice of the corrections by Count Conestabile 
and Itf. Detlessen, with ample references, ia contained in the Catalogue of 
tile Slade Collections, p. 32, No. 192 (Roman glass blown in a mould.) 
The true reading is naxi hilari hylak, which ia simply the glass- 
maker's mark. This inscription, therefore, mnst not be placed in the 
same category with two oculists' stamps (piertee sigillaireB) discovered at 
Reims, whidi resemble those described by Von Sa^en und Eennei, Das 
K. K. Munz-und Antiken-Gabinet, Ocnlisten-odcr Aliptensteine, p. 127 

For tltis subject, in addition to the authorities cited by Dr. McCaul, 
Critanno-Koman Inscriptions, p. 176, see the Revue Atcheologique, 


NouTolle SWe, vol, xxxix, pp. 178-182, Un nouveau cachet d'oculiste 
Bomain : the atticlc ends with a list of books (Bibliographic), amoDgst 
which the works of Giotefend and DeBJaidiiu ore particularly important ; 
it also included Memoiis by the Abh^ Th^deoat, and M. DuquNielle, an 
antiiLuary resident at Boims. Gf. Wilmanns, Ezerapla Inscriptionum 
Latinanim, v6I. ii, p. 665 gq., Index XIII N'otabilia Varia, &t. Medicinie. 
Caylas, Secneil d'Antiqaities, vol . vii, pp. 260-262, PI LXXIV, Fig. 
lY, noticee an inscribed vase belonging to this class. From the coarse- 
ness of the material and workmanship ho infers that the contents were 
used to cure diseases of the eye, not in human beings, but in tlie inferior 

M. Loriquet, p. 308, says that marks on glass are very mre, but the 
Catalogue of the Slade Collection supplies nine examples, pp. 25, 31-33, 
and 51 ; one of them found at Colchester has been mentioned above, but 
the most interesting is the handle of a Foculum of sapphire-blue glass, 
bearing the stamp APTAC - CeiAw on one side, and AHTAS - SIDON 
on the other. This fragm'^nt shows that the vessel was mode by Artas 
in Soman times at Sidon, where the manufacture of glass was said to 
have been invented, No. 199, p. 33. 

Another inscription is remarkable because it contains the names of 
Cnxceng and Briton — 





X • BRIT ■ AN ■ XXX ■ STIP ■ XV 


H ■ S ■ B ■ FLAVIVS • SILVANV8 ■ DEC ■ A / / / / / FVS D 

H ■ F ■ F 

T. FlaviuB Crescens, eques alae Tamianae vexillarioa Britonum, annis 
XXX, stipendiia xv, domo Duocortoro Bemns hie situs est Flaviua 
SilvanuB decurionum a(dministTandoruni) fiinerum seutentia dofuncti 
haeisB foetus fecit. Loriquet, p. 144. 

The expansion of the foregoing inscription is somewhat doubtful 
Borgheei reads vxxUlationiB Bitrrannicae ; another critic has proposed tui- 
pianae ; and Henzen thinks that dvrooorreh is some town in Britain, 
otherwise unknown, SnppL to Oi«lli, No. 5253. 

0ren»ee8 is an unusual form of Oreseau; with this variety we may 
compare conjux and eojunx ; the latter I have seen on a satcophi^us- 
ahaped cinerary um. 

ia an affecting passage of St Paul's Epistle to Timothy,' written 
during his second and more severe imprisonment* at Bome, Creacena is 
mentioned among the friends who had deserted the Apostle. Crescens, a 
freedman of Nero (Tacitus, Hist., i, 76), and Tarquitius Crescens, a cen- 
turion who served in the war with Vologeses (Tac. Ann., xv, ii) 
belonged to the same period, and in the middle of the second century 

' lb. ii, S. iff nunaatM iiijipt tmii&ti 

^, Google 


Citsscens, a cynic philosoplier whs refuted by Justin Martyr ; Burton's 
Church History, p. 214. Hfnce we may infer that this name was not 
uncommon in Ancient Kome. 

Similarly Euodia and Trophimus appear in Palermitan inscriptionB and, 
in the Onomasticon of the New Testament ; see my remarka on this 
Bubject in the Archa-oL Joum., vol. sxxviii, p. 169, Notes 3-5, p. 160, 
Note 2. 

I poBseas a coin attribut«d to tl-.e Eemi, which resembles one cf 
TenedoB, and may have been copied from it. The device on the obverse 
ix d head with two faces, female on the left and male on the right ; in 
the Greek example the relative positions are reversed. Some have called 
this head (caput bifrons) Janus, but he is represented with two faces 
looking in opposite directions, both bearded, as in Uie oldest Roman ases, 
Bee the engraving. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, second edition, p. 
140. Comp. Mionnet, Description de Metlailles antiques, grecquea et 
romaiuea, vol. ii, p. 672, Nos, 266, 267. Double tete. Tunc barbue et 
laur4e I'autre de femme avcc un diademe. Rev. TKNEAION, Hacha a 
2 tranchans ; dans Ic champ, mouchc ct grappe de raisin ; 1e tout dans un 
caiT^ creux. Hunter's Catalogue, p. 318, tab. Ivii, Fig. 7, with a 
reference to Pellerin, tab. cxiii, Fig. 4. Aristotle in his TtfcStuf IloXtrtia 
says that the double head represents parties convicted of adulteij, but 
Eckhel thinks that it is an allusion to the story of Tennes and Hemithea, 
Doct. Num. Vet., vol. ii, p. 488 */, Leake, justly rejecting these inter- 
pretations, supposes that the Janiform heads are Jupiter and Juno, 
NumJsniata Hellenica, Insular Greece, ^1£gaeaii Sea, p. 42 gq., s.v. 
Tenedus. Perhaps Dione is intended, a female Titan, and mother of 
Aphrodite ; her name is only a feminine fonn of Zeus (genitive Aidf), 
compare " Dianus or Janus, the god of light (dies) in Roman mytholc^ ; 
Diana or Jana, the goddess of light." Key on the Alphabet, p. 56, ih. 
p. 70 «q. In the Guide to the Coins of the Ancients published by the 
British Museura, it is suggested that the two faces are Bacchus Dimor- 
phus, but this theory eeema to nie improbable. Bollin aad Fenardeut, 
Catalogue de Mi^daiUes de la Gaule, Kenies, p, 32, No. 353, mention 
" Double t4te imberbe"; the account is incorrect if meant for the coin 
described above. They add lliat it may be assigned to the Lcuci, a nation 
between the Remi and the Sequani (Franchc Comto). Whatever 
explanations we give of the device, it may be regarded as a testimony to 
the strong Greek influence in Gaul, which I have alreody noticed ; see 
my Paper on Autuc, sea ii, Arehceol. Joum., vol. xl, \\ 43 nqq. 

Wil^ this combination on the coin we may compare the not infrequent 
case of deities sharing the same temple or altar — o-i'i-fooi Btoi, a-vfifiaiimi, 
also TrdptSpoi (assessors or associates), and in Latin cmifulernale" : 
Emesti, Clavis Cieeroniana, Index Graeco-Latinus, s.v. Tiwaoi. Ho at 
Dodona Zeus was associated with Dione, a fact which is abundantly 
proved by inscriptions recently discovered there, and published by Cara- 
panoB in his work entitled Dodone et aes Ruines ; v. Texte, p. 39 mjij., 
(Juatrifeme categoric. Divers Ex-voto et fragments d'ex-voto en bronze 
portant dcs inscriptions d6dicatoire9 a Jupiter Dodnneen et Naios et a 
Dioue, &(L. ; p. G8 f/q. Sixiciiie categoric. Planches, fac-similea. Inscrip- 
tions de i'oracle sur plaques de plomb, c-s-, xxxiv, Na 2 ; xxxvi. No. '2 
Aijiufov (sic) Many of the inscriptions are in dotted lines, an pointiI16. 


Jonmal of Hellenic Studies, voL i, pp. 228-241, esp. p. 231, and notes to 
p. 233 sqq. ; vol ii, pp. 106-108. 

Strabo, lib. vii, c. vii, sec 12. a^vvvao^ t^ Aii ;rpo{ro7r<fitij(ftj icot ij 

I am indebted to Professor Ridgeway for this illustration of the subject, 
and for the following reference, Dowson's Classical Dictionary of Hindu 
Mythology and Religion, Geography, History, and Literature, p. 274. 
" Satti, the wife or the female energy of a Deity, but especially of Siva." 
See Devi, p. 86 and Tantni, p. 317. Compare Moniar Williams, Indian 
Wis<lom, p. 101 sq., and Inde."i, s,v. Skati : and Sayce's Herodotus, , p. 
414 gq., Appendix on the Phceniciana. 

See also Birdwood, The Industrial Arts of India ; Part I, The Hindu 
Pantheon, with illustrations at the end, esp pp 54, 56, 58. 

lUuch curious information concerning the Catbedial of Reims will be 
found in the Sket-^h-book of Wilars de Honecort, edited by Professor 
WitUs ; it is doubly interesting because the writer not only lived in the 
thirteenth century, but also, as we leant from internal evidence, resided 
for gome time in the city. At the end of the volume is a set of drawings 
of the eastern part of Reims Cathedral (Plates liz-lxui, pp. 305-236), 
which was to be taken as a model for Cambray, the dependence of the 
latter see on the former being "expressed arcbitecturally by similarity of 
plan or style " v. Plato zztil The following particulars deserve notice ; 
PL in, p. zxv, is a warrior in mailed and hooded hauberk, like Goliath 
in the west front at Reims ; PL v, p. 29, exhibits a contrast of virtues 
and vices, as we see them in the door-cases (chambranles) of the right 
perch of the fa9ad& Mr. Hartshome has done good service by mention- 
ing this book, ArchaoL JmiT., voL xl., p. 301, note Art on Kirkstead 
Abbey, Lincolnshire ; he rightly calls it " the most important volume in 
the world upon Gothic architecture." 

Amoi^ recent authorities one of the most important is YiolIet-le-Duc, 
Dictionnaire Raisonn6 de 1' Architecture franfaise, du xi' au xvi* sifede, 
ToL ii, p. 316, Plan of Reims Cathedral, iUd. p. 322; voL vii, p. 424, 
Cepenihmt, porfois, les tympana dee portes furent perc^ de clairosvoies, 
de v^ritebles fenStres vittees . . . C'est 1^ une particularite qui semble 
appartenii k, l'6cole champenoise, i&c Qf. omn. Index (Table), vol. x, e.T, 

See also the Abh4 J. J. Bourass^, Ohanoine de I'^gliae motropolitaine 
de Tours, Dictionnaire d'Arch^ologie Sacree, royal 8vo, 2 vols., Paris 
1862-63, article Cathedrale (Eglise) pp 723-895, Reims, pp 794-797; 
Les Cathedralea de France, 8to., Tours 1843, ITotrc Dame de Reims, 
pp 56-69. 

In the Libraty of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, there Is a manu- 
script which came from Reims, and in which we find the so-called 
Atuanasian Creed. The Rev. S. S. Lewis has favoured me with a 
description of it " No. cclxxii, 0, 5, — Psalter and Liteny written at — 
or in the diocese of — Reims shortly before the end of 884 a.d.; the 
names of S. Remigius and S. Abundus are given in golden letters. It 
conteins a prayer for Marinus (Pope 882-884) and for Carloman II (King 
881-885.) After the canticles and 'hymnus angelicus' occurs the 
' tides catholica,' and Ave Maria gratite plena added by a much later 
hand, probably of the fourteenth century." The date of this invocation, 
which is in the margin, should be observed. The words Six Remigi ore 


in gold capitals. See Di. Swainson, Tlie Nicene and ApoeUes' Cieeda, 
ftc, 1875, pp. 357-9, sea 7. He also givea some account of Hincmar, 
Archbishop of Beime, and of his controversy with the Saxon GodeschaU:, 
chap, xxriii, pp 302, 326, 414-122. Dr. Swainson describes Hincmor 
as an ambitious and aiiogant prelate, who sought to maintain in his own 
person the independence of the Church of hia Prorince against the grow- 
ing encroachments of the Church of Borne. 

A beautiful example of medieevai sculpture and street-aichitectuie is 
supplied by the Maison des Muaiciens, Kue Tambour, near the H6tel de 
Villa There are five ogival niches, with a seated statue in each — four 
musicians and a central figure which formerly hdd a falcon. This bird, 
with other projecting ornaments, was removed when Chorlee X was 
crowned at Reims. The violinist is the chef d'ceuvre in this fo^ada 
Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire Raisonn^ du Mobiliet franpiis de I'Spoque, 
cailovingienne k la Renaissance ; toL ii, quatri^me partie, InBtniments de 
Musique-ViJle (Viole), Figs. 1-6, pp. 319-327. Fig, 3, p. 322, Le Viaeur. 
" La forme de I'archet, qui est ancien, est int4ressanto ; e'est un progria 
sut les formes adopts an xii* siScle. 

CongT^ Arch£ologique de Fiance, zxviii* session k Reims, 1861 ; 
Relation de la visite faite par le Congr. Arch^oL des vieilles maiaons de 
Reims, par. M. Ch. Givelet, pp. 273-279 ; Reims et ses Environs, p. 223 
sq. with references. 


FIodoaiduB fsometimes written Frodoardus), Ecclesiae Remensis 
Histoiia and Cnionicon, t. Dora Bouquet, Recueil des Hiatoriens des 
Gaules et de la France, folio, vols. 5-8, esp. voL 8, Hist, pp 164-175, 
Chron., pp. 176-215. Most readers will be able to satis^ tiieir leqniie- 
ments by consulting Dom Bouquet's Indices. Flodoard'a History extends 
to 949 A.D. 

Morlot, Eistoiie de la ville, cit^ et university de Reims, contenaot 
r4tat civil et ecd^astique du pays, 1843-45. This work appeared pre- 
viously in Latin, 1666, 1679. 

Archives legi^tives de la ville de Reims. 

Archives admin istrativee de la viUe de Reims. 

Augustin Thieny, Lettres eur I'Histoire de France, Paris, 1846, Noe. 
XX and zxi Histoire de la commune de Reims. 

J. B. F. Gr^aez, Description historique et statistique de la ville de 
Reims, 1817, 2 vols., 20 plates : Antiquity Romaines, voL i, chap, ix, 
pp. 269-292 ; p. 264, Fl, Beste de la Porte Bar^ d6molie en 1752. 
This book contains notices of many monuments which have disappeared. 
La Chroaique de Champagne. 

The following authors may be consulted as illustrating the great mosaic 
of the Promenade at Reims :-~-Jl Musaico Antoniniano rappiesentante la 
Scuola degli Atleti, Trasferito . . , dalle Terme di Caracalla al Palazzo 
Lateranese, deecritto e illustrato dal P. Giampietro Seccbi, Kotoa, 1843, 
4to. lavola II shows the whole mosaic, like the one at Reims, it cohibits 
single figures or huste in coB^>artmente, but names ue annexed, iobuhvs, 


lOTmvB, ALVMNTB, ftc. ; the French pavement, on the other hand, is 

W. HenzeiL, Explicatio miuivi in villa Buigheaia asservati, qao cer- 
tomina amphitheatri lepraesentaotur, Roma, 1845. 

DisBertazioiii della Pontificia Accademia Bomana di Archeolofiia, tome 
xii, pp. 73-157 ; Plates i^ith figures of the original size. We have here 
many examples of the Venatio — combats with animal, the panther, bull, 
goat, stag, lion, &c. Piaemiasae aunt breves de ludonim amphitheatii 
engine atqne histciria, deque ipsomm gladiatonim conditione, generibue, 
armaturis commentationes. 

Gruter'a Inscriptions, vol. i, p. 337, Aagufitae VindeUcorum (Augsburg) 
- • . . pavimentum . . . tessellatum aectile, with full-page engra- 
ving. There are pairs of gladiators in the medaUiona, and in one of 
them a group of three fignras. "£x Velsero, a quo petenda horum 
uberior interpretatio," 

Johonn, Leonardy, Panorama von Trier und dessen Umgebiingen, 
Description of the Mosaic at Nennig, pp. 117-125. 

Collectanea Archaeologica, vol ii, pp. 303-310, Paper on the Roman 
villa at Nennig by J. W. Grover, compiled from the German of V. Wil- 
mowsky. The engraving is very inferior to that given by the latter 

Catalogue de la Vento Charvet, with chromo-lithograph and vignette, 
Paris, 1883, p. 159, No. 1716, Poterie Gallo-Bomaine ; Grand 
vase sph^riqne (uter) sans anses, decor6 de reliefs ^ la baibotine. II 
r6pr^nte deux Gaulois nus, combattant des tanreaux dans I'ampliitbeSitra 
'A la naissance du goulot inscription, bsctpb (excipe) ■ et ■ trade 
BODALi VTRE (utrem.) C'est le plus grand vase conna de cette fabiique. 
Bonner Jahibiicher def Vereins von Altertliumsfreunden im Rheinlande ; 
Ueber ein barbotingefass der ehemaliger Sanunlung Disch, t Ixvi, pp. 
110-112, PI. ni, 1. This object is remarkable, not only for ita size, but 
also for its form and good preservation. It is now in the collection of 
the Rev. S. S. Lewis. 

Oori, Gemmae Antiquae Muaei Florentini, vol ii, tab. xvii, Figs. 1, 4, 
p. 47 tq. ; tab. Ixxii, Fig. 5, p. 120. 

Fnr recent discoveries see ; — 

Augoste Nicaisa, Le Cimeti^re Gallo-Romain de la Fosse Jean Fat, 
Umes k visage, StMes fundraires avec inscriptions et sculptures, k Reims, 
1883. A ce texte est joint un album renfermant quatre planches in- 
folio, dont troia en ehromo-lithographie. 

Bulletin de la Soci6t4 Nationale ilea Antiquaries de France, 2" Tri- 
mestre, 1883, p. 71 tq. Sepulchral inscriptions on a quadiangnlar cippus, 
found September, 1882, in excavations made neat the Porte de Mars ; 
communicated by the Abbe Thedenat. 

Ibid, 3" Trimestre, 1883, Paper by M. A. H&ron de Tillefosse on a email 
bronze plate, formerly attached to a wooden casket (area aerata). Globules 
of different aiies, imitating heads of nails, form a rectangular frame, 
enclosing the inscription, utbrb pblix in dotted lines, au pointilie. De 
Yillefoese, Inscriptions de Reims, de St^nay et de Mouron. 

Excellent photographs may be obtained from M. Trompette, 29 Rne 
des Tapissiers, Reims : he has published 48 of the city and its monu- 
ments ; 117 of the exterior, interior, and furniture of the Cathedral ; 90 
of the treasure (treaor de Notre Dame). 


On some points I have differed from M. Loriquet'a conclusions, but I 
am bound to aclcnowledge my great obligations to his loamed writings, 
especially to the Mosaiquee trouv^ a Keims. The least satisfactory part 
of the work is that relating to ffatuial History ; e.g. M. Loriquet 
describes the animal in compartment no. 12 (Lozenge) as Leopard or 
•Tagaar. The latter is impossible, being neo-tropical, or, in other words, 
unknown before the discovery of America Cnvier, Le K^gne Animal, 
Tome \, Les Manunif^ies, p. 191, says Tigre d'Amerique, just as the 
puma is called' a lion. Compare St. George Mivort, The Cat, p, 397 ; and 
Darwin, Naturalist's Journal, Habits of the Jagtiar, p. IS.*), sq. 

M. Loriquet has also published an account of the Tapeatry of the 
Cathedral, in atlas shape, with illustrations ; the priacipal subjecta 
lepreeented are the Life of the Virgin and the History of Olovis, 

Digitized by Google 


B; the Rev. JOSEPH HIRST. 

From sparse and brief allusions scattered here and there 
we may gather that amongst the chief contrivances 
employed by the Eomau Vigiles or Fire-men were wet 
cloths, pumps, ropes, poles, axes, ladders and buckets. 

That rags or cloths were wetted and sometimes steeped 
in vinegar, we know from the words of XJlpian in the 
Digest.* Cloths steeped in vinegar were thrown over 
the ships in naval warfaie to protect them from missiles 
and from fire." Ciesar, in his " Commentary on the Gvil 
War," speaks of these cloths being used as a protection 
for the walls of a wooden and brick tower against the 
darts shots by a machine;' and in another place he tells 
us that his soldiers improvised for themselves out of these 
cloths garments and shields, or coverlets, as a protection 
gainst the rain of arrows from the euemy.^ 

Hence BUcheler, in the " Eheinisches Museum fUr 
Philologie" for 1879, p. 342, explaining a proverb of 
Plautus says, " Veteribus lintea simihaque tegumenta, 
centones, s^a cilicia, in usu fuisse ad domandos ignes 
arcendumque incendinm volgo notum est, quin etiam 

' Read at the Monthly Meeting ot miua tabu]ation«m perfringcreat, aut 

the lustitDt*^ Dec 0th, 1883. naxa. ex catapultis Uteiitium discuterent 

' Acetuni quoque quod incendii ex- ... Super Uteres coiik inducuntiu', 

fitinguenili causa paratur, item centonce, dr caDalibua aqua inmuBu Ittterea diluero 

dphotKS, pertica, stalie. (Digest^ 33, 12, noaut. Caria auteln, ne rursua igni ac 

18.) lapidibiu coirmnpantur, centonibiu cod- 

> Puppea nceto maileCoctia centonlbua t«^mtuT (He R C, ii, B, 10.) 
iDleeuntur (SiBBUDa b Nonius Marcellua, ' MagnviMnie inceaBerat timer sagit- 

ii, 17/]. tanim, atque omnea fere miSitea aut ti 

' Eamqne coniabalationem au&iniain ixKta {f riled doUi), nut ex coriia tunioiu 

lateribuB lutniiie conatraverunt. ns quid aut tcgimentn fecernut quibus tela 
i^i> hoatiiini nucei-e poaaet : eentonesque vitarent {Ibiil. i" ' ' ' 
ioBuper injeuvruut, ue aut tela tonneotis 



ceutouarii appellati sunt nomine ab illo appai-atu ducto 
penes quos cura fuit incendiorum sedandorum." 

Among the lower officials of the Roman Fire-Brigades, 
whose names have been left recorded on some marble 
blocks discovered in 1820 at one of their stations on 
Monte Celio, are certain Sipoiturii and Aqiuirii. Tlie 
former, we can only conjecture, made use of the pumps, 
or directed the hose which threw water on the buildings 
that were on fire. Tliese were probably helped by the 
Aquarii, who kept the Siponarii suppUed with water. 
If the Siponarii, who were so-called from the use of the 
sipho, really employed what we in modern language 
understand by a siphon, this fact wiU show how an ex- 
pedient, commonly had recourse to by sailors in modern 
days on the occurrence of a fire at sea, was known and 
understood in very early times. ' 

As wa*! shewn by quotations in my article on a Roman 
Fire-Brigade in Britain,* the Roman Vigiles were called 
by the common people Spakteou. It is difficidt to trace 
tlie origin of this denomination. The common opinion is 
that the name was derived from the Esparto grass, of 
which the Roman Vigiles appear to have made some par- 
ticular use. It is well-known that the Romans obtained 
this material from the coast of Spain near Carthagena, 
hence called by Pliny (H. N. xxxi, 43, 2) Espartaria, and 
by Appian awafiraytv^.* In the eighth chapter of the nine- 
teenth book of his Natural History, Pliny after speaking 
of hempen cords — In sicco prteferunt e cannabi funes — 
proceeds to speak of Esparto grass, which was brought 
irom Spain. He says, it is simply marvellous, how 
common its use has become in every country, for the 
rigging of ships, for builders' scaffolding, and for other 
wants of daily life. At Spartum ahter etiam demersum, 
velut natalium sitim pensans. Est quidem ejus natura 
interpolis; rursusque quam Ubeat vetustum novo misce- 
tur. Verumtamen complectatur anirao, qui volet miracu- 
lum aestimare, quanto sit in usu, omnibus terris, navium 

' I^ngiiu, in liu notes on the joungaz poaed to hsve been used tot pan^nng 

PI1d7, qiiotefl the defimtiou of ft nphon up wkter into the public bfttlu) of th*t 

from Haiyohiua : ^U^t ' Sfyar6r n tts town. 

Tf6tau> iUrm ir rsu ^fiVfnfffyuHt. A ' ArA. Jour,, vol. xl, p, 333. 

donble-actiooed fnraiDg-pump was diii- ' De Bebtu Uiiip., xn, ViiU De Vit's 

civero) in the la«t oentur; M Ciutrutu ONDXAancDN, tum. il, p. US, ooL2, $ub 

Jtuvuiii, neu(^vit* Vucchia, uiditUvup- met Caith*goin Uiipania. 


armamentis, machinis aedificationum, aliisque desideriis 
vitae. Ad hos omnes usus quae sufficiant, miims triginta 
millia passuum in latitudinem a littore Carthaginis novae, 
minusque C in longitudinem esse reperientur. Strabo 
also speaks of the arid soil suitable for the growth of 
Esparto, tovto S'sttJ fiiya kui awSpov, njv <r)(oivtnr\nKtKnv 
fvov awaprov. (Lib. iii, p. 60). 

Some think that thp name Spaktboli was giveu to the 
Eomaii Firemen on account of the shoes or tunics made of 
Esparto grass, which were worn by them. Pliny tells us 
that peasants wore botli shoes and clothes made of Esparto 
grass. Hinc strata rusticis eorura, hinc ignes facesque, 
hinc calceamina, et pastorum vestes (Hist., xix, 7). Cf. 
Vegetius (I Veterin, xxvi, 3) Spartea calciare curabis, and 
Columella, Bos spartea calciata (De Re Eustica, vi, 15). 

Others derive the name Sparteoli from the ropes of 
Esparto grass, of which it is said the Vigiles made great 
use. Cato, de Re Rustica, iii, in fine, and Columella, lib. 
xii, cap. 52, speak of Funes cannabini et spartei. Appuleius 
also speaks of traces, ropes or breast^straps made of 
Esparto grass : Defectum alioqui me, helcio sparteo 
dimoto, nexu machiua liberatum applicant praesepio 
(Metamorphoses, ix). Helcio tandem absolutus (ibid., 
a med.). In Spain and on the Mediterranean reins are 
even now sometimes made of the twisted fibres of the 

The origin however of the word Esparto is as old as 
Homer. It comes from the Gfreek word tnrdpttv, whicii, 
like the Latin word serere, means not oidy to put seed in 
the earth, but also to plait or join together. Hence 
Homer's mention of the plaited ropes used by the Grecian 
sailors : Kai ^ Swpa ffloJiTTS vtiov, koi tnrapra XiXwrat (Diad, 
ii, 135). Paley refers to Aeschylus's Agamemnon, 1. 188, 
and renders <r7ra|0ra or wtlafuiTa, in the sense of ropes, 
cordite, which have become loose, unravelled and in- 
secure, or being made of some coarse vegetable material, 
perhaps. " Sapped is the timber of our ships and rotted 
18 the tackle" (Newman). 

From the fact that the word awaprtj means not only the 
city of Lacedaemon but also a rope' we have EmAjti'Stc 

■ Vowdusluu! a bed-cord. Nioht mdner Bettatatt, wenn'a nodi 

Etwu voD Sput Hubindan itoll' leh uidera Qurten fpabt. 

,, Google 


exclaiming in the Birds of Aristophanes (815-6), 'Saraprnv 

yap av 0eViv iy^ r^ftv ttoXu ; ovS" av \a/ievvii iravu ye Kfipuiv 

iXttiv. Spartam nomen ut ego imponam urbi meae ? ne 
grabato quidem Sparteos funiculos, si modo junceoa 
habeam (Brunckius). 

lu Meinike's Fragments of Greek comic poets we have 
in the Nemesis of Cratinus, n. 9 (ed. Didot. p. 25), Sn-apriiw 
Xiytti Ti)v Sirapria'S', ov t^v iT7ra|orivitv, which is thus rendered, 
Spartam dico Spartanam, non funem* Sparteum. 

Du Cange however in his Mediaeval Glossary' thinks the 
name Spakteou derived from vessels made of Esparto and 
covered with pitch, in which they carried water. The 
ancient Greeks, it is well known, had acquired the art of 
weaving basket or wicker work so finely and closely as to 
make it capable of holding liquids, as wine and oil. 
Thus in Homer (lUad, xviii, 568) Polyphemos lets the milk 
coagulate to cheese in baskets (ToAa^oc jrAticroc). 

The use of the ropes may have been either to haul 
buckets on to the walls or to afford a means of escape. 
They may also have been used as cordons for keeping oil" 
the people, and for tying the wetted sheets on to the parts 
of the building that were enkindled. 

The use of the axe was evidently for breaking an 
entrance into places on fire or for cutting away comiect- 
ing links, as beams, between one part of a building and 
another. The ladders were no doubt used for gaining 
access to the higher parts of the buildings whence to cast 
down water, or to afford a means of escape. The poles 
may have been used for tlirowing the cloths on to parts 
that could not otherwise be reached, or for unfolding and 
arranging them on the parts they were intended to cover. 
They may also have been us^ for keeping back the 
people. Perhaps aUo they were used for affording a 
means of escape. 

The most frequent mention, however, is made of the 
water-buckets, with which the vigilbs had to perambulate 
the town. The Eoman jurisconsult Paullus says in the 
PandectM (i, 15, 3) : Sdendum est, prmfectum Vigilum per 
totam noctem vigilare debere et caerrare caldatum aim 

teaa mi, unphonui Bporteas quattuor.. 



amis et dolahris, ^x. Hence Petronius, in the seventy- 
eighth chapter of his Satyricon, where he narrates that as 
the Eoman Firemen were passing near the house of 
Trimalchio, and heard an unusual noise, says they imme- 
diately rushed on the scene with buckets of water and 
axes, and busily began to break down the gate : Vigiles 
qui custodiebant vicinam regionem, rati ardere Trimal- 
chionls domum effregerunt januam subito et cum aqua 
secwribusque tumultuari suo jure cceperunt. 

There are two very curious graffiti inscriptions made 
perhaps in jest by one of the vigiles on the walla of the 
guard-house belonging to the seventh cohort, which was 
discovered in 1866 by Baron Visconti' in the Piazza di 
Monte Fiore near the church of S. Grisogono in the 
Trastevere, on the site of an ancient church, hence called 
San Salvatore de Curte (viz., de cohorte), which is now 
called Santa Maria della Luce. The first of these in- 
scriptions belongs to the year 219, the Emperor M, 
Aurelius Antoninus Heliogabalus and Q. Tineius Sacerdos 
both being consuls for the second time. It concludes sa 
follows : — 


The second inscription appears to have been scratched 
upon the wall a few years later, namely, under the con- 
sulship of M. Aurelius Severus Alexander. It concludes 
thus : 









It will be observed that these two inscriptions give us 
the names of two officials of the Vigiles, the Sebaciaritu 

* The noult of Iub disMTeriM wa> reeordi Rtorid Eagn&id a graffito ndle 

publiehed for the Gnt time in 18fl7 at pereti di easa. Sae also the Corpiu In- 

Roma in an octavo Tolume entitled I> icriptiomim lAtinorum, yoL i, a. 2093- 

ituume dell* Coorte Vn de' VigOi e i S091, p. 718, &c. 


and the Emitvliarms. If not for the freak of idle 
soldiers who amused themselves in scratching these words 
upon the plaster of the walls in this out-lying station of 
the Roman Vigiles these two names would never have 
been handed down to us. The former occurs, however, 
about a dozen times in these graffiii, the latter only twice. 
The Sebaciarius was the soldier who was appointed 
during one month to make the Unks or torches, that were 
carried by the Vigiles through the streets of Eome on dark 
nights. In the first inscription he comes in and reports 
all safe, and gives thanks to the EmituHarius. In the 
second inscription another man made the Ughts during 
the same month of May and reports all safe and well 
done, and amongst his comrades he makes special mention 
of the safety of the Emituliarius. In another inscription 
mention is made of the safety of his comrades in general : 
Salvius Dativus 7. Deodori Sebaciaria fecit mense Augusto, 
salvis commanupuUs. In another it is ; Sevacia (the 
mistaken spelling of an illiterate soldier) tuta fecit, salvis 
commannucuUs suis mense Augusto omnia tuta. These 
frequently repeated expressions of delight, or records 
of a safe return home, without any untoward accident, 
give an insight into the feelings of common men 
engaged upon an arduous duty, which will be appreciated 
by die well-tried and energetic members of a modem 
metropoUtan fire-brigade. 

But what was the Emituliarius ? Tliis new word was 
taken to De Vit, the learned lexicographer, who has spent 
the whole of his long life in the preparation of the largest 
Latin dictionary in existence, which it took him more than 
twenty years to carry through the press. After due 
examination he pronounced the word as a derivative from 
amus and tulo, just as opitulo is derived from opem and 
tulo. How amus or harmis could take the form of emi, 
was not difficult to show. In Latin words a and e are 
often found convertible, whence we find for edax, egens, 
vesperascit, adax, agens, vesperescit. Thus in the version 
of Holy Scripture called the Ancient Itala, we read in the 
apocryphal ^ird book of Esdras, ch. i, v. 13, Et hostias 
coxerunt in emolis et ollis. Here the word emola certainly 
stands for amola or amula, the diminutive of ama, a 
bucket. Now, if instead of amula we may say emola, 


there ia nothmg surprising, if instead of arna the vnlgar 
may have said ema, and therefore in place of Amitolarius, 
the soldier who carried the water-bucket, they may have 
said Emitularius, or Emituliariua, the custom of introduc- 
ing the i before arius having become common in the 
second age of the Empire.' 

This explanation of the learned Kosminian did not 
convince critics of the German school. Hence Dr. L5we 
of Gottingen tried to derive the word emitularius from 
the Greek lauav and rvXoc, half and cushion, and the 
present writer during one of the weekly meetings of the 
German Institute near the Capitol in Home, which he had 
the good fortune to attend during the year 1881-1882, 
heard a discussion on the subject between such authorities 
as Henzen, Moramsen, De Rossi, and Bamabei, when the 
venerable Professor IFssing of Copenhagen seriously pro- 
posed to solve the difficulty by suggesting that the 
Emituliarius was the soldier who shared the couch with, 
or was the bed-fellow of the Sebaciarius, the soldier who 
carried the torch. After the brisk correspondence and 
pamphlet warfare that has been carried on upon the 
subject between De Vit and his opponents, the former 
may well be considered to remmn master of the field. For 
if the Sebaciarius means the man who in the nightly 
rounds of the Vigiles carried the light to shew the way, 
surely history, analogy and philology point to the con- 
clusion, that emitularius was a comrade who carried the 
(•ppointed water-bucket.' 

From a passage in the Eoman Digest it appears that the 
Prefect of the Vigiles was enjoined to keep a strict watch 

1 Tbni for Artatrariiu wa have Arbitri- de ltd attributr It Km de eotupagtwn dt 

'— — ' — '-'^ — '•— •-'-- — '"1^ for Cir- corvie. Dr. LSWa deriTation from 

.... , Lfl for caltarien- fiiuav and rfaij, -ritjit or iiAtMr fa in 

8W wa Imt« eakarenna. So also for Baser- iteeli more nesoiuible, and ia baMd on 

dotaliA we have sacerdotialia, and for analog with the woidfl tritolium and 

fokuratoT, fulguriatur. epitoham (one H3.^ the WolfenbiiUd, 

' Still mare atraflgely than the Oerman baa eaitdium) road la the Tinmiiui notes 

pbilologUta the learned FreocluDaii Dee- first publiihed by Oruter inbiBTheiaunil 

■\a,T^iia{Miia. del'Aoidtmied'inien})tiont, Inaaiptionam, p. IBS. The nortbem 

1 niiii, 2* partie, p. 13) (upposaa the philologiit thinks the cuahioiu thna 

werd EniituUrius may be a h^lmd, made spoken of may have been used not only 

' up of the Oreek V"" "^ a' *^b Latin for spreading on the ground and thua 

verb fero, and thus makes it mean the breaking the ihook of thwe who fell upon 

man who did lialf the woi^ of the Babad- them from the upper storeyi, but abo 

arius : li noui temiU, d'aprit It conieele like the eentona tor throwing on ih* 

del de\ia doeatMntt tpigrofhiqiia oii ct vtU flameK, 
<(f ta^ioyi, ju'il »'«( poa trap timiiraift 

TOU Xli 



over the inhabitants, and if he found any careless in the use 
of fire, he was to give them a severe reprimand, and even 
administer chastisement with the rod. Moreover they 
were to warn all householders lest any danger of fire 
should arise through their neghgence, and that each 
one should have a supply of water in his dininp-room 

An institution like that of the Boman Fire-brigades so 
calculated to give a sense of securitj' to the inhabitants, 
and of such obvious utility, could not fail of being widely 
adopted in other cities besides those of Rome, Constan- 
tinople, Eavenna, Ostia, Pozzuoh, Niames, Cirta, Turuza, 
where their existence has been indicated to us by a record 
so scant and accidental, tliat, in the case of the two last^ 
mentioned, the evidence in hand does scarcely more than 
point to a probability. That the streets of the Jewish cities 
were patrolled at night by watt^hmen, we may gather from 
the words of the Beloved in the Song of Solomon, *' Tlie 
watchmen, who guard the city, found me."* No doubt, 
in case of fire these night-patrols would render valuable 
services, and after the organization given them by Augustus 
with special appliances' for extinguishing sudden confla- 
grations, the system must have approve<l itself to large 
communities, and have come perliaps pretty generally into 
use. However, there is a letter of Pliny toiiching this 
matter which cannot fail to be of the highest ijiteiest to 
anyone treating of the present subject. 

Pliny relates how, while on a progress in a distant part 
of the province intrusted to his charge, a great fire broke 
out in Nicomedia, by which many pri^-ate dwellings 
together with the senate and the temple of Isis were totally 
destroyed. The flames seemed quickly to have spread on 
every side, partly owing to the strong wind then blowing, 
and partly owing to the supineness of the inhabitants, who 
stood by motionless and paralyzed by fear on discovering 
that there was no public water-pump kept in readiness, 
and not a bucket or instrument of any kind for putting a 

' Et qutn plBTumqiie inceDdu culpa onuies inquiliaoB wlmonara, ne n^ligentik 

flnnt inhabituitimn, mb f ustibui cutignt aliqua incendii csnu oriatur, pnetvreo ut 

•OS, qui negligentiui ignem luibuenuit, aqua unuequisque inquilinus ia omuaculo 

< kilt oerera interlooutiooe commotoB fiu- bAbaBit, jubatar kdmoDera. 

tiumculug*tJoneniiaittit(L, i,titi 16,iii). ^ IiiTctiarutit me Tiaius, qui euto- 

And «guii, wc i, Ut cuism MUubewl dinnt Antatem (Vulg., Cut. iii, 3). 



check to the conflafiration. These appHances, however, 
Pliuy promises, shall be forthwith provided. He then 
appeals to the emperor, urj^inrr him to establish a local 
fire-bri^'ade, if only of a hundred and fifty men.' No 
doubt, the well-informed governor was aware, that such 
bodies of men were already provided at the public cost 
at Eome, and perhaps in many of the chief cities of 
the empire. The existence of Fire-brigades in various 
niunicipia of the empire is proved from many passages 
and allusions in the Digest.* 

Trajan, however, his austere master, thought otherwise, 
and hence he wrote in reply : "It has seemed good to you, 
after the example of many others, that a bod)' of artizans 
with a special constitution .should be estabhshed in 
Xicomedia. But we cannot but bear in miud, that tliis 
province in particular, especially in the towns, has been 
caused some trouble by the factions spirit hence engen- 
dered .... Iiet it therefore be enough for you in this case 
to provide those things which may be of use for suppressing 
fires, and to admonish all landlords that they exert them- 
selves in the matter to the utmost ; and then, if necessaiy, 
let the common people be made use of." 

We iind from vaiious inscriptions preserved to us, that 
there were so called ivUegia faf/roruni with a Praefectus 
Fabrorum, established in many cities for tlie purjMJse of 
extinguishing any fire that might break out.* Trajan, 
however, was afraid lest these artizans thus enrolled 
should be diverted from their original constitution, and 
become nothing else than what the Greeks called trai/jot or 
associates banded together for mere purposes of pleasure, 
or should make use of their organization for political 

It ha.s already been stated that the Koman Firemen 
were distributed in seven cohort.^, which occupied four- 

' Hat autaiD Utiiia spanum [incen. iieqnia, nisi faber, recipiatuT, neve jure 

dium] ; nriiniiiii violentia venti, deinde concesBo in aliud utator. NeceritdifBcils 

inertia bomiuum, quod mtjii constat auBtodira tun paucot. Lib. i. Ep, ilii 

otiosoB et immnbileB tanti mali epectHtvm (ixiiv). 

pentJtiMe ; H nlioqui nuUuB iisqunm ill ' Tho Prefects of the Vigiles in the 

[iiiblicii Kipho, milln liamii, milium deiiiiiiie Mtinici|iiii were nlao called NyctnatrateKi. 
iD'^iiniBiit^im od iucendia ciiiupeiweiula. ^ Hr-nce Syuiiimohua uj'h (x, Kp. S7 

Et hoec ijuidem, ut jum piiieccpi, oitiu 34), Stmt qui fabrilM manui augtu- 

parabimtiir. Tii, Dumine, diHpice, nil tie operibiie accommndailt, per alio* 

iiidtitueuiliitii putcs ciiUc^iuni fabruriim. furtuita arvnntur inccndin. 
dumttuuLt liuiuiuum CL; egu atteodain Oliolf 


teen different stations, one for eat'h of the fourteen re^'ious 
into which the Imperial City was divided. The inscrip- 
tions found at the Villa Mattel on Monte Celio in 1820, 
have brought us in these latter days a curious monumental 
confirmation of what we learn from historj- as to the 
strength of a cohort of Eoman Vigiijs. It is known that 
the Emperor Caracalla very much favoured this institu- 
tion, and in the discoveries in question we have evidence 
of this fact in the pedestals of two statues erected to that 
Emperor by the grateful members of the fifth cohort, 
wliich had there its head-quarters.' On the three sides .of 
each of these pyramidal blocks of marble we have included 
in a dedicatory inscription the names of every one of the 
officers and common, men then on duty. On one of these 
pedestals are the names of 110 officers and of 815 rank and 
file, bringing up the full strength of a cohort to 925. On 
another pedestal erected by the same cohort a few years , 
later, we read the names of 104 officers and of 904 com- 
mon soldiers, to which must be added that of the tribune 
and of four physicians or surgeons (medici), making' in all 
a total of 1015. 

Each cohort, as we see by these inscriptions, was com- 
manded by three chief officers, a Prefect, a Sub-Prefect, 
and a Tribune, just as in an English regiment, we have a 
colonel, lieiitenant-colonel and a major. In each cohort 
were seven centurions, a centurion being the equivalent 
of an EngUsh captain of a company. As regards the rest 
of the corps, Kellermann^ has estabUshed a comparison 
between the titles borne by the same men on the two 
stones, one erected a few years later than the other, by 
wliich he has been led very ingeniously to establish the 
following order of promotion which had taken place in 
the interim. 

1. Miles — the common soldier or private. 

2. Codicillarius Tribuni — perhaps quarter-master's ser- 
geant, orderly-room clerk, or secretary to the Tribune. 

3. Secutor Tribuni — attendant on the Tribune — aa 

' Bimllw (l«dicatot7 imeriptiona to u iaacnptlone havB been found in them 

Caracalla have been found in the lot, belaaging reapectival; to the yaara 111, 

2nd, and 4th Statiom of the Roman IIS, 156 and 191. 

Vi^lee, tbough tbaw atationn were in ■ Laten:ukduoC<Elil[oiitBiia,p,S8,S(. 

eustencsbefore the time of that Emperor, ( liooli' 


4. Beneficiarius Tribuni — one exempted from ordinary' 
duties, or designed for promotion by favour of die 

5. Tesserariua Centurionis — ^he who receives and dis- 
tributes the watch-word from the Centurion. 

6. Optio Centurionis — a Heutenant or assistant of the 

7. Veiillarius — standard-bearer or ensigu. 

8. Optio Balnearii — deputy-keeper of the baths. 

9. Beneficiarius Subpraefecti — exempted by favour of 
the Subprefect. 

Other officers, the names of whom have been disinterred 
by Kellermann, were cacus^ an orderly, and cornicidanus, 
adjutant of the prefect or of the subprefect, or wergeant- 
major. The fact of surgeons or physicians being attached 
to each cohort of Vighjs is an evidence of the efficient 
manner in which the Eomans carried out any organization 
they undertook. The mention of the four medici on the 
dedicatory marble pedestal discovered in 1820 is not the 
only record of this interesting circumstance. Gmter, in 
his Inscriptions, records other instances, in which the 
medici of the Vigiles are mentioned, at page 128, 5 ; and 
p. 293, 3.' 

From certain Graffiti found in the Trans-Tiberine guard- 
house of the ViGiLES discovered in 1866, it would appear 
that a certain number of the Vigiles were on horseback. 
These horsemen were no doubt used for giving alarm and 
for carrying messages from one part of the city to another. 

> It is unknown whethsr the Benefici- and Hurotori, p, 876, □. 3 : S77 n. I. 

■riiu wu one wbo wui exempt from (Jf. HedicuB l^annm apud Orelli, 448. 

aBB^-iaij, u ill to th« preMiit day the u>d 4996. AfUr Mujuon and PoU- 

■errant of an '■^glt'T' officer, or tras deiriua, the two soni <^ j^GsoulapiuE, the 

dflmpt la tlie lenae of a gentleman leecbw of the Qreciaa anay who are 

yeoman of tlte Ruard, or of thebenohman mentioned ^ Homer aa btnng h:g]UT 

of a highland (£ief who wai exempt from priied and otmeulted by all the woundetl 

militaiy duties in coneideiBtion of the chieb in the early age of the Trojan war 

jHnonal aarriees he randerad hie master. (Hiad ii, 730), the Srvt mention of army- 

The adjunct Tribune or Prefect denutea lurgeona in any extant Oreek writer 

tJie offlcer to whom be looked for all aaetiui to be where Xenophim ipeaka of 

promntioa. Taintiu in hia life of Agricola eight lurgeona beini appointed on the 

(c 19) mentioiiB how thia geneiat would arriTal of the ten uionaand at certain 

nerer consent to advuice wldierB {taeire vilkgea where they halted for three davs 

milita) from private or partioulnr views, that tbey might dreaa the wounds of Uie 

Dor upon the recommendation or aoldiera (Anabaai^ /. iti, e. 4, i. 30.) 

entreaty of the capCaioB. Dioscoridea wu a ntdicut who followed 

' See Marini, in liis lacrizioiii Albaneal, the Itonum I^ona in the age of Pliny, 

i<i 4tii,, ItuuiD, 1TS5, |i. S07, where he under Nnn. 
quote* Oori, Inacr. Ktf., t. i, p. 125, 129, 


Dr. Henzeii puts down the Traiis-Tiljeriue inscriptions as 
datiu^r from a.d. 215 tu 245, from Caracalla to Philip.' 

Before readin;,' the paper so far written, as it stands, 
some mention was made by me at the meeting, of some 
recent discoveries made dni-infr the month of August last 
in Rome, which brought up the number of the hitherto 
(lif!co\ered sites of the Statuiiies or headt|u.irters of the 
Koman Vicilks to six. In a letter, however, which I 
liave since received from Commendatore de Rossi (dated 
Dec. 16, 1883), I am informed that the discovery of the 
third station near the present Ministrj' of War between 
the Quirinal and Porta Pia, which was notified as probable 
by Sig. I-anciani in the AOienaeum of August 18, 1883, 
p. 218, does not seem to justify the expectations there 
raised. It may be well, therefore, in conclusion, to set 
down the Stationes or head-quarters of the Roman Vigiles 
that have been so far idenlined. 

1st Station.— At the foot of the Quirinal near the 

2nd Statios. — Near tlie walls of Servius at the Triviuni 
of S. Ensebio on the Esc]uiline. 

3ri> Station. — In the district of the Alta Semita. 

4th Station. — On tlie Aventine. 

5th Station. — On Monte CoeUo, in the giounds of A'illa 

The 6th and Tth St.\tions have not j-et Ijoen di.s- 
covered, but the former probably held watch over the 
Itoman Forum, says de Rossi, and had its head-quarters 
near at hand ; while the latter, says Henzen, was perhaps 
in the 9th Region, where it probably had one of its guard 
houses, with another in the Trastevere which was one 
of its Regions, the excubitorium discovered by Visconti in 
1866. Of the above Stations, the 1st, 2nd, 4th, and 5tli 
were clearly identified bj' de Rossi in 1858 (the 5lh 
having been made known by the discoveries of 1820), 
while he suspected that the 3rd Station would be found in 
the Sixth Region of the Imperial City, probably to tlie 
south of the Viminal. This conjecture was verified by 
Ijancianie, the learned director of the excavations under- 

' See tlie Annali deir Instituto di for De Sorai's luid Henzen'e commuiiioti- 
iHjrreajmndenia archeologita, Uic Geriuau tii,HB. _^ 

IiiBtitut«ofUome,vol«.forl868ftndl87*, , (^tOO'JIc 


taken by the Roman municipality, by tbe discovery in 
1874 of the remains of the 3rd Station as given above. 
Each cohort of Vigiles then had separate castra, hke 
the Prsetorians, called Stations or headquarters, which 
must not be confounded with the outlying guardhouses or 
Excubitoria, the proportions of which were on a very 
modest scale and had notliing of the grandeur and muni- 
ficence of the Stations. 

Digitized by Google 

By C. W. KING, M.A. 

Its connection with the subject of Mr. Davis' very 
interesting memoir " The medueval Jews of Lincohi," 
lately published in this Journal (xxxviii, p. 178), may be 
thought to give some importance to the little memorial 
of that people, now brought under the notice of the 
Institute : and which besides, claims attention of itself as 
the most elaborate specimen of the kind that has ever yet 
offered itself to my examination. It is a circular seal of 
brass, 1^ inch iu diameter ; device, a "Wyvern. regardant, 
looking at a star: the legend in the lettering of the twelfth 
or thirteenth century, somewhat defaced in parts, seems 
to read 


which may be translated as "Seal of Nathan, son of 
F(r)ederic, son of Alexander, the Jew." 

The planet Saturn is regularly typified in Eoman 
Astrology by a serpent, in allusion to his serpent-drawn 
car, and in ^at form takes his place amongst the emblems 
of the other days of the week as seen upon that frequent 
antique amulet against the Evil Eye — and the serpent of 
the ancient was naturally converted into the mediieval 
dragon. The device, therefore, may either astrologically 
represent the horoscope of the individual ; or it may refer 
to his tiationality, inasmuch as the planet Saturn is the 
guardian of the Jewish race : the Sabbath itself being 
merely the dies Satumi; and their long-expected Messiah 
is to make his appearance when that star is in the Sign 
Pisces. The mediffival Jews were the world's astrologers, 
and were most careful in keeping record of their nativities; 

■ ttmd at Um MontUj Merting of tlie loatitat^ TAnuy 7tlk, US4. 


as a curious proof of which care, the celebrated Kimchi 
3ias gone out of his way to insert the horoscopes of his 
successive children in his Comnientary on the Psalms. 

The legend of the seal offers some points worthy of 
attention. The owner registers himself iu the names of 
his father and grandfather : and my learned friend, Kabbi 
SchiUer-Szinessy informs me that a Jew is not allowed to 
designate himself by more than three descents, however 
far back he may be able to trace his genealogy. In the 
second name, the omission of the E, seemingly a reminis- 
cence of " Federigo," argues an Italian origin for our 
Suffolk Nathan. As Hebrews, even in the present day, 
are fond of disguising their scriptural appellations under 
christian equivalents of the same sense as " Alfred " (AUe 
Friedc) for " Solomon," it is possible that the mediEeval 
" Solomon " might have gone about his business with less 
molestation from the Gentiles, and continue to enjoy the 
lucky omen of his name, in the form of the " Teutonic 
Friede-Eeich," equally aigniiying " Kich in Peace." From 
Macedonian times, " Alexander " has been admitted into 
the list of " Holy Names " that may lawfully be borne by 
a Jew, according to tradition, in virtue of the favour 
shown by the great conqueror to Uie High Priest, Onias ; 
but more probably, on account of the encouragement 
given by the enlightened Ptolemies to the race of traders 
attracted to their dominions. It was a Tiberius Alexander, 
the " .^^yptius atque Alabarches " of the indignant 
Juvenal, who acted the part of a Rothschild to the hard- 
pressed Vespasian on his taking possession of the utterly 
exhausted empire. The circumstance of our Nathan's 
boldly proclaiming his nationality by the addition 
*' Judaeus," is important, as pointing to a period of our 
history when " the Chosen People " enjoyed as much 
consideration and real influence in the community as at 
the present day. Nay, taking into account the now almost 
inconceivable impecuniosity of Norman times, the Jewish 
money lender, with his sackful of ill-favoured silver 
pennies (for gold coin even he had never seen, save 
perchance a stray bezant or Arab dinar, mounted as a 
priceless jewel) was really a mightier man amongst the 
penniless borrowers than his modem representative, the 
millioniure, rich only in invisible bonds and papier wealth, 

VOL, Xtl. J 


that vanish li^ .smoke with a fall of the market. And 
again, as the magnitude of the seal, according to the role 
of the age, bore a defined relation to the status of the 
sealer; according to this criterion, "Nathan, Ben Federigo, 
Ben Alexander " must have been a merchant of note in 
his day (like his possible contemporary, Isaac of York) to 
be entitled to a seal of the dunensions of the present 
specimen. And to conclude: the apparent anomaly of 
the Cross prefixed to the signature of a Jew may be got 
over by supposing that from its perpetual use in such a 
position, the symbol had lost all religioua meaning wh^Q so 
placed, and was come to be considered ^s merely the 
mark of commencement. 

This seal is said to have been picked up at Woodbridge, 
SufTolk, and accidentally came into my possession in iha 
course of the present autumn. 

Digitized by Google 


The Roman pottei? exhibited on the table on the stage* was found 
Bome two yesca or more ago at the East Cheeswood Estate at. Worthing, 
on land of Mr. Robert Piper, in the occupation of Meeets. Webetet & Co., 
of the Ladydell Nureeriea. The find is a good one, botb for the number 
and condition of the [Heces, bat unfortunately the vessels now preseired 
repiesent only a part, and I am. afraid only a email part of those fonsd 
by the workmen. Previously to the orectiou of Messra. Webster's 
vineries a house was built a little to the south-east, and I afterwaids 
heard that in makii^; the drains tlie workmen dug into and broke many 
pieces of pottery fdiich they ntated were like those we have loft The 
same happened with the pottery on Messrs. Webster's land, till one day 
a coarse dniUcing veaael was brought to me, and from that time the 
progress of preparing the ground for the vines, &c , which consisted of 
diggii^ it to a depth of about three feet, was watehed. The result was 
that the pottery we now have, ooneisting of some five-and-twenty distinct 
pieces, was found and preserved. 

Thete aie nine patera of Samian ware, nearly all perfect with the 
oicuption of the glazing, which ia defective. Only two have any oroa- 
inentation, and they have tlte cunventioDol ivy leaf pattern (mentioned 
by Wright in hie "Celt, KumaH, and Saxon") round the rim. Two 
others have the Potter's luai-k — one is illegiUe, tlie other is 

" HBAEltlH(ASV) " — 

one of the luai'ks te be found in the list at the end of Wright's 
book These nine bowls are each about seven inches in diameter. Then 
is also another larger bowl of Sumian ware, 10^ inches in diameter, with 
no omamentetion except a few wavy lines some distance from the centre 
from which they radiate. One of the cinerary uma was found standing 
in it. There is another small bowl of yellow ware, which has been glazed 
red in imitation of Samian. 

We have only three poculsi. One is of a coarse reddish ware, which 
has been colored black. It is 5^ inches high, and the sides are pressed 
in vertically in six places. Another pocula is somewhat smaller, of thin 
yellow ware, glazed outside with a satiny black glaze. Its sides are 
pressed in like the last vessel's, and it is doubtless of Castor ware, and is 
similar to one of the vessels of that manufacture figured in Wright 

Besides these patene and pocutie there is the lower part of a small 
ampbom shaped veaseL The broadest part (which is surrounded with an 
ornamentation something like a series of the letter S placed horizontally 
and overlapping each other) is three inches in diameter, and the vessel 
tapers away gnulually to tiie foot, which is about one incli across. 

There are some fragments of black ware — saucer shaped^also of 
similar vrssels, of a dark grey or brown ware, very full of grit ; a bottle 



shnped vessel of yeUow ware, broad, witji a VRry iiarrovr neck (iil fact in 
color apd shiipu very like a lai^e turnip upside dowu), fomid standing iu 
one of the Samian bowls ; a fragment of anotliar sinulai vessel, and a few 
other pieces of nec^sy &o., of vessels and a small bowl of a ydlowish red 

The ums we have perfect, or nearly so, are four. One in comparison 
with the others is narrow for its height — of a very dark colour— nearly 
black, and shows signs of a pattern of diagonally intersecting lines 
round the broadest part. Its height is 8j inches, and its breadth 6J 
inches. The three other ums are of a light grey ware, averaging about 
6 or 7 inches in height and eight inches in breadth. Two have lines 
drawn round the circumference. They are all sun baked — show the marks 
of the lathe inside — are a little diiferent in shape, and contained calcined 
hones. One of the iry-leafed Samian bowls was inverted over one of 
these urns, and the little bowl of the yeUowiah red ware was inverted 
over the foot of the Samian bowl. 

Besides the pieces exhibited, there is a basket full of ftagments of ums, 
and indeed, the ground which had been dug by the workmen before I 
found what was being done, was strewn with bits of rims and other 
parte of cinerary uma 

It is stated that when the present railway was made some years ago, 
"funereal vessels ware disinterred a little to the west of Ham Bridge," 
The si»ot where the pottery exhibited was found is about 300 or 400 
yards west of Ham Bridge, and a few feet only south of the railway. The 
pottery exhibited was found in a line of some breadth, running from 
north-west to south-east, exactly between Cissbury and the spot on the 
Forty Acre Field, where the bronze Celts were fonnd some years ago. In 
all probability, if the land north of the railway were explored, more 
pottery would be found. 

About the beginning of this century Roman coins and pottery were 
found at the other end of Worthing, and Roman remains have been 
found at Cissbury. At Chanctonbury, one of the highest points of the 
South Downs, I have lately found fragments of Roman bricks, Samian 
and other ware and tessene. At Bignor, some few miles westward, is the 
well-known Roman villa, and on the Downs behind Lancing, a httle to 
the east, a tesselated pavement was discovered, and unfortunately 
destroyed many years ago. In fact, there are abundant remains of Roman 
times iu the neighbourhood, but, so far as I know, no remains of any 
habitation have been discovered south of the Downs. 

The spot where this pottery was found lies only a short distance wast 
of the low marsh ground or brooklauds, between Lancing and Worthing 
protected from the sea by banks, and considering this fact — the number 
of the burials that must have taken place — and the Roman custom of 
burying by the roads — it is perhaps not unreasonable to suppose that a 
road led by this spot from the eeaahore to the fortress on Cissbury. 

The seven bronze Celts exhibited are all I have been able to get 
together, out of about (I have been told] as many as 40 found in an 
earthen vessel, some 16 inches high on the Forty Acre Field some years 
ago. The vessel was broken and destroyed. The Colts are similar in form 
to those figured in Wright Some are of solid metal ; others are hollow. 
There is ^so the mass of metal — the residuum left at the bottom of the 
vesuel- — frequently found undt-T such circumstanccii. ■ 


m 1883. 


The number of inscriptions found during the past year 
is considerable, and in interest they exceed the average. 

The first discovery occurred on the 2l8t of February', 
when some labourers who were searching for stones to 
build a field wall in a field called Caegwag (or empty field) 
on the farm of Khiwian-uchaf, in the parish of Uanfair- 
fechan, between Bangor and Conway in Carnarvonshire, 
dug up a Roman miliarium or mile stone, six feet seven 
inches high, and sixteen inches in diameter. It bore the 
following inscription : — 



AVQ. P.M. TR P. 

P.P. cos. IlL 


M. P. vin. 

i.e. Imp(erator) Cws(ar) Trajanus Hadriamis Atu/iisUis 
PforUifex) M(aximua) Tr(ihunitia) Pfotesiate) P(ater) 
P(atria)) Co(n)^vl) III. A. Kanovio m(Uia) p(assuum) 

This is the earliest inscription, bearing a date, as yet. 
found in either North or South Wales, and was erected 
after the third consulate of Hadrian a.d. 119, between 
that year and the death of the Emperor in a.d. 138, for he 
was only Consul three times. From the nominative case 
being used, we may fairly assume that it was set up in 
A.D. 120, when the Emperor was in Britain. The field in 
which it was found is high up on the mountain side, and 
it is uncertain whether the Eoman road from Conovium 
(Cajrhun) to Segontium {Caernarvon) passed dose to the 
site, though it could not be far off. The name of the 
former station occurs on the stone as Kanovium, whiLit 


tte anonymous chorograplier Eavennas styles it Canu&tum, 
and the Antonine Itinerary Conovium. The eight miles 
marked ^ree well with the distance of the site of the 
discovery from Caerhun, which is about seven English or 
eight Koman miles. The owner of the ground. Major 
Piatt of Gorddinog, has presented the stone to the British 
Museum. This inscription was first given to the public 
by the present writer in the Academy of March 3, 1883. 
The letters composing it vary from 2^ to 2J inches in 
height. It is the fourth milestone of the reign of Hadrian 
found in Britain. 

In July the upper part of a second mUiarium dedicated 
to Severua, Caracalla, and Geta was found about ten 
yards from the former one. The extant portion of Uie 
inscription was: — 



p.p. ET. M. AVR. 


AVoa ET. P. 

In the original there is a stop after the first p. in ubpp. 
which is a palpable error. This milliary, like the other, 
is of gritstone, and of the same diameter (16 inches), but 
only 1 foot 11 inches in height. The extant portion of 
the inscription reads : " Imp[eratores) Cces^ares) L{ucius) 
Sep{iimiu8) Severua P{ater) P{atruB) et M{arcus) Aur{elius) 
Antoninua Am[usti) et P{vblvua)" whilst its continuation 
has no doubt been " Sep{timvu3) Geta Nobilismnue) 
CcB^ar). A Kanovio M{iuia) P{aa8uum) VIII." The 
stone has probably been broken in the attempt to erase 
the name and titles of Geta from the inscription, after the 
assassination of that Emperor in a.d. 212. As only two 
Augosti are named (avgo) the stone must have been 
erected between a.d. 198 when Severus created Caracalla 
joint Augustus, and a.d. 209 when Geta received the 
same title, probably in a.d. 208, when these Emperors 
came over to Britain, which seems £^ain confirmed by 
the nominative case being used. It is most probable that 
both Hadrian and Severus personally visited this neigh- 
bouriiood. Like its companion this stone has been 
deposited in the British Museum. 

In April there was discovered at Chester, during some 
operationv for making a new patisage through the walls, a 


portion of a highly omamented tombatoue, whi(^ in its 
iwBsent state is a cube of two feet, of which thickness it 
has originally been, though its height and width canoot 
exactly be determined. 'Die right side is sculptured with 
a wreath extraiding between two fluted columns, the back 
is also sculptured, the right side has been broken off, 
whilst the portion of the front remaining bears the fol- 
lowing inscription: — 

which I would read as D{m) M(aniim8). M{arcus) Apro- 

(niMfi) M(arci) P{iliiis) Fa{bia[tribu]), or 

transiated, " To the Divine Shadea. Marcus Apronius 

the son of Marcus, of the Fabian family." 

The cognomen of Apronius is unfortunately on the lost 
portion of the stone. It is possible that the letters fa. 
may be the commencement of it, and that it was some 
sbdi name as fa(cilis), but I prefer to take those letters as 
the commencement of the name of the tribua as they are 
in the normal position. The letters are very fine and 
2J inches high, the stops are triangular.' 

I also found in the Chester Museum the upper portion 
of a fine altar, and two centurial stones, which had re- 
mained undescribed until I noticed them in the Academy." 
The former is at present 2 feet 2 inches high, by 1 foot 
3 inches broad, and bears the following inscription ;— 


The commencement of the third line is worn off owing to 
the soft nature of the stone, and there have probably been 
two lines on the lower and lost portion. Tliere ia on the 
right side of the altar, a representation of a head eared 
and homed, on the left AvraferictUum, and it has a large 
focus for the offering. The altar was foiind about 1875 
at the foot of Newgate Street, close to its junction with 
Pepper Street, and just inside the city walls, on the pre- 
mises of Mr. Storrar, a veterinary surgeon, when he was 

> Sw mj Mte in A«ada»v, lb7 6, U88. 
■8m JMimy, lb7 S ind SoM. 1888. ,,,, GoOqIc 


levelling some raised ground in his yard, which was full 
of ancient dibris. It remained lying about this yard for 
several years until noticed by Mr. Frederick Potts of 
Chester, who obtained it, and has presented it to the 
Museum. The reading is undoubtedly Deo Marti Covr 
aervatori, " To the god Mars, the preserver," followed by 
the name of the dedicator, &c. It is the first altar to 
Mars Conservator found in Britain, and they are com- 
paratively rare in the Koman Empire. 

The centurial stones are inscribed as follows : — 

> Q. MAS. . Q. TERN. 

No. I reads Centuria Q(uiniii) Max{imt). No. 2 is 
apparently Centuria Q{uinti) Teren{tii.) The e in this 
last stone is hgulate with the b. 

On the fragment of a large amphora found near St. 
John's Church, Chester, by Mr. Potts, in a heap of 
rubbish, and now in the Museum, is the graffiii inscrip- 
tion : — 


TSie name, probably Celericua, has a decidedly Saxon 

The station at South Shields has produced three 
inscriptions. The first is on a walling stone two feet 
square and six inches thick, and is the mark of the Sixth 
Legion — 

LEG. Vf. 

i.e., Legiome Sextae. The letters are within a moulding 
with ana<B at each end. The second inscription is 
somewhat similar, but is upon a tile and reads — 

LE. VI. V. 

i.e., Legionis Sextae Victricia. The letters are in relief 
and very rude. These are the first traces of the Sjixth 
Legion at South Shields. The third inscription is also on 
a tile, and in what is called a " cursive style." Drs. 
Htlbner and Zangemeister thus read it:^ 

They translate it as meaning that the daughter of Calvus 
cremted the owner with a pint (sextariua) of wine or some 
other Uquor. Google 


A grapii inscription upon a, fragment of an amphora 
has also been found. It is simply — 
viCToai . . . 

and probably when complete was victorinvs. 

I am indebted to the Rev. K. E. Hooppell, ll.d., for 
particulars of several inscribed stones found in recent 
years at Ebchester {Vindomora) but which have been 
overlooked by antiquaries. They are: — 

(4.) (60 ((.) 



nun I . X B. . EQVITVH. 

Of these, No. 1 occurs on two tiles, one preserved at 
the Vicarage, Ebchester, and the other by John Clayton, 
Esq., at (testers. No traces of the Sixth liCgion had 
, been previously found at the station. 

No. 2 is on an altar three feet high, discovered in the 
foundations of the west end of the church, on its restora- 
tion in 1876, and now cemented to the pavement on the 
left hand of the path from the rectory to the church. 
According to Dr. Hooppell it bore an inscription of five 
linef, now almost entirely obliterated, but traces of the 
first and last lines, as above, may be distinguished. The 
altar has one side sculptured with the representation of an 
eagle and above it the " <ndter f" the other side bears the 
"patera" and "prcefericulum." 

No. 3 is on the lower portion of an altar huUt up into 
the western wall of the porch of the church. Only traces 
of the upper line are visible, of the lower the letters l.m. 
part of the Msasi formula t.s.l,m. may be detected. 

No. 4 is a much worn and nearly illegible inscription 
on two stones which fit each other, also built up into the 
wall of the church porch. It is possible that at the end 
of the first and commencement of the second lines we have 
(abbreviated) Vixit A{nnum) I., M{enae8) * D{ie8) V. 
In that case the opening letters' of the inscription would 


be the name of the child commemorated, and after Dies V. 
woiild be the name of the parent who erected it. He was 
probably either in the first or fourth cohort of the 
Brittones, tr^ea of both of which have been found at 
the station. I infer this from the * bit. of the third 

Nos. 5 and 6 are on two altars found at Ebchester many 
years since, and now preserved at Mlnsteracres, the seat 
of H. C. Silvertop, Esq. about five miles from Ebcliester, 
They are engraved by Ih-. Bruce in the Ijipidarium 
Septentrionale (Nos. 667 and 668) who, however, says that 
they are " uninscribed." Such is, however, not the case, 
though the inscriptions are almost obliterated, but the 
carvings on the sides of the altars are, most singularly, 
almost intact. The readings, of what remains of the 
inscriptions, are those of Dr. Hoopell. No. 5 should be 
translated *' To the divinities of the Emperors," &c. ; 
whilst No. 6 is I{ovi) 0{ptimo) Maximo et Genio Equi- 
tum," " To Jupiter the best and greatest, and the Genius 
of the Cavalry," &c. 

At Corbridge {Corstopitum) four inscriptions have 
occurred, as follows: — 

(1.) (2.) (3.) (4.) 

LEO. n LEG. 11. AVG D. M. CEII 

AVa COH . . . MILES O I 

COH. in. F. LEG ... ^-1 

Nos. 1 and 2, which are each about one foot square, 
are ordinary centurial stones, the first which has, above 
the lettering, the figures of a Pegasus and sea-goat, should 
be expanded Leg{ioiiis) Semndae Au(j{iistae) Coh{ors) 
tertia fecit; No. 2 reads I^g{ionis) Secundae Aiig[ustae) 
Cohors .... The number of the cohort is lost by 
obliteration. No. 3 is the upper part of a tombstone, 
and is unique in Britain, as giving the occupation of the 
deceased previously to giving his name, though there are 
instances on the Continent. It reads D{iis) M{anibus) 
MUes Leg{ionis) .... The number of the Legion 
is lost, but it was probably like the two previous inscrip- 
tions — n. AVG., though two walling stones and tiles of 
the Sixth Legion have been found here. The name of 
the individual commemorated was on the lost lower 
portion of the stone. The letters d. h. are within a pedi- 


ment. No. 4 is probably the sole remnant of a lonf( and 
important inscription of which it formed the lower right 
hand comer. The moulding containing the inscription 
appears to have been flanked with ornaments. All of 
these inscriptions are now in the Newcastle Museum. 

During some repairs at the church of Hale (or Haile) 
ill the west portion of the county of Cumberland, there 
was found an altar bearing the following inscription: — 



FL. E. 




V. 8. L. M. 

When publishing this inscription in ^carfemy (Sept. 1, 
ISSS), I gave the fifth line as f. e. (it being thus in the 
copy of the inscription I first received), and expanded it 
as Felicius. M. Robert Mowat in an article in the 
Bulletin Ejiigrajihique de la Guide (vol. iii, p. 246), 
however, raised the question whether the letters were not 
F.L. I accordingly obtained a more correct copy, and 
found that the fir.'*t letter w^as fl ligulate, with a stop 
after it, and then the letter f,. In the sixth line the letters 
which I have given as cv. are ligulate, and I think are 
meant for QV. In the seventh line it is doubtful whether 
the fourth letter is meant for i or l, but the word is un- 
doubtedly meant for VEXi(LL)A'noNE. The letters cvar. 
or QVAK. I expanded as qvarias, thinking the dedication 
was of tlie tribe of the Quariates, a people of Gallia Nar- 
bonensis. M. Mowat, however, prefers to read Quar- 
{quemus\ considering the dedicator to be of the tribe of 
the Quarquemi (or Querquemi) a people of Lusitania, 
neighbours to the Astures, and in this he may probably 
be right. There are many instances of cv. and qv. being 
spionymous in inscriptions. M. Mowat quotes a well- 
known one. The full expansion of the inscription would 
therefore be : Di/nis Herculi ei SUvano Fl{avius) E{nnitis) 
Priinitu Quar{qmrmis) pro se et i'exi{U)n1i(me V^iAutri) 
S{olvit) L{ii>ens) M{eritvi). " To the god.s Hercules and 
Silvaniis, Flavins Ennius Primus a Quarquemian for 
himself and the vexillation performs his vow willingly 


to (lesei'ving objects." Tke stop between e and T in the 
third line is singular, though we have similar instances. 
The name of Ennius Primus in fuU, occurs upon an 
inscription at Llanio in Cardiganshire. I am indebted to 
Mr. E. S. Ferguson, F.S.A., for the copy of tliis inscrip- 

On the wall itself there has been found, built up hi its 
southern face, near to an exploratoiy turret at Greenhead, 
a centurial stone, of which only the first line is legible. 
It reads : — 

coH. m. 

At Over Denton another centurial stone has been found, 
for a copy of the inscription on which I am indebted 
to the Eev. Dr. HooppeU. It is now preserved in the 
vicarage garden. The inscription is, according to Dr. 
Hooppell : — 

With the exception of the centurion's name all is plain, 
(i.e., Cohortis primae, centuria . . .) but the name is 

At Birdoswald {Amboglatma) Dr. Hooppell informs me 
that a fragment which he saw, still preserved there, is 
inscribed: — 

but unless qq are part of the abbreviation eqq for Eguiies, 
nothing can be made of it. 

But the greatest discovery of the year in this neigh- 
bourhood took place on the 17th of November at House- 
steads {Borcoviois). On a slight eminence on the south 
side of this station, amongst the ruins of the suburban 
buildings, about a quarter of a mile distant, may be 
traced the foundations of a temple. On the northern 
slope of this eminence were dug out two large altars and 
the half of a sculptured stone which, when entire, had 
been semi-circular, as if forming the head of a gateway. 
The altars bore the following inscriptions : — 


blSCOVEKfeD IN BBltAiN IN 1S33. Igl 

(Ho. 1,) 

(No. 2.) 















30LVEBV . . 


LIBEHT .... 



In my paper on these altars, recently comraumcated to 
the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries, I stated that the 
T. in THINCSO was doubtful, and that the form which 
seems two m's conjoined at the commencement of the 
seventh line of the same inscription miglit possibly 
be NM or MiM. I am, however, assured that the 
latter is plainly mm and that T is clearly visible before 
HiNcso. Such being the case, I would expand No. 1 altar 
thus: — Deo Marti Tkincso et Duabus Alaesiagis Bed{a)e 
et Fimmilen{a)e et N{umini) Aug(ustt) Genn{ani) Gives 
Tuihanti V{otum) S{olveruiU) L{ibentes) M{eritts), the 
translation being, "To the god Mars Thincsus and to 
the two Alaesiagae, Beda and Fimmileiia and to the 
divinity of the Emperor, the Germans (who are) Tuihan- 
tian citizens perform their vow willingly to deserving 

No. 2 should be expanded Deo Marti et Duabus 
Alaisiagis et N{umint} Aug{tisti) Germani Gives Tui- 
hanti Cunei Frisiorum Ver{lutionensium) Se{ve)r{iant) 
Al&candriani Votum Solverunt Libentes [Meritis). " To 
the god Mars and to the two Alaisiagae, and to the 
divimty of the Emperor, the Germans (who are) Tuihantian 
citizens, of the Cuneua of Frisians, (styled) the Ver- 
lutionensian, and Severianus Alexandrianus, perform their 
vow willingly to deserving objects." The epithet of 
TTiincsus, or Ilincsus, has, I beheve, occurred previously 
upon a Roman inscription found in Holland, but I 
must admit I cannot at the moment find the authority. 
The altars are both dedicated to "the two Alaisiagae,"' 
In No. 1 the names of the deities are given, " Beda and 
Fimmilena." They were, I apprehend, local goddesses of 
Continental pagl The first named probably took her 
name from a fiais bearing the name of Beda which 

' Or u in So. 1, Ala«BiuBa. , -~ i 

_. „, Google 


occurs ill the Itinerary of Antoninus between Treves and 
Cologne, being now represented by the modern Bidburg. 
When in a.d. 870 the territories of Lothaire were divided, 
this neighbourhood was styled " Pagus Bedensis," and was 
probably in Roman times within the territories of the 
Tungri, the first cohort of which people occupied the 
station at Honsesteads. These Tungri originally bore the 
name of Germani. So Tacitus, Germania {c. 2), informs 
us. I understand the phrase " Tuihantian citizens " a*i 
being introduced, to point out which particular branch 
of the Germani, the dedicators belonged to.' I have 
expanded vbr. in the second inscription as TER{lutionen- 
sium) from the fact that the anonymous chorographer 
Ravennas, apparently gives us the name of the station at 
Housesteads as velvbtion{e), but his orthography has 
been proved so incorrect with regard to the neighbour- 
ing stations ; e.g., he gives Serduno for Segeduno, Ontio 
for Hunno, Celunno for Cilurno, &c., that I have little 
doubt Velurtion{e) should be Verlution{e) especially as we 
have a Eoman station in Wiltshire bearing a similar name. 
I at one time thought the it in vek might be tr ligulate, and 
the abbreviation be that for vet(e)k (akoiivm), but inspec- 
tion of photographs of the stone convinced me such was 
not the case. The dedicators of No, 1 altar may not have 
been in the Ctineus (for that cordis is not mentioned) but 
possibly in the Tungrian cohort. It is hardly necessar}' to 
say that there are many instances in inscriptions of bodies 
of men of one nationality serving in a corps bearing the 
name of another nationahty. This is the third instance of 
a cuneus of Frisians being named in inscriptions found in 
the nortli of England. At Papcastle (AhaUava) we have a 
"Cuneus Frisio/mm AbaUevensium," and at Binchester 
(^Vinovium) a '' Cuneus Frisiorum Vinoviensium" (see 
Archceological Journal, vol. xxviii, p. 131). The former 
was at Papcastle in the reign of Gordian (a.d. 241), whilst 
the newly discovered inscription, from bearing the name 
of Alexander Severus, would seem to be of that Emperor's 
reign (a.d. 222-235). I think we have a trace of the 
Alaisiagae in an imperfect inscription now preserved in 
the Newcastle Museum which also came from Borcoviais 

Ptolraij, and Valkriu. 



or Verlutio (for the station bore apparently the two 
names). It is Dr. Hubner's No. 654. If so, they are 
conjoined with' a goddess whose name commences nbm . . . 
We have a male deity of the name of Bedaiits in two 
Continental inscriptions (Orelli 1964 and Henzen 5614), 
but he probably derived his name from Bedaium, a town 
of Noricum. I cannot find any trace of the name of 
" Alsatia" occurring in a classical author, but may we not 
in the name of these deities have its germ ? 

The altar No. 1 is over six feet high, and upon its right 
side bears the representation of a robed female figure, 
standing with outstretched right hand. 

No. 2 altar has the ciilter and securis engraved upon the 
left side. It is four feet two inches in height.' 

At Leicester, at the very close of the year (28 Decem- 
ber), there was found, at a depth of ten feet in excavating 
in the grounds of Wigston's School, High Cross street, a 
Roman flue tile, of the usual shape, seventeen inches in 
length, which bore upon its side the words — 

in what may be called " fluted" letters. Other Roman 
remains, including a large mortarmm bearing the stamp 
CENNi . F . (four times repeated), were found at the same 
time. They are all in the Leicester Museum. 

The only other inscription to be noticed aa recently 
discovered is the word — 

scratched upon a fragment of " Samian" ware, found at 
Sittingboume in Kent, and preserved in the collection of 
Mr. George Payne, which has been recently purchased by 
the British Museum. 

During the year also, an altar of the same dimensions 
and bearing the same inscription as Horsley's No. 67 
Northumberland (found at Caervorran) was discovered 
among a heap of stones in a field at Shotton near Castle 
Eden, co. Durham. It is probably the same altar as 
that named by Horsley, wluch was in his possesaion. 

* Dr. HiibDra' alio oommDiiiett«d *, Mfjuant to mine. In tbt nuio he v** 
p«p«r on theee &]tan to the Newcaatle with ma, ., , 

Sodetf ot AntiquuuB, two month* nib- CtOOQIC 


Hntchinson in his History -of Cumberland states that it waa 
preserved at Netherby by the GJraham family. How it got 
to the place of its rediscovery is singular. 

At the meeting of the tistitute, 1 November, 1883, 
Mr, J. T. Irvine made a communication on the subject of a 
Boman tile inscribed leg. ix. ins. " found near Bamack," 
which had been recently presented to the Peterborough 
Museum. Upon enquiry I find that it is the identical tile 
which I described in the Archoeohgical Journal, vol. xxxi, 
p. 356, found in 1867 at " Hilly Wood," two miles east of 
Woodcroft, Northants. 

A few inscriptions overlooked by Dr. Hubner when 
publishing vol. vii of the Corptia Inscriptionum Latinamm 
have to be added. 

In Ward's copy of Horsley's Britannia Romana, in the 
British Museum (806. i. I), a number of inscriptions found 
subsequently to the publication of that work, are given on 
the fly sheets and on added leaves. Amongst them are 
two which do not appear to have been published. The 
first is : — 



It is described in a latter dated December 28, 1748, 
from Eichard Gilpen, Esq. of Scaleby, in Cumberland, and 
was found at Widton House Station, " Casteeds" a short 
time previously. It occurred on the upper half of a small 
portable altar, the bottom of which bad been broken off 
before discovery. Its height was twelve inches by nine; and 
the end of the second fine, instead of tp, has been no doubt 
TRA (the last letter being worn or broken off); whilst the 
p of the third line has been b, followed by m, the whole 
forming the dedication, Matr^ms Tramarin{ia), several 
similar examples having been found in England. 

The second inscription was found at BarhiU, on the 
Wall of Antoninus Pius, on an altar bearing on one side a 
sculpture of the sacrificing knife, and on the other of the 
patera. Only the commencement was visible, which ran — 


It is possible it may be the same as Dr. Hubner's No. 
1103, but this hardly seems probable. Added to the de-' 


Bcriptioh of it, as a note, " See Daily Advertiser, Sept. 7, 

In the second edition of Dr. Stukeley's " Itinerarium 
Curiosum " (1776), he says at p. 45 of the " Iter Boreale," 
that on the stone built up into the house, at CUfton Hall, 
near Brougham {Lap. Sept., No 816. Hubner in Eph. 
Epig., vol iii, p. 126, No. 88), the words 


were visible. On the same page he also gives the in- 
flcription on a bronze vessel, found near Clifton, as 


On the peak of a helmet found at St. Alban's some 
years since, and now preserved in the Colchester Museum 
is the name 

In the Eawlinson MSS., C. 907, preserved in the 
Bodleian Librarj' at Oxford there is a collection of 103 
Eoman inscriptions made by Samuel Woodford of Wad- 
ham College about 1658. With the exception of four they 
are all given by Horsley or other writers. Two of these 
inscriptioi^ read : — 

No. 1. (Na 2.) 

I, 0. M I. 0. M. 










No place of discovery is named for either of the inscrip- 
tions. No. 1 is on fo. 4, No. 2 on fo. 4i. They were 
both commBnicated to Woodford by " Henry Babington," 
but this latter individual I cannot trace. At first sight 
they appear to be forgeries, for the reason that as regards 
No. 2 it is on the same folio (4) as the inscription 
I . o . M . TANARO found at Chester in 1653, and the whole 
of the other deities named in it are given by Camden in 
the 1607 edition of his Britannia, as having been found on 
inscriptions previously discovered in Britain, With regard 
Toi, xu. 3 a 


to No. 1, Sallustius Lucullus was we know put to death 
by DomitiaQ, whilst he was legate of Britain, for allowing 
some lances to be named after hira " Lucullean," but w^e 
are quite ignorant of thp date of his tenure of office. He 
is generally supposed to have succeeded Agricola. But 
there is no other instance, in Britain at least, of an 
imperial legate having erected or dedicated an altar. On 
the other hand, it is improbable that a forger could have 
had information as to the existence of a Cohors I. Aelia. 
Briitonum, no trace of which has been elsewhere found in 
this countrj'.' 

That there was such a cohort is certain from inscrip- 
tions found on the Continent. It is difficult to decide 
how far these inscriptions of Woodford's are geniiine. 
That they have at least a basis of fact is probable, that 
they are accurate copies is possible, though, so far, we 
have nothing like them in Britain. 

Another inscription, No. 79, in the same list reads : — 

COH. rv: BRB 
LEG. 11. AVQ 


There is more probability in this, for we have a coh. 
nn. BRE. occurring on tiles at Slack {Camhodunum), 
whilst the Legio Secunda Augusta^ as is well known, has 
left memorials of its presence, all over Britain. Fecit 
instead of Fecerunt at the close is puzzling, if both the 
auxihary cohort and the legion erected the stone. Perhaps 
the explanation is, that the stone was not entire, and that 
some individual who was an officer of the legion and at 
the same time commander of the cohort, erected it. 

The last inscription in this list, which seems to be 
unpublished, is No. 60, and reads, though it is _but a 
fragment : — 


At first I concluded that this was a portion of the well 

' In a thort Latin preface to the ool- except tlie four T hnvB giveD, can be 

lection, Woodfoid caya that the copies ol identified, and tliiaidentiflcatiDn ofninety- 

all the inacriptiani are eiant, and tbat he nine out uf a total of 103, onipted with 

will mark both the places where the the fact I have mentioned of Uie oocur- 

inecriptiona were found, and the penrina reuce of the Cohort . I . i^ia fritlOTium, 

in whose pocMMioD the; were, but he ipeaka strongly in favour of the other 

full to do this. Howevei. all of tbem, four inaoriptjoni being genuine, . 


known inscription found at Whitley Castle, and given by 
Dr. Hubner, No 310 (Horsley, Cumberland cxiii), but I 
find that inscription is given entire by Woodford, No. 54. 
It is evidently part of an inscription to Caracalla, but like 
the others, its place of discovery is uncertain. 

In addition to these inscriptions, Woodford's MSS. give 
variae lectiones of many other well known inscriptions 
from all parts of Britain, but as these would extend this 
paper to a much gieater lengtli, I at present forbear to 
give them. Dr. Hubner does not seem to have been 
aware of this collection. 

In Murray's "Handbook for South Wales," p. 29, it 
said that near Margam, Glamorganshire, a Soman mile 
stone exists, or existed, bearuig the inscription : senatvs 


K a mile stone with an inscription, anything approach- 
ing to this, ever existed near Margam, it would be the 
earliest in date found in Britain, for it would appear to 
be dedicated to the Plmperor Titus, circa a.d. 81. But to 
make- any sense of the inscription (which, as will be seen, 
is given very erroneotisly) it is necessary to eliminate 
vkkomanvs.., which I take to be simply an ac<'idental 
repetition of the letters following q in popvlvs(j(ve), made 
by the copyist, and the word dvo should be altered to 
Divo. The inscription would then run, translated, " The 
Boman Senate and People, to the deified Titus Vespasianus 
Augustus, son of the deified Vespasianus." But I think it 
highly improbable that an inscription, to Titus worded as 
above, would be foimd in Britain. 

A few corrections, &c., of published inscriptions, will 
be necessary before closing this list. Dr. Htlbner's No. 
833 is, owing to being copied from the engraving in the 
Lapidarium Septentrionah, No. 386, deficient of two 
remarkable sigla, at the commencement of the second 
line. I am indebted to the Rev. Dr. HooppeU for the 
correct reading of the line. It is remarkable that Dr. 
Bruce has not represented these sigla in his engraving. 
The inscription is, divested of hgatures — 


Digitized by Google 


Zell ill Ills Delectus, p. 53, gives example of the sign z 
as slanding for ceniurio. I should, therefore, opine that 
in this instance two centurions, whose cognomina were 
Maximus and Sacerdos, are named in the shattered 

At p. 73, vol. XXXV of the Archmological Journal, I gave 
a copy of a much worn inscription (No, 1), found at 
Chester. Prom recent close inspection of the stone, in 
different lights, I have not oidy been able to correct the 
reading of one or two letters, but to add others. I find it 
should be read — 

The last letters he are ligulate, and probably stand for 
Ileres, they are evidently preceded by Jul{iu3) Secund{u3). 

In the list of inscriptions for 1881, Archceolofjical Jour- 
nal, vol. xxxix, p. 362, the inscription on the tile found 
at Lincoln (c. vm. exo.), is expanded by M. Robert 
Mowat, the celebrated French archaeologist, in a recent 
communication to me, as C{aii) Vib{ii) Exo{rati.) This 
seems the most correct reading yet proposed. 

Another inscription has to be added to the list of those 
found and lost again, before they could be copied, lii the 
Proceedings of the Society of Antiqtiaries of Newcastle, vol. i, 
p. 28, is an account of a large Eoman inscribed slab, 
four feet long, found lying, face upwards, in the wall of 
Haydon Church, Northumberland, during the restoration 
of the building. It was ascertained that it could not be 
extracted without much expense and injury to the wall, 
so was left in situ, the waU being built up again around it. 
As the nearest Eoman station was Housesteads (Borcmicus) 
it probably came from that site. 

F.S. — Tiie tile bearing the inscription alsb, given by 
Dr. Hubner, No. 1240, and of the place of discovery of 
which he was unaware, was one of a series similarly 
stamped, and forming a remarkable tile tomb found at 
Lancaster in 1752, and described in a letter from Samuel 
Peele of that town to Dr. Stukeley (shortly to be pub- 
lished). Its reading is undoubtedly Al{ae) S{e)b(oaianae). 

Digitized by GOOJ^Ie 

jr tUv. W, R. W. STEPHEHS. M,A., KacWr of Woolbading. 


Our interest in all tlie details of the ^reat battle which was fought six 
hundred and twenty years aRo upon the hills above this town will be 
much deepened if we bear in mind the vast importance of the priuciples 
which hung upon the issue of that memorable day. The battle was only 
one event, although a most critical one, in a long struggle which lasted 
through the whole reign of Henry III. — the struggle of the English 
people to maintain their rights, their freedom, and tlieir honour, against 
the exactions of the Papacy, the greet) and arrogance of foreign adven- 
turers, and the follies of a weak, perfidious, and wilful king who was not 
consistent in anything except in mismanaging the affairs of his kingdom, 

T>uring the minority, indeed, of the King, which lasted from 1216 to 
1227, the patriotic party in the State kept the upper hand. William 
Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, who was Regent till his death in 1219, 
le-adjusted the machinery of government which had fallen to pieces 
during the confusions of John's misrule: Hubert de Burgh, the Justiciar, 
and Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, strove to place the 
whole administrative system which William Marshall had repaired in the 
hands of Englishmen. These able and upright men were more than a 
match for Peter des Roches, the Poictevin Bishop of Winchester, who 
was the head of the foreign party. Magna Carta (though with some 
omissions) and the other Charters were coi^rmud ; tiie royal castles were 
one by one wrested from the aliens to whom they had been entrusted by 
John, and Langton obtained a promise from Kome that during his life- 
time no new L^ate should be appointed. In January, 1227, in a 
council held at Oxford, Henry being nearly twenty years of age, 
announced his intention of governing for himself, and under his ntis- 
management for thirty years the pile of national wrongs, national 
discontent, national distress was steathly heaped up. The chartere sealed 
during his minority were declared to be cancelled, and their re-confiims- 
tion had to be bought. Stephen Langton died in 1228: Hubert de 
Burgh was dismissed in 1229. : Peter des Roches, who had been absent 
on a four years' crusade, returned : a new troop of foreigners was invited 
and put in |>o36ession of the royal castles : the great officers of State were 

juif 3iBt, less. 

i:; Gooj^le 


appointed by the King without consulting the great council of the 
nation. Ab we arc in the South Saxon diocese it is fitting to remind 
you that Ralph NoTiUe, Bishop of Chicheater, who had been made 
Chancellor in 1 226, was ordered by the King to surrender the Great Seal, 
but he bravely refused to give it up except at the bidding of the national 
assembly by which he had been appointed, Henry wrested the Seal 
from him in 1238, but he retained the income and title of Chancellor till 
his death in 1244. The Justiciar Stephen de Segrave, the Dreasuier 
Peter de Rivaulx, and his agent Robert Passilew, were tools of Petflr 
(lea Roches. Tlie King tried to force Robert Passilew into the See of 
Cliichester on the death of Ralph Neville. The Chapter yielded : but 
Robert Grosseteste, the great and good Bishop of Lincoln, who had 
examined Passilew, pronounced him to be incompetent and unfit, and 
Richard of Wych, afterwards canonized, was appointed in his stead, to 
the grcat annoyance of the King, who for a long time withheld the 
temporahties of the See. 

The successors of Archbishop Stephen Laugton, Richard Grant, and 
the saintly Edmund of Abingdon, were able for a time to stem the foreign 
influence, and Peter des Roches was dismissed from power, but after the 
marriage of the King with Eleanor of Provence in 1236, the old evils 
recurred in greater force ; fresh swarms of foreigners arrived, the kinsfolk 
partly of the Queen, partly of the King's mother, who had married the 
Count de la Marche. Her daughter Alicia, the King's half sister, waf, 
married to the Earl of Warren, to whom thia castle in which we are now 
aseembled belonf,'cd, and the custody of the caatk's of Pevensy and 
Hastings were bestowed on Peter of Savoy, an uncle of the Queen, and 
afterwards on the King's half brother, William of Valence, Thus nearly 
one half of Sussex was in the hands of those who wore attached to the 
King's side, which no doubt was one chief reason why he drew his forces 
into these parte to fight the most decisive battle of the war with his 

Archbishop Edmuud, who had retired to France, where he died 
broken-hearted at Soiasy in 1240, wassuccecded by an uncle of the Queen, 
Boniface of Savoy, a man of violent temper and little learning. The 
Papal exactions now became more and more monstrous : First a share was 
demanded in the property of every Cathedral Church and every Monastic 
House, then a tenth of all moveables, then all preferment of natives to 
cccleaiastical benefices was forbidden until 300 Italians Iiaa been provided 
for. Grosseteste, Bishop of Dncoln, was the courageous exponent of 
these abuses, and in a great measure the guiding mind of the national 
resistance t« mis-government. 

The king's niisman^ement of domestic and foreign afiairs continually 
plunged him deeper into debt ; he was constantly asking for money wliich 
the great Council refused, unless the Charters were re-affirmed. Henry 
repeatedly swore to observe them and repeatedly broke his oath. Tlie 
Pope and the King were, it was said, to ttie people as the upper and the 
neUier millstone, and it was difficult to determine which was the harder 
of the two. 

In 1254, Henry accepted the ofler of the Crown of Sicily from the 
Pope for his second son Edmund, and bought the Papal support by 
pledging the credit of the kingdom in the sum of 140,000 marks in 
addition to which Ihc Pope demanded the tenth of ecclesiastical revenues 


and the income of all vacant benefices for five years. From ihiB date the 
grievances of all kinds, constitutional, political, religioua, and of all 
classes, the commonalty, the Barons, and the clergy, were blended Into 
one mass. The time for combined resistance had come. Only a leader 
waa wanted. There had been a time when the King's brother Richard 
seemed destined for that ofGco, but a foreign crown and a foieign wife 
dtole away his heart from the national cause. Kichard, king of the 
Romans, and husband of Sanchia of Provence, sister of the Queen, could 
not play the patriotin part which he might have played as Richard, Eari 
of Cornwall, and brother-in-law of the good Earl MnrshalL And so it 
came to pass that the champion of the patriots was found in one who, 
though an ahen by birth, was au Englishman by the inheritance of an 
EngUsL Earldom : — Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, a skilful soldier, 
an astute politician, an accomplished scholar, a loyal Churchman, but 
above all, an upright man, whom neither foreign birth, nor connexion 
with the King, whose sister he had married, could turn away from the 
cause of tnith, of justice and of freedom. For these great principles he 
fought at Lewes and died at Evesham. 

Salve S71D011 Montu fortu, 

TotiuB floe Tni'litim^ 

Duraa pceoas pasaus mortiB, 
ProtectOT gentis Anglue. 

(Hiracula Simoma dn Monteforti.] 

The first definite movement of resistance to the King, under the 
leadership of Simon, began in the Parliament of 1248 at Oxford. Tlie 
King was reduced to beggary, and piit himself into the hands of the 
Barons. A provisional government was formed. A committee of 24, 
chosen half by the royal council, half by the Barons, was appointed to 
reform grievances. A permanent council of 15 waa appointed to advise 
the King and to control the action of the great dignitaries — the Chancellor, 
Justiciar, and Treasurer — whose offices had been in abeyance, but were now 
revived. The council of 15 were to hold three annual Parliaments, in 
which they were to meet another body of 12 chosen by the Barons, while 
a second committee of 34 chosen by the whole Parliament was to deal 
with the financial difficultiea Such were the celebrated " Provisions of 
Oxford." Both sides swore to obey them. The King, however, began 
immediately to intrigue for the overthrow of the govetnmeut, and applied 
to Rome for a dispensation from his oatL Edward, his eldest son (after- 
warda IMward I.) tried to keep him faithful to hia ei^agement, but in 
February 1260, he formally repudiated hia oath, and in June he published 
a papal absolution from it. Nevertheless, in the course of the two 
following years he repeatedly swore to observe the Provisions of Oxford, 
and repeatedly broke bis pledge. A desultory kind of war was carried on 
during the greater part of the year 1262. Edward once nearly succeeded 
in overpowering the forces of Simon by a sudden attack upon their camp 
at Southwark. He waa aided by the treachery of four of the chief citizens 
of London, who got possession of the keys of the city gates, and shut 
them gainst the troops of the Earl which sought shelter within the walls. 
The Londoners, however, burst open the gates, let in the retreating army, 
and closed them in the face of theii pursuers. The lives of the four 
tnutore were apared'at the intercession of Earl Simon, but only to meet — 
ae we shall see — a strange and violent death upon the bill of Lewes, In 


December 1263, a fiDal effort to obtain a peaceable fiettlemeiit c^ the points 
at issue Traa made by referring them to the arbitration of Lewie IX. , Ein^ 
of France. Lewis waa a good and upright man, but he had a high con- 
ception of T^ial dignity, and charitably credited his royal brother of 
En^and with eome measure of that reapect which he himself entertained 
for truth and duty. In January 1264 Lewis decided on neatly all points 
in favour of the King. The ProTieions of Oxford were to be cancelled, 
but the liberties established were not to be tampered with. Simon de 
Montfort waa prevented from going to Amiens by an injury to his leg, 
caused by a fall from hia horse, as he aet out from Kenilworth ; but he 
rejected the award (or Mise) of Amiens, and it was formally rejected by 
the rest of the Barons' party at a conference held in Oxford in the 
following March. 

No other means of arbitrament now remained but war, and no time 
waa lost in leaortiiig to it. In April the King's forces, under the com- 
mand of his sou Edward, his brother Bicbard, King of the Romana, and his 
half-brother William of Valence, took Northampton. In this they were 
aided by the French prior of the Cinniac honse, which stood just inside 
the wall near the North Gate. The monks aecietly undermined the wall, 
concealing the opening by timber, and whilst the attention of the garrison 
was diverted by a deceitful parley, some of the loyal forces entered and 
overpowered their opponents, lliis prior's predecessor had lately been 
appointed prior of the house at Lewos, whert,'as we shaU presently see, 
the King lodged the night before the battle. 

Earl Simon had advanced from London as far as St. Alban's, when he 
heard of the capture of Northampton. Raging, it i^ aaid, like a lion 
robbed of ite whelps, he turned back, marched upon Rochester, and laid 
vigorous siege to the caatle there, which waa defended by the Earl of 
Warren, Meanwhile the Lord Edward took Leicester and Nottingham, 
and then turned southwanis in the direction of London. The Mayor of 
London, in great alarm, entreated Simon de Montfort to come to the 
defence of the city. TTie Earl abandoned the siege of Rochester, and 
planted his forces between Edward and London. Edward avoided a 
battle, swept down upon Rochester, cut the remnants of the besieging 
force to pieces, and then turning upon Tunbri<^ took the castle there, 
which belonged to the Earl of Gloucester. These rapid movements were 
executed in five days after quitting Nottingham. Ptsting a strong guard 
at Tunbridgo. the King and his son then retired towards the south coast. 
On their way they wrung a contribution of BOO marks out of the 
monastery at Robertsbridge (the only Cistercian house in Sussex), and 
committed great depredation on the property of the abbey of Battle, 
They halted for three days at Winchelsea, where the King vainly tried to 
persuade the Wardens of the Cinque Ports to send a naval force up the 
Thames to attack London, Then the army moved westwards along the 
coast through the friendly territory of WiUiam of Valence, who had 
succeeded Peter of Savoy in the possession of Hastings and Pevensey 
castlea, notwithstanding which the royal forces suffered great distress 
from scarcity of provisions. They arrived at Lewes on the 11th of May. 
The Kii^ was lodged in the priory : the Lord Edward took up hia 
quarters at the castle. The IltJi of May was the eve of St, Pancias, to 
whom the priory was dedicated. Henry was a strange guest to be 
received wiUiin his walls, for Sb Pancras was reckoned the ep«cial 


avengar of peijar^, and false gweams who dared to diaw nigli to Ma 
tomb at R(nne were Baid to go mad oi fall dead upoD tfae apot The per- 
&U011B Heuiy, howevei, spent two tranquil days and nights within th« 
priory : the Saint we must suppose reserved his vengeance for the hill of 

Meanwhile Simon de Montfort had held a conference in London with 
the Bishop of London, Richard of Sandwich ; the Bishop of Worcester, 
Walter of Gantilupe ; the Biahop of Chichester, Stephen of Burghsted ; 
and other leaders of the nation^ party, and it was resolved that peace 
and the observance of the Provisions of Oxford should be puiohased if 
possible by a grant of money, but that if the terms offered were rejected 
. lecouiee should be had to arms. The Barons then marched south from 
London, and pitched their camp near Fletching, a. vill^e about nine 
miles north of Lewes, in the heart of the weaLd, which they probably 
reached a few days before the King entered the priory in Lewee. On 
the 13th the Bishops of Loudon and Worcester proceeded to Lewes from 
the Barons' camp. They were charged with an offer of 50,000 marcs on 
condition that the Provisions of Oxford were re-affi.nued and executed, 
and they were also the bearers of a letter to the King in which the 
Barons declared that their motives in taking arms had been slandered by 
their enemies ; that they were loyal to the King, and wished all health 
and safety to his person, but were determined to resist with all their 
might those persons who were not only his enemies and theirs, but the 
enemies of the whole kingdom. The exact words of the letter may be 
read in the chronicle of Kishanger and others, but the substance of it 
is given with touching simplicity in the rhyme of Bobert of Gloucester, 
He tells us how the Barons besought the King — 

" That bs soMe for Ood's lore bim Iiet UDdentond, 

And grants diem t^ gods lavs, uid habbe pits of ia load. 

And bbe; him wolde wrre w«l to vote ind to hand." 

The offer, however, and the letter were received with the utmost 

scorn and contempt : the only reply wss a letter of haughty defiance from 

the King, and another in similar tone from the King of the Eomons and 

the Lord Edward. With these ungracious answers the Bishops returned 

to ilia camp at Fletching. In the the words of Robert of Gloucester — 

" The BaruQB ae couthe other red, tho hii burde this. 

Bote bidde Oodea grace, and baUila abide iwia." 

And Simon de Hontfort lost no time in getting ready to strike a blow. 

It was suggested by some of the Barons that an immediate march should 

be mode upon Lewes, to attack the royal army in the dead of night, but 

this was rejected by Simon as an ignoble and treacherous design. It was 

therefore determined to seize the heights above the town early on the 

following day and challenge the enemy to meet in fair fight upon the open 

down. The Earl's preparations were prompt and completa The devout 

son of the Church, the friend of Robert Grosseteste, he did not forget to 

exhort his followers to make confession of their sins and seek absolution 

on the eve of battle, while he himself spent an almost sleepless night, 

partly in prayer, partly in girding the sword of knighthood upon young 

soldiers who had not yet been admitted into that rtmk. The Bishop ai 

Worcester spent tho night in hearing confession and encouraging all who 

should fight manfuUy in the cause of justice to hope for remission of sins 

uid on entnace into the heavenly kingdom if they fell in battle. All 


the c^nubatanta also wera instiructed to fasten a 'white ctms upon theii 
back and breast^ not only as a help to distinguish each other in battle, 
but also as a token of the puiity and sanctity of the cause in which thej 
were engaged. 

On the morning of Wednesday, May the 14th, before the rising of the 
sun, the whole host was in motion. The; had camped in the woods 
which surrounded the village of Fletching, and through the dense forest 
shade they began their march southwards in the twilight of the early 
dawn. They followed most probably the course of the present road from 
Fletching to Lewes for about six miles, until they reached Cooksbridge, 
where the road is crossed by a little stieam, a small tributary of the rivei 
Ouse. By this time it must have been broad daylight, and the steep sides 
of the Downs must have been distinctly visiMe where the chain abruptly 
breaks off, and the high blufi projection, called Black Cap, tlirusts itself 
boldly forward, overlooking the weald and the valley of the Ouse. Just 
it this point in theii march, according to local tmdition, the forces halted 
and broke their fast, and rested for a brief space on the rising ground 
called Restnoak Hill before they began their toilsome ascent of the Dowus. 
Then, as now, there must have been two tracks by which it was possible 
to climb the hills from this point, either up the steep and rugged hollow 
which separates Black Cap from the lower eminence called Moui;t Harry, 
or up the brooder, longer, and more winding combe which sweeps round 
the south eastern side of Mount Harry, and divides it from the heavy 
shoulder of the hill which ove^ngs the chnrch of Ofiham. The main 
body of the army probably marched np this gentler ascent, but some of 
the lighter armed levies may have taken the shorter and steeper course, 
the two divisions unitii^ upon the broad down, a little below the lioight 
called Mount Harry, and not tar from the head of the combe. The 
surface of Mount Harry itself is neitiier wide nor level enough for the 
disposition of a large body of troope, while the broad smooth Blo{>e3 a littlo 
farther down would be well adapted for such a purpose. Anyhow it 
would have been more fitting if the height had been called Mount Simon, 
for King Heniy certainly did not get so far up the hill nor anywhere near 
it, the battle heing fought much lower down ; whereas it is very probable 
that £arl Simon may have surveyed the whole ground from this point 
and settled the lines of his advance upon the town. Here too he may 
have pitched his standard hard by which he placed a certain car, or 
wagon, or litter, concerning which the chioniclers have a great deal to 
say, although they do not very clearly explain what it was like. They 
inform us that it was very strongly made and lined with iron outside, 
that the Earl himself had ridden in it during the much from London, 
in order to lead the enemy to suppose that he was ill or still suffering 
from the effects of the fall from his horse, and it was placed conspicuously 
near the standard that they might imagine he was still inside it. But 
this was all a stratagem. 

The real occupanfa of the car were the four citizens of London who 
had so nearly delivered Simon and bis army into the hands of the enemy, 
when the attack was made upon his camp at Southwa^ Whether the 

^ Bobtit of Bnuu'i Obrani^ 

Digitized by Google 


car was dragged on whoela, or whether it waa dung, aa was aometimes 
done, on poles between two horses, the travellers inside must have been 
most uncommonly jolted in ascending the hill. 

Meanwhile, some foragers of the royalists had seen the barons' army 
approaching, and hurried back into Lewes to alarm the still slumbering 
host. The chronidera ' tell the most marrellons and incredible storiee of 
the wild reveliy and riot which had been going on at the priory the night 
before. Tales of this kind must be received with great reservation, for 
such abuses of the eve of battle have almost always been laid to the 
charge of the defeated aid& The like tales are told of the English before 
the battle of Senlac, and of the French before the battle of Agincourt. 
It is to be noted that they are confined, in this instance, to the king's 
troops at the priory. No imputations of disorderly conduct are cast 
upon the followers of Edward, who were lodged in the castle. But 
whatever may have been its condition, the whole host, both from priory 
and caatle, set forth without delay. From the low ground south of the 
town, in which the priory was situated, the king and his forces probably 
marched up towards the Downs by a load, now effaced by buildings, 
formerly c^ed Antioch Street, which lan due north of the priory ami 
joined the road from the castle to the hills just outside the weat gate. 
Here probably they were met by the Lord Edward and hia diviaion of 
troops, and settled the order in which the Barons' army should be 
confronted. ■ 

Meanwhile Earl Simon had made the final disposition of his forces and 
was steadily advancing tbwania the town. From the plateau of the 
eminence, called Mount Harry, a broad backed ridge slopes gradually 
eastward towaida Lewes, a hollow dividing it from another parallel ridge 
on the right, while on the left a winding combe aweepa down to Oflhani. 
Below the head of this combe the down widens on the left and forma yet 
another ridge, with steep, and in some places almost precipitous sides, 
overhanging the valley of the Ouse. This ridge ends nearly opposite the 
caatle from which it is separated by a deep ravine, while the other, the 
central one of the three, descenda straight to St. Ann's church (formerly 
called St. Mary Westout), at the north western extremity of the town, 
and continues along the line of the High Street right through the town 
down to the Ouse, which, in the thirteenth century, as now, was here 
crossed by a bridge. It was upon these two broad ridgea, and partly also 
in the depreesions between them, tJiat the battle was fought Earl Simon 
made four divisions of his forces. On the left he placed the Londoners 
under the command of Nicholas de Segrave, Hervey de Borham and 
Henry of Hastings, The centre and right diviaions contained the flower 
of the army. The former was led by the young Earl of Gloucester (on 
whom Simon had conferred the sword of knighthood the evening before), 
nsaiated by Baron Fitz John and William of Moncheany, whose tried 
ability as veteran soldiers mi^t balance the inexperience of the youthful 
EarL The right wing was commanded by Henry the eldest, and Guy the 
third son of Simon de Montfort, supported by Humphrey de Bohnn the 
younger, and John de Buigh, son of Hubert de Burgh the late justiciar. 
Simon himself took up his station with a reserve force on high ground, 
in the rear, whence he could easily bring support to any point where it 
might be needed. 

' More enpeuiaU; the dmmcler of Laaercaet Sae kLso Pdit. Smgt, Ed. Wlf^fa|^' 


Supposing these arrangenionts to have l)et;n made on the Hlopc.« im- 
mediately below what is called Mount Harry, the whole anny luuat have 
descended the central ridge until it had pnescd the head of the combe, 
when the left wing, consisting of the Londoners, atruck off further to the 
left and advanced down the northern or outer ridge which overhangs the 
valley of the Ouae. It is expressly stated that the men of London, 
although full of zeal and eagerness for the fight, were raw and ill armed 
levies, and the event prov»l that their separation from the main body 
was a wise arrangement, as it drew off the attention of one of the best 
flanks of the Royal army, and enabled Simon to concentrate all the flower 
of his army in an attack upon the other two divisions. The royal right 
which was opposed to the Londoners was led by the Lord Jjiward, the 
Earl of Warren and William of Valence, the centre was led by the King 
in person, and the left by his brother, Richard, King of the Romans. 
The King and his brother were supported by Humphrey de Bohun, father 
of the Humphrey who fought in the ranks of Simon's army, by William 
Bardolph, a connexion of the Warrens, by Henry of Perey, son-in-law 
of Earl Warren and Lord of Petworth, Philip Basset, and some others, 
connected for the most part with the "Kin g or the Earl of Warren by 
marriage, or with Sussex by territorial interest. Amongst them, however, 
appear three northern Barons specially summoned to the aid of the King, 
whose names may sound strange to many in connexion with South Saxon 
soil — Robert Bruce, Lord of Annandale, John Comyn of Badenagh, and 
John Balliol of Galloway. 

In the course of their descent the Barons' army reached a point at 
whidi the bell tower of the priory became visible.' When Simon de 
Montfort beheld it he alighted from his horse and made an address to the 
host, " Behold comrades and followers," he said, " we are about to fight 
this day for the better government of the kingdom, for the honour of 
God, and of the blessed Virgin, and of all the Saints, for our holy mother 
the Church, and for the due observance of our faith. Let us pray to the 
King of all that if our undertaking pleases Him, He will grant iis strength 
and aid to overpower the malice of all enemies. H we be His, to Him 
we commend body and soul." Having heard these words the warriors 
prostrated themselves on the turf, and stretching out their arms so as to 
form the sign of the cross — " Grant us Lord," they cried, " our desire 
and give us a nughty victory to the honour of Thy name." After this 
aotemn invocation of the divine blessing, the host continued to advance 
down the hill, and aooh the opposing forces looked one another in the 
face. The royal banner of the dragon marked the position of the King, 
For it was indeed a brilliant and conspicuous objects The King's gold- 
smith, Edward Fitz Odo, had been instructed to make it (in the year 
1244) "of red samit«, embroidered with gold, and his tongue to appear 
as though continually moving, and his eyes of sapphire or other stones 

' Tbin "bell tower, aooording to some Timble from the Down. By msatis of 

rough mMBuremenU nude by Portinui careful oitaTiiijanB, oimbiiied with the 

the comminioneT for tlie damolition of atudy of documentary STidence, Hr. W. 

the priory, in IfiSS, waa 105 feet high ; H. St. John Hope has brought to light 

teenungly to the vault. The total heiKht, nearly the whole coiwtniction of the priory 

therefore, murt have been eonodarmbly bnildingB. Ho holds that there were only 

mors. In tbii imcertainty it ia not two towen to the church, a centnJ one 

posaible to detennine the preciae spot at which waa the bell tower, and another 

frtuch the tower would hftve t«come at the we«t end. ., . 

•mi BArrLE of lewbI - - 1^7 

agreeaW to him." It had been unfurled only twice before, and the 
chioniclers all afBim that it was regarded as a sign of the King's resolution 
to grout no quarter. 

And then with a terrible clang of trumpets (terribili clangore tubarum) 
the confiict began. Edward, with the Earl of Warren, William of 
Tolence and their following, charged furiously up the northern slope 
against the men of Loudon, the left wing of the Barons' army, thirsting, 
'it is said, to avenge the insults which the Londononi had once heaped 
upon his mother when she was going up the Tliames from the Tower to 
Westminster. The London levies, being for the most port unmounted, 
lightly armed and httle experienced, although tlicy had in their zeal for 
the cause desired to occupy a foremost pkco, were utterly unable to resist 
the onset of n body of heavy armed mounted knights, wielding Itincea, 
maces or battle axes. They turned and fled in wild confusion, rushing 
down the steep sides of the ridge into the combe, or into tlie voUoy of 
the Quae, where many perished in attempting to cross tJic river. Edward 
pressed on in hot pursuit for several miles, making great slaughter of the 
fugitives. Eatl Simon made no attempt to check him, being, doubtless, 
well content to see one powerful wing of the enemy drawn so far away 
from the main body. It was the same fatal error which had been made 
by the right wing of Harold's army at the battle of Senlac, the same 
which was repeated by the right wing of Charles the First's army, under 
the impetuous Prince Rupert, at the battle of Edge HilL Meanwhile Eari 
Simon vigorously pressed forward the centre and right of his army against 
the Royal centre and left, adding the impulse of his own reserve. 
The chroniclers supply but few details of this part of the battle. We are 
only told that after a long and severe struggle, Simon's right wing 
succeeded, chiefly by the aid of their slingers and darters, in breaking the 
muks of the Boyolists on the left, and. at last forcing them to fly. The 
centre held out a little longer ; the King himself fought bravely ; bis 
choicest war horse was kUled under him, but he mounted another, and it 
was not until that too hod been cut down, not until he himself had 
received several wounds from swords and maces, and bis ranks were 
thoroughly broken, that he and his immediate following sought safety in 
retreat They seem to have succeeded in reaching the priory without 
further injury or hindrance. The King's brother, Richard, did not faro 
so well Being hard pressed by the enemy he fled for refuge into a 
windmill and made the door as fast as he could, hoping to make his 
escape quietly when the flood of pursuers and pursued ^ould have passed 
by. But his manccuvre did not elude detection ; and he was in fact 
caught in a trap. Some of the enemy stood jesting and jeering round the 
mill — " Come down, come down thou wretched miller," they cried, " come 
out thou luckless master of the mill, and so thou must turn miller in thy 
ill fortune, who didst lately defy us poor Barons, and wouldst be called 
by no meaner name than King of the Romans and always Augustns." 
Poor Richard, after having Ijccn well bantered, was forced to come out of 
his ignominious hiding place and surrendered himself (according to one 
account) with his son Edmund, and Gilbert de Clare the young Earl of 
Oloucoeter. Kidmrd was an unpopular man owing to his desertion of 

Idg ttiH BAttLE OF tJBWES. 

tlie national party, and the patriotic chroniclers moke very merry, with a 
kind of childlike glee, over his humiliating capture in the windmill. 
" The King at Almugna neiide to do foil ireU ; 
He Baiaede the mulne for a caitel, 
With hare ibtupe iwerdei he ground the ttol, 
He wende Hut the aaylea 7sra manganel' 

To helpe Windesore, 
Richsid tho tboii be ever trichird* 
Trichen eholt thou never more." 

Tho site of Richard's windmill may be fixed with tolerable certainty. 
The chronicler of Lewes priory, in his brief account of thu king's defeat,, 
says, "Now all these things were done 'ad molendinum suelligi.'" 
According to Spelnian sueUigne, suellingus, or suellinga signifies hida 
Ho the passage may be rendered, " Now eJl these things took place at the 
mill of the hide." The question then is where was the hide. Now a 
plot of thirty-two acres, jnst west of St. Ann's, used to be known by the 
name of "the bide ;" and in a surrey of the year 1618 there ia a wind- 
mill marked in this plot, aa nearly as possible where the Black Horse Tnn 
now stands, which is in the exact liiie which would most naturally be 
taken by the retreating Koyalists. 

Whilst the King of the Romans was blockaded in his windmill, an 
equally curious, and but for its tragical conclusion, an equally ludicrous 
incident took place at the other end of the battle field. We left the 
Lord Edward and his following in hot pursuit of the Londoners, Miss 
Strickland, drawing upon a lively imagination, informs us that he chased 
them as far as Croydon. To Croydon and back to Lewes would have 
been a ride of eighty miles, an exploit which could be accomplished only 
by the heroes of romance. Tlie chroniclers have more regard for sober 
truth ; some of them only say that Edward puisued the Londoners a 
considerable distance, others two or three miles, others four ; and wht'ii 
the rout was complete, and the victorious party were returning over tliu 
hill, they descried the car npon Mount Harry, surrounded by baggage, 
with the standard of Earl Simon pitched beside it, and defended hy a 
small guard. They fell upon the guard and cut them to pieces, and then 
deeming the Earl to be inside the car, they jceringly shouted to him, as 
the barons had shouted to the King of the Ramans, " Come forth, come 
forth, thon devil Simon ! Come out of the car, thou vilest of traitors." 
The poor caged-up prisoners cried out that no £ad Simon was there, 
but only some innocent citizens of London devoted to the royal causa 
Their story, however, was either not heard or not believed ; the car was 
hacked to pieces— some of the chroniclers say burned — and the occupants 
perished either by sword or fire. 

Edward and his party then proceeded down the hill, hoping to receive 
a triumphant welcome from their friends. 

"With giete joy he tamed igen and Inte' joy be found."— Ko6«rt qftllo¥C. 
Ab he approached the town he found the slopes deserted by the combat- 
ants, but strewn with dead and dying. It was clear that his fathers' 
army had been driven back into Lewes ; but the banner of Earl ^\'arreu, 
still floating over one of the castle towers, showed that that iiughty 
stronghold had not been captured. Some of the Baron's forces came out 



and attacked Edward's troops. Both men and horses were exhausted 

with their long ride, and ill able to make a stand Edward did his best to 
cheer them op, but a large number, including the Earl of Warren, William 
of Valence, Guy of Lusignan, Hugh Bigot, and many hundreds of their 
followers haaely deserted him. They probably fled into the low ground 
eastward of the town and castle, under the church of St. John sub Castro, 
and so worked their way round to the bridge. Here there was a terrific 
crush of fugitives and pursuers mingled together, pouring down the line 
of the High Street. Many leaped or fell into the river and were drowned; 
others were suffocated in the quagmires of the marshes, then undrained, 
through which the Ouae wound ite way to the sea. The Earl of Warren, 
however, and the other principal deserters from Edward's party got safely 
across and made their way to Fevensey, whence they embuked for 
f^ce, and carried the tidings of the king's overthrow to the queen, who 
was sojourning at the French Court. 

" ^ay who flght and run awm; 

Hay lire to flght another day." 

And the escape of such powerful adversaries caused great vexation to 

Earl Simon and the patriotic party, which is quaintly expressed in tha 

old ballad :- 

"By Qod UiRt is aboren ua, he dade muche iynne 
That lette uaaen over see the Eil of Warynne ; 
He hath robbed Engjonde, the morei ant the fetme. 
The galdt ant Uie selver, ant ; boren henne-' 
For lore of Wyndeaon. 
" Sir Simond de Mouatfort hath swore by ye chin 
Havede he nou hare the £rl of Waiyii, 
Bhulde he never more come to hia yn ' 
Ve with aheld, ne with spare, ne mth other gyn 
To help of Vfjudeaon. 
" Sir Simond de Mouatfort hath swore by yg oop * 
Havede he nou liere Sirs Hue le Bigot 
Al he shulde quite * here a twalf-monHtl) icot* 
Shulde he never more his fot pot ' 
To help WyndeaoTB." 

How Edward himself escaped being taken we are not informed. The 
chroniclers say that be went round the town until he reached the castle, 
which must mean that he skirted the ravine which separates the east 
slope of the downs from the castle, until he reached the western slope, 
along which the main body of the royal army hod retreated, and so 
entered the town by the west gate and made hie way to the casUe. N^ot 
finding his father there the chroniclers say that he went to the priory. 
Bobert of Gloucester, however, and one other writer tell us that he went 
first to the house of the Franciscans. Now this house stood close to Uie 
bridge at the bottom of High Street, on the site of the present tovm 
library, and it is very possible that Edward, on coming into the main 
street from the castle, itob swept along in tJie torrent of fugitives which 
was pouring down to the bridge, and may then have sought shelter for a 
while in the Franciscan bouse. Thence he may have got round by back 
ways outaide the town walls to the priory, which lay in the low meadows 
south west of the bridga Anyhow he did reach the priory at last ia 

> Caitiad them oK ■ Boum; ■ Bead. 

• Itadr-^Qolo 


And now the bug Enunmer's day vas draviiig to a doee. IHie tomi 

VBB a scene of wild confoaion ; riderleee lioises wandered through the 
Btreeba in which the dead and dying lay in heaps ; eame deanltoiy fighting 
still went on, but as the shades of evening fell, the combatants could 
scarcely distinguish friend from foe. The BaionB madu an assault upon 
the caetle to try and rescue some prisoners who had been taken there^ 
but they were repulsed by the gBrrison who increased the general horror 
of the scene by shooting missiles dipped in Greek £re, which set sereral 
of the houses in a blaze, shedding a lurid glare upon the whole town. 
Foiled in this attempt the Barons collected their forces round the priory, 
which was only defended by a bounda^ walL Edward, however, was 
mustering some of his men for a sally, when Earl Simon proposed a truce 
preparatory to negociation on the morrow. And so the long day of strife 
and carnage came to an end, and the exhausted combatants took their rest 

The numbers of the forces engaged on botli sides, and of the slain, are 
BO TBiy TBriousIy stated by different chroniclers, that it is really impossible 
to form anything like a positive conclusion on the subject The only 
point on which Uiere does seem to be agreement, is that the Ring's army 
was larger than that of the Barons'. 

It does not fall within the scope of this paper to enlarge at any length 
upon the results of this mcmoraHe battle. It must suffice to say that by 
the Capitulation or Mise of Lewes, as it was called, a new body of 
arbitmhirs was chosen, and the provisions of Oxford wero confirmed. 
The arbitrators sworo to choose only English counsellors ; the King was 
bound to act by the advice of his counsellors in administering justice and 
in choosing his ministers ; to observe the charters, and to live at moderate 
expense. The Lord Edward was given as a hostage for the King, and his 
cousin Henry aa a hostage for his father the King of the Komans. Peace 
was declaimed on May 25, and proclaimed at London on June 11. Writs 
were issued directing the election of four knights for each shire, to meet 
the King in Parliament on the 22nd of the same month. This Parliament 
drew up the new constitution which was to be in force throughout the 
remainder of the reign. The King was to bo guided by a permanent 
council of nine, whiui was to be nominated by three electors who wera 
to be chosen by the Barons. The three electors were Earl Simon himself, 
the Earl of Gloucester, and Stephen of Buighsted the Bishop of 
Chichester. In the following December the Parliament was summoned, 
which marks one of the most important stages in the progress of popular 
rapreseutation ; for to it were called not only two knights from each shire, 
but two citizens from each city, and two burgesses from each borough. 

The battle of Lewes was the greatest pitched battle which bad been 
fought in this country since that mighty conflict, the scene of which we 
hope to visit in the course of this week. And in the victory won by the 
patriots under Simon de Montfort on the hill of Lewea, we may see the 
cancelling and reversal of the defeat suffered by the patriots under King 
Harold upon the hill of Senlac. There Englishmen fought under a 
noble hearted King for the defence of their fatherland against a foreign 
invader. Two centuries have passed away, and on the hill of Lewes we 
see the descendants of the men who met as foes at Senlac, fighting side 
by side as one people to deliver their common country from the rule of a 
King whose heart was given to strangers, who sacrificed to bis lor* <tf 

t, Google 


aliens the beet interests of Mb eutg^^ lux^ bestowed upon aliens the 
highest honours in his kingdom. 

We see also in the battle of Lewes one of the most dedsive blovra ever 
struck in this country on behalf of those principles of wise, just and 
righteous government which ever have been, and we trust ever will be, 
dear to the hearts of Englishmen ; principles embodied in the charten 
and laws which thej won after long and painful struggles, principles fc« 
which they strove when they toee in rebellion against the misrule of 
Charies I, and of James II — ike principle that the people have a right to 
be consulted on all matters which vitally touch their interests — the 
principle that the supreme authority and sanctity of law and truth must 
be upheld against a sovereign who defies the law and violates his plighted 

These principles were set forth in a clear and loft; atrain of eloquence 
in a Latin poem, written by a nameless author soon after the battle of 
Lewee, for the puipoae of descTibing and justifying the ends for which it 
was f oi^ht 

^e poem is a long one of nearly one thousand lines in Satumian 
measura A few may be translated here as representing the main 
aiguments and ruling spirit of the whole composition. " 'Hie Baions," 
it is said, "have no designs against the royal honour. Nay, on the 
contrary they seek to reform and magnify the royal state ; just as if the 
realm were rav^;ed by enemies. The kaI foes of the King are the 
counsellors who flatter him, who seduce him with deceitful words, and 
lead him into error by their double tongues ... If such by their 
arte upset the kingdom, supplanting justice by ii^justice, if they trample 
the native under foot and sanunon strangers to their aid, do they not 
devastate the kingdom t And if the king not perceiving their craft 
approve such measures destructive of his kingdom, or if he do mischief 
out of his own evil will, setting his own auttiority above the laws, and 
abusing his power to please himself ; if in any of these ways the kingdom 
be injured, then it is the duty of the great men of the kingdom to purge 
the laud of all these evils." 

"T^t him who reads know that he cannot reign who does not keep the 
law, nor ot^ht they to whom the choice belongs to elect such au one for 
theb king." 

" If the prince loves ho ought to be loved in return, if he rules 
righteously he ought to be honoured, if he goes astray he ought to be 
called back by thoae whom he has oppressed, if he will be corrected he 
ought by them to be uplifted and supported." 

" As a king depending on his own judgment may readily err it is very 
fitting that the Commons of the realm should be consulted to whom the 
laws and customs are best known, and who can best espress public 

" We say that law rules the dignity of the king : for we believe that 
the law is light without which he who rules will wander from the right 

!nie two noble hues which lay down the fundamental principle of 
constitntional government must not be spoiled by translation. 

" Igitor commuiiitM regni ooiuulatur. 

Such then were tiie principles for which the patriots jeoparded their 



livos unto the death upon the high places of the battle field of Lewea. 
And not in vain ; for ^ough the victory at Lewp^ waa followed by the 
overthrow at Evesham and the death of the great leader, Simon de Mont- 
fort ; yet the cause for which he and his follow patriots fought waa not 
lost. Edward himself, the conqueror at Evesham, learned to rule in 
conformity with the principles for which Earl Simon bled and died, for 
upholding which he was honoured ae a hero in his lifetime, and after his 
death, in spite of the ban of Rome, was revered as a martyr and a saint 
E^waid's defeat at Lewes was one of the chaetiBements in that school of 
adversity wherein he learned the lesson which Jiia father was never able 
to learn — that the King's throne must be established in righteousness, by 
doing strict justice to all men, by giving to every clasa some voice in the 
great councO of the nation, above all by scrupulous fidelity to his 
engagements, according to the motto inscribed on Edward's own tomb in 
Westminster Abbey — " Factum serva." " Keep your word." 

[I have not encumbered tbe preceding pages with references to my 
authorities for every statement The principal original authorities for all 
that relates to the battle of Lewes, on which I have mainly depended are : 
(1) The chronicle of William Riahanger. (2) Another chronicle by the 
same author, de bellis Lewes et Evesham. (3) Chronicle of Walter 
Hemingford. (4) Chronicle of Thomas Wyke. (5) Robert of Gloucester, 
(6) Chronicle of Lanereost (7) Chronicle of Mailroe. (8) Political 
Songs, edited by Mr. Wright for the Camden Society. (9) "The Barons' 
War." by the lato Mr. Blaauw, is a standard work upon the subject which 
it would he superfluous for me to praise. A new edition of it has recently 
been issued. A German life of Simon de Montfort, by Reinhold Pauli, ia 
worth reading.] 

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At the annual meeting of the Institute appointed to be 
held at Newcastle-on-Tyne in July of the present year the 
members will visit the eastern portion of the Eoman wall, 
the barrier constructed by Hadrian as a defence i^ainst 
the tribes of Caledonia who had not been subdued into 
the condition of safe neighbours to the conquerors of the 
south. Those of our members who were present at the 
Carlisle Meetmg in 1882, will remember the western 
portion of that waD and the camps of Chesters, House- 
ateads, and Birdoswald. This line of defence existing in 
our own country is well illustrated by an analogous 
work in Southern Germany, constructed also by the 
Romans against the unsubdued northern tribes the Catti, 
and known to German antiquaries as the Pfahlgraben, 
one of the most striking points of which is the Saal- 
burg camp. That work is not unknown to the Institute, 
but as many years have passed since it was brought 
specially to our notice, I have thought that the present 
time is opportune for reviving the information we, 
as an Institute, possess, and for drawing the attention 
of our newer members to what was published concern- 
ing it some thirty-two years ago ; as well as to point out 
where the most recent information may be found and 

In the first of the two volumes pubUshed by the 
Institute in 1852 recording the Proceedings of the New- 
castle Meeting held in that yeju*, there is an elaborate 
paper by the late Mr. James Yates, on the " Limes 

> RMd *t Uie MontUy MaatiDg (d ths InctilaU, Uarch 6, iaS4. 



Rkceticus and the Limea Tranarhmanus of the £oman 
Empire." He gives a particular account of his visit to 
that locality where the Ffahlgraben barrier appears in 
remarkable prominence, a few miles from the now fashion- 
able watering place of Homburg in Hesse. Since the 
period of his visit the Local Society, the Taunus Club, 
has devoted much care to the exploration and preserva- 
tion of the Boman remains in that district, and especially 
to the neighbouring camp, the Saalburg ; interesting 
particulars have been publ^hed at Homburg, in English, 
with a preface by Mr. Thomas Hodgkin of Newcastle. 

By far the most important essay on the whole subject 
is also by Mr. Hodgkin, it is published in the " Archseologia 
jEUana" of the Society of Aiitiquaries of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, vol. ix, pp. 73-161, for the year 1882.' In the 
summer of the past year (1883) I made several visits to 
the locality, it is within a pleasant day's ramble from 
Homburg. I propose, with these three pubUcations 
before me, and using my own observation, to offer some 
remarks on this German-Roman barrier viewed in relation 
to the English-Boman barrier in Northumberland, both 
having been constructed for a similar, if not for the same 
purpose. The latter work is literally a wall built with 
stone, it is too carefully described by Dr. J. Collingwood 
Bruce in his great work, to need any detailed account 
here, we will, therefore, pass on to notice the former. 

The Pfahlgraben was an earthwork without any stone 
masonry or work in the nature of a wall in its construc- 
tion, it was strengthened at intervals by watch and signal- 
towers, and at certain places by forts and fortified camps 
which were buift with stone, and in this respect they 
resembled the Soman wall across England. It extended 
from the river Danube, at a point about sixteen miles 
above Eatisbon, to the Bhine some distance below 
Coblentz ; it followed a very irregular course between 
these two points, the straight line would be about 220 
miles, the actual length 300 miles or more, passing 
through the territories of Bavaria, WUrtemburg, Baden, 
Hesse - Cassel, Darmstadt, and Nassau. It was the 
"Limea" the boundary line and barrier between the 
Boman possessions on the south and the unconquered 

> In tlM Viitus ot th« Bojil Aroluiidogied Imtitate -. , 


tribes ou the north and east who were for the most 
.part included under the name of the Catti or Chatti. 
As is the case with the wall of Hadrian, so this 
German barrier was adapted to the rough features 
of the country, requiring many deviations from the 
straight course, passing up and down the steepest 
declivities which aided the defensive works, it tra- 
versed uninhabited lands and mountains covered with 
forests, avoiding low-lying lands and rivers, and other 
local features likely to cause destruction. It appears 
from ancient authorities that at many placeti a palisade, or 
stockade, or hedge, was added to the earthwork, either 
set upon it or constructed in front in a parallel direction. 
In the word PfalJgraben may be recognised its derivation, 
the Latin word palus, the English pale or pole may be 
traced in the German Ffahl, and that syllable, and graben 
a ditch may be traced in many local names' in Germany ; 
this additional defence, fence, or hedge was constructed 
on the side towards the hostile tribes; again, when the 
natural features of the country were strong, there were 
intervals without either rampart or hedge. 

The sculptures on the Column of Trajan at Kome show 
the soldiers engaged in the construction of stockade and 
palisade defences : and the words of old Eoman authors 
plainly describe them. The frontier defences of the 
Nervii are thus described by Oeesar (de bello GtaUico) 
Book n, cap. 8. " The inhabitants [i.e., of the present 
Hainault] prevented their neighbours from making inroads 
into their country, by a fortification of young trees which 
they spht in the middle, and bending down the boughs on 
either side, filled up the vacancies so close with thorns 
that it served them instead of a wall, which could neither 
be passed or seen through ; whilst therefore the progress 
of our army was stopped by this bulwark," &c., &c. (tbe 
narrative proceeds to teU of the consequences of the 
obstruction), we do not know that the Komaus added a 
hedge to their wall across England, but it is supposed to 
have been a frequent feature of the Pfahlgraben when 
traversing the forest country. I shall have to refer again 
to this hedge. 

The Taunus mountains rise conspicuously in the rear of 

' Bm ^ 103 of Hr. Yktca'a ftgi tm Ow Nnnulla ««1hm befm qoiAA 


flomburg, a fine road leads up to the lowest part, or pass 
into the country beyond, anciently occupied by the hostile 
Catti; the point is about 1,300 feet above die aea, the 
country to the south being fairly level from Hombui^ to 
Frankfort on the river Maine and from thence to the 
Ehine. At this pass over the mountwi ridge, we find the 
remains of what was the most important fortified camp 
along the whole barrier, the local name whereof is the 
Saalburg ; and at about 600 yards distance in the thick 
forest to the north runs a portion of the Pfahlgrabeu, the 
two, although near, are not combined with each other. 
The latter may be followed to the right or left for a long 
distance without difficulty, it is about six feet high from 
the bottom of the ditch, and is probably much worn down 
by the growth of trees, rain, and other obliterating 
agencies, it is clearly only an earthwork. The camp itself 
was indeed the Koman fortress and it evidently occupies 
an important military position. It is pretty well identified 
with the ancient Axtaunum' (Aprawvov) of Ptolemy. It 
was originally built by Drusus in II b.c., and having been 
destroyed by the Germans it was rebuilt and strengthened 
by Germanicus the son of Drusus. It has its repre- 
sentatives in the Northumbrian camps, in its leading 
features of stone walla, rectilinear plan with the four 
angles rounded off, and in its proximity to the barrier. 
History tells but little of the events which took place at 
the Saalburg. The remains now to be seen ^ord evidence 
of a long occupation by the Eomans, not enjoyed, how- 
ever without fighting in its defence, and its loss and 
recapture more than once repeated. On the fall of the 
Boman power towards the end of the diird century, it 
was devastated by fire and finally destroyed as a fortress. 
It remained for nearly fourteen centuries as a ruin, being 
freely used as a quarry for buUding stone, especially 
for churches, and the rebuilding of the Castle of Homburg 
after its destruction by the Swedes in the seventeenth 
century. It became overgrown by the natural forest 
which concealed it from notice and only diggers after 
hidden treasures, tramps and robbers found here on the 
cross roads so near the boundary lines between Homburg 



and Nassau, a very convenient resort which permitted a 
speedy chwige of residence from one principality to 
another. During the past forty years cpnsiderable sums 
of money were expended in clearing out this camp, 
supplied chiefly by the " administration " of the gambling 
estabUshment (now abolished), and later by the Emperor 
of Germany, and by tiie Taunus Club who conduct the 
explorations; and the repairs which followed, notwith- 
standing all that might be said in condemnation of such 
work, were really much needed to assist a dae appre- 
ciation of the features of this ancient fortress. 

The wall of the camp is about six feet high on a raised 
earth rampart, a double ditch being on the outside in 
front, the principal one and the widest, opening to the 
south, the country possessed by the Eomans ; each gate- 
way was furnished with square towers, the lower parts of 
which are in good preservation; the area of the camp is 
covered with the foundations of buildings such as the 
prsetorium, dwellings, store houses, &c., and one deep 
well is still perfect and supplies good water. There are 
the ruins of another well at the northern end of the 
camp, and baths with a heating furnace in the north- 
eastern part, and a drain therefrom at the angle. Outside 
the camp on the south stood a villa in which the Emperor 
Caracalla is supposed to have sojourned, a hypocaust, and 
many other buildings for the residence of a semi-military 
population attached to the camp; there was a hue of 
public-houses or taverns, the cellars of which can now be 
seen ranged at the side of the road leading southward 
from the camp ; a few minutes walk in the same direction 
leads to the Eoman cemetery now much hidden by forest 
trees. Excavations on the spot prove that cremation 
was practised, the ashes were deposited in small pits or 
cists in the ground about two feet in depth. A house of 
tombs, a " columbarium" has been built there, raised on 
the old foundations of one that was the work of the 
Romans, imitating in all respects the features of sepulchral 
structures still surviving in Italy ; even the roof tiles are 
stamped after the manner of the Eoman tiles, the inscrip- 
tions on them, however, are not likely to mislead, the 
name and stamp of the modem potter will always attest 
the genuine recent manufacture. Altogether the remains 


of a Boman settlement ontside the camp towards the 
south on the declivity of the hill are very extensive, and 
the relics discovered show that the Koman occupation 
may have lasted for nearly 300 years. The latest coin 
found there is one of Claudius Gothicus, a.d. 268-270. 

The dimensions of the camp are 300 pacfea from north 
to south and 200 from east to west ; the superficial area is 
about seven English acres, rather smaller than the 
principal Northumbrian camps. The garrison on a war 
footing is calculated to have been about 1100 men. 
There is one spot within the camp on the north side of 
the prsetorium, oval in shape and depressed all around, 
where the soldiers are supposed to have had their games, 
under the inspection of the commandant if desirous 
of overlooking them without the trouble of leaving 
his own verandah, while in front of the pirsBtorium the 
military exercises were performed. The large space 
devoted to the commandant's residence is very striking 
and leads to the conclusion that all other parts of the 
camp must have been very inconveniently crowded. 
The rampart and wall have been repaired, and the 
foundation spaces of the gateway towers and other 
buildings have been cleared of growing trees and 
accumulated rubbish caused by mediteval destruction. 
The top of the existing stone rampart, and of the low 
foundation walls rising two or three feet from the 
surface, have been carefiilly covered with sods of turf for 
the sake of protection ; this arrangement materially helps 
inspection of the details; here and there the rampart 
and ditch have been restored so as to illustrate Eoman 
defensive works as described by the ancient writers. The 
ruined buildings outside the camp called the " house of 
Caracalla" have been similarly treated ; I observed, how- 
ever, that while judicious clearances of rubbish were 
being made, some repairs were being effected by raising 
the masonry of the walls as much as eight to ten feet 
above the remans of the original work left by the 
mediasval destroyers ; the modem workmen were using 
new mortar and the old stones, some of the latter being 
laid strangely out of place ; for instance, some stones 
exhibiting a calcined surface from their having formed the 
lining of the hypocaust furnace, were being built in where 


no such fire could ever have reached them ; some years 
hence it will be difficult to distinj^iiish between original 
work and the new walling; such restoration is injudicious, 
to say the least. Tlie cellars already mentioned bear the 
appearance of having recently suffered similar treatment ; 
of course the general effect makes a better impression on 
the casual observer who devotes only a quarter of an hour 
to the inspection of the whole camp under the directions 
of an " intelligent" guide. Many hours with a good guide 
book in hand may be profitably and agreeably spent in the 
locality, and if repeated more than once so much the 
better for the careful observer. Tlie camp presents such 
an appearance of neatness and uniformity as to create an 
impression that too much has been done for it, a condition 
never to be observed in the Northumbrian Eoman camps, 
I have already alluded to the hedge barrier which the 
Komans adopted after experiencing its effect in Hainault ; 
the restorers of the Saalburg have with great judgment 
planted one on the ground south of the camp, in dimen- 
sions (I speak without having exactly measured it) about 
fifty paces long and ten wide and ten or fifteen feet high ; 
the trees are bent, and tangled together in all directions, 
impervious to man or horse, and when the foliage is on it 
is almost a complete screen against observation. I have 
confined my remarks to the principal defensive structure ; 
there are many works of minor importance within a 
moderate distance, such as round earthworks and remains 
of towers ol Eoman construction, all more or less hidden 
by the forest trees and brushwood. I must say a few 
words about the museum at Homburg ; a large room at 
the "Kurhaus" contains a collection of objects of Koman 
origin found in and about the town and at the Saalburg ; 
every thing is exceedingly well arranged and carefully 
protected by glass cases, and in that respect it is equal to 
any museum of similar objects with which I am acquainted. 
Among the curiosities are some tiles bearing impressions of 
the feet of ancient inhabitants of the country, made while 
clay was yet soft, the pig, deer, fox, badger, dog, and the 
Boman soldier have left their marks ; but these are mere 
trifles among the extensive collection of pottery, metal 
objects, coins, personal ornaments, glass, locks and keys, 


wiue-jars, stove-pipes, I cannot now write a full catalogue 
from memory. 

I must make one more remark on Mr. Hodgkin's 
paper in the Arckaeologia ^liana, it brings together 
all the authentic information about the Pfahlgraben 
throughout its course, in a complete and exhaustive 
manner. It is abundantly illustrated by maps, plans, 
and woodcuts of the scenery; it is the best and only 
guide in English, for both the antiquary and the 
tourist who may desire to undertake an independent 
exploration of the entire barrier ; and I hope that we 
may hear more on the same subject when we meet again 
at Newcastle. 

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$raceetimgs at Meetings oC ^e Eogal Srdiaological 

The Earl Pbbot, President^ in tlie Chair. 

Mr. Jakeb Hilton, F.S.A., read a paper on the " Pfahlgraben and 
Saalhui^ Camp in Germany in relation to the Roman Wall and Camp in 
Iforthnmberland." The writer'a purpose was to revive the subject and 
direct attention to the present state of information in English print on the 
barriers coQHtmcted by the Romans between the Danube and the Rltina 
as a defence against the unconquered tribes to the north, the Catti, and 
eapecioliy to that part in the neighbourhood of Hombui^ and the fortified 
camp called the Saalburg. He pointed out the leading features of 
resemblance to the Roman wall across Northumberland, and noticed 
the points in which the two works differed. Passing on to describe from 
his own observations the present state of, and the care which is taken 
to preserve the Saalburg camp, the most important fortress along the 
whole couTse of the Pfahlgraben rampart, he concluded by saying that the 
most complete and authoritative description of this important defence 
may be seen in the Arcfueologia .^tana of the Newcastle-upon-Tyne 
Society of Antiquaries, in a recent paper by Mr. Hodgkin therein. Mr. 
Hilton's paper is printed in the current number of the JoumaL 

Mr. SoMBBs Cl&RKB, F.S.A., read some " Notes on the Churches of 
Madeira," describing the architectural features of the cathedral church of 
Funchal, and the less-known but equally interesting church of Saitto 
Cruz. The author remarked that the common notion that everything on 
the island must be purely modem is a mistake, as the island was dis- 
covered in 1420, and early increased in prosperity. Referring to his 
notes made on the spot in March and April of last year, Mr. Clarke said 
the church of Santa Cruz is situated in the village of the same name. It 
consists of a nave of five bays, with clei'estory, north and south aisles, 
having chapels extending transept-wise at the east end of each, a chancel 
without ai^es, and tower on south side of chancel, with low octagonal 
spire. The exterior of the building is, like most Southern work, chieHy 
a mass of plastered and whit«waslied walls, the few windows, with their 
rough stone dressings, being the only objects of interest, In the nave, 
the walls are rather thin. The arcade of pointed arches is without mould- 
ings. The pieiB have a square base, and startiug square above the base, 
work off with clumsy stoppings into an octagon, and return in an eqimlty 
clumsy way to a square, on which rests a coarsely-moulded abacus. Th« 


whole is done in the voloanic Bton« of the island, and is painted drab. 
The clerestory consists of narrow circular-headed single lights, deeply 
splayed, and with a roll of mouldings near the glass. The windows are 
Tery few. The west door is largo, with two orders outeide in the rather 
low pointed arch, the same roll moulding forming these orders heing 
carried down the jambs us attached shafts. These shafts have coarse 
carving of about the date 1500-I5I0 on the capitals, and elabotat« bases, 
showing a great deal of inter) lenctnttiun. A base mould runs up with 
very small ogee at the apex of tbt- arch, siirmoiinted by a crowned shield. 
This stonework is painted a slate colour. Outside this west door pre- 
paration is made for a large porch running across the nave. The north 
and south walls, pierced by pointed doorways imd gabled to receive a 
low-pitched iwif, are standing; but being built of rough stone and 
plastered, they show no indication of date. No wall exists to connect 
this wall with the west front, nor is there a roof. The west window of 
the nave is a modem square tnsertiou. The aisles are without windows. 
The west end of the north aisle is inclosed with a light wood balustered 
screen, shutting in a large octagonal font without detail or interest. In 
the west wall of this aisle is an aumbrey, with shafts on each side of the 
ojicning. It has,, like the west door, an ogee head and coarse carving. 
The aisle roots are lean-to'a of low-pitch, with small mfters placed very 
near together. The material is a dark wood, piobahly cedar, and it bears 
the impress of Mooresque workmanship. Tlie roof of the nave is similar 
iu style, and is polygonal with tie beams decoroted with colour and inter- 
laced patterns iu applied woodwork, similar in character, but poorer than 
the work in the cathedral at Funchal. The whole has seemingly Iteing 
painted, hut never retouched. All the internal intermediate surfaces of 
the walls arc whitewashed, and afford a haish and unpleasant contrast with 
this work. The north end south chapels open into their respective aisles 
by well moulded pointed arches of two ot three orders, with shafted 
jambs, clumsily-carved caps, and elaborate bases. Each chapel is groined 
with large bc^ses at the intersection of the ribs, and the cells of the 
groining are panelled in coame Benaissance arabesques on a white ground. 
Just west of the arch to tlie north chapel is a shallow recess in the aisle 
wall with moulded pointed arch, ogee hoodmould, and a large shield at 
the apex. A perfectly plain coped tomb is built into the receas. From 
the lower part of the sarcophagus project two lions, and the whole is 
smothered with whitewash. In a small gallery erected on legs, in the 
second hay from the chancel arch, between the nave and north aisle, is an 
organ, ^ftie cornice, doors, and Mchea over pipes are seemingly all of one 
date — viz., late seventeenth or early eighteenth century; the vertical pieces 
between the pipes, and the horizontal pieces below, are of late fifteenth- 
century work, gilded. The key-board is short, and hiis white naturals and 
black sharps, not apparently very old ; there are six stop handles, but only 
two, thoee on the right-hand side, seem to be real ones ; of these one has 
an uncanny, shi-ill noise, the other is a soft flute. The two bellows lie on 
a frame at the back, each one having a small weight attached at the top 
to give equal pressure. The esse is about four feet in width, and six 
feet from floor of gallery, to cornice. The chnncel arch is of several 
orders, witli attached jamb shafts, similar in stylo to the western door. 
The roof of the chancel is gtohied and coarsely painted. The fittings are 
all very bad. The stolla are thin and miserable in workmanship, of the 

tHB bOTAL Abchasolooical iNSTmrrE. )1) 

latest Beventeenth century or eaily eighteenth century ; they are painted 
white with dabs of Rilding. The vnlgar alta^piece matchee well with 
these fltalla. In the sacristy are some good tiles, removed from the walls 
of the monastery in the town, which was not long since demolished. 
They are fixed round a lavabo on the north side of sacristy and elsewhere 
about the roof. Under the window ate fixed a f«w tiWs, with a raised 
surface, like the Moorish examples. Id the Racristy is some good plate ; 
including a good Cinque-cento gilt chalice. There are six rings round the 
lower part of its false cup, to which bells are attached. Above the bells, 
and on the foot, is a band of cherubs' heads exceedingly well modelled, and 
on the knop there is .1 range of flat round-topped niches without figures. 
There is also a pax, gilt, a gilt monstrance, a good silver holy-water basin, 
and two censers. 

The cathedral at Funchal is tranaeptol on plan, and consist of a niivc of 
five wide bays. The easternmost pier of the fifth bay kIiows a rcsiwnd 
of about 4ft. of wall, and a second respond, which corriea a wide arch 
opening into the transept. There are north and south aisles and transepts. 
The chancel is aisleless, and terminates in an iipse. On the south is a 
chapel of the Blessed Sacrament, opening from the east wall of the south 
transept; there is also an apsidiil north chapel similarly placed with regard 
to the north transept. In the angle between the north transept and itA 
chapel is a tower. The west front of the nave consists of the doorway 
with two wide windows over it, now filled with wood sashes, and a smaU 
circular window in the gabla The nave piers have four attached shafts, 
with bases showing simple interpenetration ; the capitals have rough 
running foliage. The arches are pointed, are very thin, and poorly moulded. 
All tlie stonework is painted and marbled very badly. The arches to the 
transept spring from the same level as the other arches, but rise nearly to 
the wall plates ; the bases ar« somewhat more elaborate. Over each pier 
of the nave is placed a clerestory window. The nave roof is of light 
rafters, and underneath are fixed flat fillets which are an^ged so aa 
to form interlaced stars and other geometrical forme usually found in 
Moorish work. The whole is coloured, the intermediate suifaces being 
grounded red and blue with small patterns in grisaille of a Renaissance 
type. Below the wall-plate is a frieze painted on the walls, having a 
blue ground and griaaille pattern of scrolls and hippogrif^ It was 
much touched-up and repainted in 1882, when the internal surfaces 
were whitewashed. The collars of the roof are entirely hidden by a flat 
ceiling of thoroughly Moorish character, and exceedingly rich. Its 
surhce is intersected with fillets, like those on the rafters, but at 
intervale small domical recesses occur, the inner surface being of stalactite 
work, gilt, and between these recesses are pendants similarly treated. 
The latter have a most unsatisfactory efi'ect. Iron rods su]>ply the place of 
tie beams. The aisle loofa resemble that over the nave, but have no ceilad 
portion. In the western bays of the north and south aisles, are square 
vaulted structures, that on the north fonning a baptistery, and that to the 
south a small chapeL These structures open with a pointed and moulded 
arch towards the nave, and towards the aisle in which they are placed. 
The bases are elaborated with interpenetration of foliage, similar to those at 
the west door. These structures have, at some time since their erection, 
been joined and formed into part of an internal west porch with gallery 
over, containing a nice little organ case, at present empty. The arches 


cartjii^ the gallery front are pointed, but the detail of them, and of the 
work geneially, shows the structure to be of much later date than the ad- 
joining work. The pointed arches forming recesses in aisle walls for altars 
are of the some bad detail, and apparently of the same date. The altar- 
pieces in the aisles can only be described as dreadful rubbisL The second 
altar from the east on the eouth side has a well-designed repoae64e silver 
frentaL The roof of the sontb transept msembles in character and colouring 
that over the nave ; but the angles are cut off with a sort of fan pattern 
pendentive below the wall plato, and a very deep frieze, having elaborate 
scrollwork painted on a blue gniund. The roofs are, in fact, the richest 
and most remarkable things in the church. A largo and sliowy gilt altar- 
piece, buth practically alike, covers moat of the end wall of each transept, 
and on the south altar is rather a good crucifix. Over the pointed arches 
in the eastern walls of the east transept are arranged decorations in very 
good style of Cinque-cento work, the best in the church. Two pilasters 
stand one over each jamb of the arch ; the faces are panelled, and have 
delicate foliage in relief on the field. These support a long horizontal panel 
containing a picture. The spandrels on each side of the pointed arch con- 
tain figures of angels in moderate relief, the drapery being arranged in small 
and delicate folds. The picture is flanked by small pilasters, and the 
whole surmounted by a low pediment. Everything is gilt, and the 
general effect is exceUenk A mosio gallery on legs stands forward from 
the north respond of the chancel arch into tiie nave. It contains a small 
organ, built towards the end of the last century, horrible in tone, and with- 
out merit of any sort. The floor of the choir is raised one step above that 
of the nave, and the altar is raised six or seven steps. The reredos consists 
of a gilt frame and pictures in three main vertical divisions, separated from 
each other by elaborate uprighte, wiOi small buttresses, figures, and 
canopies, and similar uprights from the end supjiort tne whole. The 
two side divisions are set at a slight angle to that in the centre, so as to 
accommodate the plan of the reredos to that of the apee. A cover over- 
hangs the whole, springing with ribs from each main upright, and very 
deep and elaborate cresting surmounts the cov& The pictures are 
arranged in three stories, separated from each other by delicate canopy 
work. The lowest range of this remains complete, but bands of a 
Renaissance type have been substituted for the canopies in the rest of 
the reredos. An elaborately crocketed and carved tabernacle occupies 
the centre of the lower range of pictures. Above this there now appears 
a figure of the Virgin and Child surrounded by paper roses, stiff curtains, 
and the other paraphernalia of the lowest type of ecclesiastical " art" 
The stalls show a mixture in carving, some being very Late Flamboyant, 
and others Benaisaance. The figures are very badly done. The sacristy, 
a good room under the tower, is panelled round with wainscoting ; in a 
few of the panels are coarsely executed pictures^ The chalice is very 
Late Gothic in style, with a Renaissance false cnp, and the pax is exquisite 
in treatment 

Mr. W. Thompson Watkio communicated a descriptive list of the 
Boman Liscriptiona discovered in Britain in 1883. i This is Mr, 
Watkin's eighth annual list, and his eleventh supplement to Dr. UUbner's 

' Printed in tliii outnber of the Journal. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


M. Beidler commnnicated th« following list of mayors of Boideanx 
from 1217 to 1452. 

List of Borde'iux Uayora fron, 

I 1317 to 1894. 

1217-8 Pierre Androa 


GuiUaume Raymond Co- 


Bernard Dacra 



GuiUaume Raymond 



Raymond Bnin de U Porto 



Pierre Gondomer 


Pierre Vigier 


Amaud GuiUaume Aymorio 

1222-5 AinalTin Dailhan 


GuiUaume Raymond Co- 


Pierre Vigier. 2nd time 

lomb. 2nd time 


Amanieu Colomb 


Jean Colomb 


Alexandre de Cambes 


Arnaud CaUiau 


GuillatUDB Boatanc' 


Guichard de la Porte 


Raymond Monedey 


Raymond Monedey 


Amfac Lambert 


r Huguea de Broy 


Vigouroua Vigier 


Jean de la Linde 


Gaogens Colomb 


Henri de Cusansea 


Raymond Monedey. 



Raymond Marquis 



Huguea Roatang 




Fortaner de Casenare 


VigourouB Vigier. 


1268-9 Pone d'Antin or d'Autin 


1270-1 Fortaner de Casenavs 


Boatang du Soler 


Huguas de Uunian 


Raymond Monedey. 


1273-4 Pierre Gondomer 



Bernard Cachapin 


Bemaid Dailhan 


Henry le Galbis 


Martin Faure 

1276-7 BrundeSara 


Rostang du Soler. 



Guichord de Boui^ 



Bemand DaUhan 


Pierre Vigier (the son) 



Pierre Est^ve 


GuiUaume Gondomer 


Roatain du Solet 


Pierre Calhan 


Simon Gondomer 


GuiUaume Raymond 



Pierre du Soler 



Jean Colomb 


Jean Colomb 


Amaud Monedey 

GuiUaume Gondomer. 



Pierre Colombde rue Neuve 



Bernard Ferradre 


1287.8 Jeande Bom 


GuiUaume Amaud Mone- 


Thomas de Sens Via ou 


Sand Wyk 


Martin Faure 


Vidal Pausse (Governor) 


Quillaume Ravmond 
lomK 2nd time 



Pierre d'Ansure for the 
King of France, and after 


Seguin Barba 

him Pierre Dumas for the 


Amanieu Colomb, so 

n of 

King of England 


1292-3 Amaud de Gironde 


Pierre Doat 


Guiraud de la Tour, Alex- 
andre de Ja Peyr^re 

1 Than ■aenu to be tome doubt 

u to 

*Ther«b doubt »1mm totha titU of 

who were Hayon in 1291, 1292, 



1SS4, ttd 13B6. 



No list of Mayors of the twelfth centui; is known. 

The charter of the town of Bordeaux is not known, hut it is supposed 
to hare been given by Jean Sans-terre (Lackland) at the beginning of the 
thirteenth century. 

The above list haa been copied from the " livre des Privilege," a 
manuscript of the 15th century written in Gascon languaga 

Lia of Borileatix Mat/ort from 1S94 to 14SZ. 


Grimond de Burlata 


GUbert Aubin, GuUhem 

1333 Sir John de Saint Phill- 

de Rabasteins 

bert, Pierre de Ciim- 


Bernard de Feugani 




1334-6 Sanche de Pommiers 


Anuud Calhau 

1336-44 Lord John Lisle 


Lord Amaury de Saint 

1344-7 Sir William Stury 

Amand, Fortaner de 

1348-53 Sir Reginald Berkeley 


1354-61 Lord Thomas de Roos 


Bertrand de Batz 

1362-6 Sir Arnold Savage 


Amaud Calhau 

1367-72 Sir Richard Walkfare 


Pierre Calhau 

1373 Sir Richard de Roos 


Amaoieu du Foeaat 

1374 Sir Robert de Roos 


Othon de Lados 

1375 Jean Colom (Regent de la 

1312-14 £zin de Gualard 

ville, Regena Villae) 


HelieAudou y n, — G uilhem 

1376 Sir Richard Walkfare 

de Thouloiize 

1377-82 Sir John Milton 


Guilhem Seguin de Rions, 

1382-8 ■ Sir David Craddock 

Dominique de Kon- 

1389 98 Sir John Tryly de Yelver- 

den ■ 
1399 Pierre de Contie 


H.!lie de U Bataeuba 


Helie de la Batsetibn, 

1400-2 Sir John Tliorpc 

Loup Biirgunh de 

1403 Sir John Lutterell 


1404 Sir John Swynbume 

1319-20 Othon de Mioasens 

1405-8 Amanieu do Madaillan, 


Sir John Hugate 

Sire de Lisparre 


Raymond DuranddeViUe 

1409-12 Sir Thomas Swynbume 

(de Bayonne) 

1413-U Sir Peter Bukton 


Sir Robert de Shirland 

1414-23 Lord John Siint-John 


Sir Robert Swinburne 

1423-7 Sir Loureiice Merbuiy 


Sir John Bethnne ou 

1427-32 Lord John HoUand 

Beatoun (called Be- 

1432-61 Sir Gadifer Shorthose, 

tounha in some docu- 

Seigneur de Goniasac, 



1326-27 Sir John HauatMe 

1452 Sir Henry Redfort 

This list seems to have been compiled from documents bearing the 
signatures of the various Mayors, as ^e official records begin in 1218, 
when those Magistrates became elective, and end in 1294, when Guienne 
was occupied by Philippe le BeL From this hitter date, when the 
Mayors were appointed to their posts by the Sovereign, no record was 
kept of their order of succession. 

On the motion of the President, a vote of thanks was paased to MeHn, 
Hilton and Clarka l<a their imteieating papers. 

t; Google 


9ntiqtUtfts anli nStrrfta of %rt EitiOiiteli. 

By Mr. Sohbbs Clarke, F.S.A.— -A photogmph of a superb pro- 
cessional cross of late fifteenth century work preserved at FunchaL 

By Mts. KsRR, — Twelve photographs of pieces of German church 

By M. Skdlir. — A sat of French weights in use before the Revolu- 
tion ; and one of the original bills posted in Paris 1814, concerning the 
Observation of Snndaya and Holy-days. 

Apiil 3, 1S84. 
The Fbbsideni in the Chair. 

In opening the meeting the President rafeired in feeling tenns to the 
nd death of the Duke of Albany, whom be spoke of as a prince of great 
promise and one wbo, had he lived, would have been an bonoui to hia 
oouDtry. As the Qneen was giacioualy pleased to be the Patron of the 
Institute we bad a special right to express our sympathy with Her Majesty 
after the additional blow wlucb bad fallen upon her, and he moved that 
a rote of condolence be- presented to Her Majesty on behalf of the 
Institute. Tbe lamented Duke had left behind bim another and a dearer 
relative in the person of his bereaved wife, and be (the President) moved 
that a vote of condolence be presented to her grace the Duchess of 
Albany alsa 

Mr. Batlis, as one of tbe oldest members of the Institute, seconded 
the resolutions, which were carried unanimously. 

Mr. GoBSELiN read a communication from Precentor Yenables of the 
discovery of a Roman altar at Lincoln dedicated to tbe ParecB and tbe 
Nmnina Augusti. It is inscribed : — pahcis ■ dkabvs ■ bt ■ hvhinibvs ■ 


altar was found at a depth of thirteen feet below the surface lying face 
downwards on a bed of dry river gravel covered with alluvial soil and 
made ground. Owing to this circumstance the letters of tbe inscription 
were wonderfully preserved. 

Jir. Pakk Harrison read some notes on " Early Sun Dials," He 
mentioned that he bad lately met with one over the south door of the 
Anglian church of Daglingwortb, near Cirencester, which was divided 
into four spaces of day-time, in a similar way to the well-known examples 
at Corhampton and Wamford, in Hampshire, i>oth of wliicb were 
attributed to Bishop Wilfritb, the founder of the churches in which they 
occur. The eamo eyetem of time measurement appears to bave been com- 
mon in Yorkshire and other northern counties ; and, according to Mr. 
Albert Way, it charactcriBod the earlier dials in Ireland, and the late JJr. 
Haigh was quoted as having stated that the !Noieemen and Angles 
measured time in a similar way. There appear to have boon early dials, 
divided into six and ten spaces, which were also usud in this country by 
various races. In the Saxon sun dials at Bishojwtone, in Sussex, ^ere 
are twelve divisions. Unfortunately it is tbe only Saxon example re- 
corded in the South of England. 

Mr. W. Vincent read a paper on " the church of St Michael at Fleas, 
Norwich, and its Monument^ Inscriptions," in which he stated that it 
had suffered hardly any alteration or destruction of monuments since 
Blomefield wrote his History of Norfolk. The whole of the inscriptions 


ilatiiij,' from the middle of the sixteenth centuiy have been most carefull; 
tranaoribed by the Society for Fresenring the Memorials of the Dead. 

Votes of thanks were jijssed to the gentlemen who had read papen, 
and to Mi. Andrewii. 

9ntfqnfUts ant BBtnlts of 'Sti €i^mut. 

Mr. R. J. Ahdrbws, of Hertford, exhibited a collection of Hertford- 
shire Tradesmen's Tokens of the seyenteenth century, and made lome 
interesting remarks thereon. 

By FsBGKMioR VBKABLE3. — Photographs of the Boman ^tai lately 
discovered at Lincoln. 

By Mr. Pabk Habribon. — Drawings in illustration of Ms paper of the 
Sundials at Da^ngworth, Biahopstone, Corhampton, and SouUi Cemey. 

By Mr. Vincknt. — Rubbings of monumental inscriptions from the 
church of St Michael at Fleas, Iforwicb. 

By M. Seolbil — A. plaster cast of the face of Charles XII, showing 
the wound that caused his death ; a tena-cotta medallion of Franklin, by 
Ifini ; a MS. Book of Devotions (Roman), 1466. 

By Mr. Gosselin. — A M8. volume (Lombardo-Gothic), dated 1469, 
" Leonardo Bruno di Bello Punico." 

May 1, 1884. 
The Rev. Sib T. H. B. Bakbr, Babt., in the Chair. 

On taking his seat, the Chairman referred to the death of the Rev. J. 
Tutler Russell, and spoke in feeling terms of the loss the Institute had 
sustained by the death of one who was a vice-president and a valued 

The Rev. J. Hirst read a paper on " The Religious Symbolism of the 
Unicorn." The symbolism of the unicorn, as a chimerical chai^ in 
heraldry, was dmwn out at length, and its connexion w^ then shown 
with the religious symbolism of the eaily ages of the Church, and 
especially with that of mediaeval times. Two wall-paintings of the 
thirteenth century, setting forth the mystery of the incarnation under 
the allegory of the Chace of the Unicom, were described at length and 
explained in detail. These wall-paintings may be seen in a church 
belonging to the ruined castle of Ausensheim, near Matrei, in the Tyrol, 
and, as they are unmentioned by either Baedeker or Murray, are probably 
unknown in England. Quotations were made from the Greek writere 
Tzatzus and Fhiles, from the mystic writer Henry Suso, from St Basil 
and other fathers, in support of the interprotAtion given. 

Mr. HoDQEiTS read a paper on " The Scandinavian Element in the 
English People," in which he pointed out that the early English were 
more closely allied to the Scandinavians than to the Low Germans. 

Mr. W. Thompsoh Watkin sent the following notes on recent dis- 
coveries of Roman remains ; — 

Lakoashire. — On the 28th Tebruary, whilst some labourers ware 
digging clay, for the use of the LitUewood Brick and Tile Works, -in the 
township of Ulnes Walton, a few miles from Freston, and close to 
Crostiiii railway atetion, they came, at two feet beneath the surface, upon 
a jur of coarse grey earthenware, containing, it is believed, about 200 


Roman coins. The vesael was completely broken by thn spade, and the 
coins were distributed amongst the workmen. But l\v dint of exertion, 
Miss Ffnrington, who is lady of the manor, succeeded in recovering 65 of 
them, which she sent to me for examination. I found them to be, with 
the exception of one of debased silver, all third brass, one or tivo hearing 
traces of having been sitveTed. They were of the following' reigns — 
Valerian 1, Gallienus 2, Salonina 2, Salonijius 5, Poetumus 53, uucertain 
2. None of thwn bore any rate reverse, but on one of Postumus, of the 
Fidea Minium type, Fid/n was spelt Ft'dw. From the large proportion of 
coins of PostumuB, it would appear that his reign must have been con~ 
siderably advanced before the hoard was buried, though from the absence 
of any coin of Yictorinus, it would seem that the latter emperor had 
either not he^n associated with Postumus at the time of their concealment, 
or that his coins had not come into circulation in Britain. We shall not 
be far wrong in assuuiing a.0. 26i as an approximate date, assuming that 
the coins not recoverable were of the same reigns, and in the same relative 

RtrtLANDSHiRE.— At Thistleton, in this county, there have just been 
discovered in a field called the "Black Holmes," the base of a Koman 
column, three feet eight inches in diameter and nine inches high, a large 
quantity of common (lottery, several fragments of " Samian " ware, one 
bearing the potter's stamp bricci., a portion of a morfarium with potttr's 
stamp RA on the rim, a dpnarivg of Alexander Severus, another of 
Constantius II, and small brass coins of Constans, Magnentius, and 
Honorius. These remains were found about two feet from the surface, 
with many nails, oyster and snail shells, and the usual debris which occur 
on Roman sites. Tliistleton has long been noted for discoveries of k 
similar character, and seems to have been a station of some importance. 

Sntiquititfl anli CSorits of 9tt ffitiibittS, 
By Rev. Prbobntor Yenables. — A leaden impression of a seal be- 
longing to some religious house. In tbe centre is an efhgy of the Blessed 
Virgin Mary and Child, under a tabernacle of Gothic work. The legend 
is BioiLLvu COKHVHE STB MARIE DB . . . LCo. Also a parchment 
certificate, with a medal attached, professing to be a contemporary record 
of the landing of Caesar ; but it is needless to odd that both certificate 
and medal are of a very different date to that assigned to them. 

Digitized by Google 

J^oUcta of aic^acalastiBl ^ublfcBtfom- 

iDventoiy Bod Notice of the Sacred VeaselB in oee in the Different Chunheii, 
with an Eiphmatory Introduction. By Willuu Lea, M.A., Arcbdeacoa of 
Wnrceater. Worcester : Dei^tun &, Co. ; London : Simpkiu, Marshall t Co, 
Tile Cutiil)erland and Westmorland Antiquarian and ArehiBological 
Society initiated a movement which has widely s]>read, unci iittompte are 
being made t« catalogue and describe the Clmrcli i'late in tlie dioceses of 
York and Lincoln, the counties of Ktnt and Dorby, and in various other 
divisions, eccleaiafitical or civil. One caution wo would give to the 
undertakera in encb case, and, from facta uoraing to our knowledge, we 
imagine it may be needed. Don't tniat l« circulara and the answers to 
circulars ; each piece of plate should be seen by some one who thoroughly 
knows his "Cripps." The Cumberland and Westmorland Society issued 
no cireuiurs at all, but an esjiert, armed with " Crip]>s " and a note book, 
attacked each parish, while paragraphs in the local papers had previously 
informed all concerned of the purport of the visit. No one can imagine, 
until he has had actual experience, how far wide of the truth the answers 
to the most dear, and most searching circular will ga In the libraiy of 
the Institute is a volume of replies in return to circulars sent round to 
the municipal corporations of Great Britain, asking for information as to 
their municipal insignia. Corporation after corporatinn reply " Nothing 
of intti'cst," and in many, nay most of these coses, subsequent enquiries 
by Mr. Uewyllyn Jcwett and others, liave shown that "Xothing of 
interest " covered—swords of state, great and small macets, silver oars, 
seals, and objects of the very highest artistic merit, of great antiquity and 
historjcjj interest 

The book now before us is free from that fault It has not been 
compiled from the replies to a circular. Archdeacon Lea has seen 
and handled every piece of plate that he describes. The faults we have 
to find are two. First, ho gives too little information about the hall 
marks ; he contents himself with saying the hall mark is of such a year, but 
does not mention what the marks arej he does not give the maker'a 
marks, nor does he describe the other marka and the shape of their 
punches. These should have been noted : they are valoabla checks 
against error in leading the date letter : in many cases a worn date letter 
cannot be interpreted mthout aid of the other marks. We feel quite 
certain that, for want of checking the date letter by the other marks, the 
Archdeacon has misdated the standing cnp at Welland ; it is clearly one 
of the class of which the Edmond's Cup at Carpenter's Hall ia an 
example ; the picture given by the Archdeacon proves it ; this claas were 
in vogue in the early part of the seventeenth century, bat the Archdeacon 
assigns the Welland one to 1731 ; he has clearly misread a worn letter of 
the Lombardic alphabet, with external cusps, in use from 1598 to 1618, 
for one of the capital Roman letter alphabet used, 1716 to 1736; the 
shields in which these alphabets occur are similar, but the other hall 
marks should have corrected any error, and a reference to the engraving 
in Grippe' 0. E. P., 2nd ed., p. 228, should have put the matter beyond 
doubt If the Archdeacon is right (which wo cannot imagine), in dating 
this cup 1721, it is singular that Mr. Cripps has failed to discover any 
specimens later than 1646 [Cripps 0. E. P., 2nd ed. p. 227.] For want 


of attantion to the marks other than the date letter, the Archdeacaa 
ignores til plate of a higher standard ; thus Hartlebury possesses a most 
iiitereeting set of plate presented by Bishop Lloyd, the non-juror, and 
bearing the date letter of 1714 ; the interest to readers, and to the par- 
ishioners of Hartlebury, in this plat« would have been enhanced if tbo 
Archdeacon had told them it was of the higher standard, nearly pure 
nlTOT. The omission to mention that the plate is of the higher standard 
occurs in the cases of Billosley, Stiatford-on-Avon, Oshill, Ftankley, S. 
Andrew Perahore, Berrow, Upton-ou-Severa, Great Witley, &c. The * 
Archdeacon gives one or two instances of plate of the years in which the 
standard was changed, but not giving the other marks, the reader cannot 
tell whether the plate is of the ordinnry or higher standard. The other 
fault we have to find is that the book would have been enlivened by a 
few personal notes of the donors of pliito ; interesting notes might hiivc 
been given about Duthess Dudley, Bishop Lloyd, and many more. Vtc 
wonld also add that the book sadly wants an index. 

The Archdeacon fums uj) the result of his researches Jii a valuable and 
interesting preface The Archdeaconry presents no iuatniiccs of plate 
from any of the old provincijil mints ; one would hardly look for them 
in Worcestershire ,■ though o-\ani!ile.3 do stray far and wide from their 
places of origin. The 1571 cups with a fringed stem or gadroou are au 
interesting class, and probably by some local smith ; the ornamentation 
on the bowl is similar to that on a class found in the diocese of Carlisle, 
bearing the marks of a rose and B.D., and which Mr. Ferguson, in the last 
number of the Transaotions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Society, 
has traced to a local smith at Carlisle, one Edward Dalton. Any clue to 
the origin of these Worcester ones should he carefully followed up ; their 
make should be examined, and it should be noted whether they ore 
of hammered work, like the Carlisle ones, and formed by rolling a piece of 
sheet sUver into a conical shape open at both ends and soldering 
it up the side, and then soldering the small end to a small 
cup. The book contains an interesting plate of flagona By the way 
is not the reason of finding more than one flagon in a parish 
that each township paid for its own wine, and so a flagon 'for eodi 
township was neceosaryl we know parishes with three towndiipe, and 
three flagons, and each township kept its own accounts for wioe. A 
simpler reason, however, ia that when a whole parisli cuiumunioated at 
once, as at Christmas and Easter, one flagon would nut sufficeand two 
were nspeasary, and in this case no necessity would arise for havingithe 
flagons diffweut 

Archdeacon Lea deserves the gmatest .{nftiae for tlie pains ha is tdting 
to have inventories made of " all the propertiea, n^Bters, omamali^ 
and possessions " of a chorch ; we wish all Archdeacons would follow 
his example, and do mace — from time to time ooDtparing with tite iuven- 
tory ■■ the properties, r^istars, amamrats, and possessioas," and adt Utalr 
face against any alienation. One evil a arising out of the attention 
which has recently been drawn to church plate ; a parson or church- 
warden discovers that some cup or paten that hss laid unheeded in the 
vestry is of value in the market, as a specimen of some mre prtrvincial 
mint', or from the atelier of Paul Lamerie or iSeth Lofthouse, and he 
immediately proposes to sell it, the proeaeds to go to Uie raatoiatibn of 
the church ! This is a painful ending to an antiquary's labonis I 

9rtt)aealogtral ItnteUtsence, 

Tho Cumbcriniid and Westmorland Antiqueriati Society are in the 
h&bit every uow and then of breaking out into the publication of n 
volume of local interest independent of their Transactions, euch as Bishop 
Nicolfion'e Viaitation of his Diocese, an Account of the Church Plate in the 
diocese of Carlisle, and it has just had transcribed, with a view to publica- 
tion when the funds permit, the pre-Refonuation Registers of the See 
of Carlisle, These cover the period between 1292 and 1386, no others up to 
1561 being known to be in existenca They contain the acts of five bishops 
and are in two volumea, one of which contains much of general importance 
relating to national and diocesan politics, particularly' tho warfare with 
Scotland, while locally they must be most interesting ae containing 106 
local fourteenth century wills of persons of every grade in society. A full 
report on these records by Mr. J. Brigstocke Sheppard is in a recent 
report of the Record CommiBsionere. Mr. Sheppard has done the 
Bcription for the Society. 

Roman Lancashire. — We are glad to announce that Mr. W. Thompson 
Watkin's work on the above subject, reviewed in the Archfeological 
Journal, vol zl. 113, has had the tare honour of being specially ordered 
by Her Megesty, who expreesea herself as much pleased with the work. 

Boman Ckeahire. — Owing to the great success with which his "Roman 
Lancashire " was received, Mr. W. Thompson Watkin is now preparing 
for the press a similar work on the same lines and in the same form on 
" Boman Cheshire." 

The chief feature of this volume will be a detailed description of 
the numerous Roman remains discovered in modem times in the city of 
Chester, and ol the B«man stations at Eindeiton, Korthwich and 

The woodcuts of the articles engraved will be of the same high 
standard which distinguishes those in " Boman Lancashire," while a map 
of tlie county, shewing the coarse of the roads and sites of all discoveries, 
Tith plana of the more notable stations, such as Dtva, Condate, etc., will 
be given. 

It is much to be hoped that Kr. Watkin will not be content to stop 
here, but will add to our knowledge of the neighbouring counties t^ 
giving ns similar Tolutnes on " Roman Derbyshire," etc. 

Owing to the extent of the moors, commons, and other nncnltivated 
lands in Derbyshire the Soman ways remain fairly intact, and the sites 
of many of the stations are uninjured 

The price of " Roman Cheehiie," demy 4to. cloth, is to subscribeta 
.£1 6b. — to be raised after the day of iaeue to .£1 lie. fid. Karnes may 
be Bent to the author, 242, West Derby Rood, liverpooL , - ^ \ 1 1 ■ 

S|)r arcfiaeaUsical Journal. 





My Lord Bishop, Mr. Mayor, Mr. Sheriff, Ladies and 
GenUemen, Lord Percy has thanked you in the name of 
the Archseological Institute for your kind reception, I, in 
my double capacity of President" of this Meeting and 
Patron of our local Association, muat repeat that expres- 
sion of gratitude. 

I feel sure that we may hail your presence here, not 
only as a proof of your desire to maintain the reputation 
for hospitality so justly enjoyed by the city of Newcastle, 
but also of your interest in the object which has brought 
us together, and of your wish, as weU^ as that of those 
whom you represent, to further our efforts, to preserve, as 
far as in you Ues, all that time has left of those memorials 
of past ages which the city of whose affairs you are 
administrators and guardians still contain; Knd that we 
antiquarians abaU find in you powerful auxiliaries against 
thfe spirit of careless ignorance, greed, and selfishness, 
which has proved but too often, here as elsewhere, the 
best whetstone of the scythe of the old destroyer. Time. 

It is not without some feeling of diffidence that I now 
proceed to make the few remarks with which it is usual 
on these occasions to preface the more important business 
of our conference, in the presence of many adepts, to 
whom the student of antiquarian lore owes a deep debt of 
gratitude. The absence of one, however, who would have 
been a most able and kindly participant in our proceed- 

' Ddiverad mt tba InaaRUTal KeeUng at KeirauU»<iii-l^iie, Aognit Gtli, 1S84, 
TOL. XU (No. 163) 2 ft 


ings, I must mention with deep regret; I mean Ur. 
Ci&yton, of Chesters, who, at the age of 93, and oppressed 
with the infirmities which are the sad attendants of 
extreme old age, still interests himself in the work of 
discovery to which he has for so many years devoted his 
energies, and which have done much to throw light on 
the history of the Eoman occupation which maintained 
itself in tlus country up to the time of the final decline of 
the Empire. He has provided thereby a most ample 
intellectual feast for the antiquarian, from which I can 
assure my hearers that those who visit that neighbourhood 
will derive no Uttle enjoyment. I am aware that this is a 
digression for which your pardon is to be asked ; but I 
am sure no one who knows him whom I may call the 
Nestor of our local society, will grudge this Uttie tribute 
of iriendship to one who has done so much for the science 
which brings us here to-day. 

It is not my intention to trench on the grounds which 
will be occupied to moch greater advantage by those of 
my fellow members of our society whose lectures on the 
subjects to the study of which tliey have especially applied 
themselves will be entitled to an attention on your part, 
to which, from my superficial knowledge of them, I cannot 
lay claim ; -fcut I shall direct my remarks to the general 
aspect which the pafit history of this county wears, and 
which may have some interest to those who are not 
familiar (and thefe must be many of my hearers in this 
condition) with the scenes and traditions of the districts 
they will visit. I think I may confidently assert that there 
is none in England which aifords so great and varied a 
field of interest, whether from the social or the anti- 
quarian's point of view. If he delights to lose himself yi 
the mists which envelop the existence of prehistoric man, 
he will find on many a hill and many a plain the rude 
bulwarks — the sepulchral cyst — the bronze and stone 
■ implements (the latter, indeed, but rarely) — the stone 
circles — the much discussed cup markings attributed to 
those mysterious races. If he occupies himself with the 
story of the Great Iron Empire, he wfll find evidence of its 
sway which may well be spoken of as exceeding in amount 
and interest, in many aspects, those tokens of it still 
extant in the southern parts of England, where civiliaft- 

_ . „, Google 

tion has so often and so thoroughly completed the work 
of destruction commenced by the sword. He will be 
astonished at the boldness of conceptioD, the amount of 
toil expended in a rude and desolate country, on wall, and 
bridge and road, by that wonderful despotism — at the 
stubborn pertinacity with which the southern legionary 
clung to the habits and traditions of his southern home in 
a climate so inclement, and amidst a population so rude 
and barbarous, and at the extraordinary variety of races 
which the iron poUcy of Eome compelled to occupy 
locahties so ungenial, so foreign to the ideas, and so 
repellant to the feelings of those subjected to the 
decrees which enforced their exile in the name of military 

To the student of Scandinavian and Saxon history tlie 
field is, as far as the rehcs bearing witness to their rule 
are concerned, perhaps less interesting. The first-named 
have, indeed, been known principally for their merciless 
ravages. The Viking, 

Whose galleys ne'er bore off a shore, 
They left not black from ilame, 

spared neither the wooden edifices and fortifications of the 
Saxon nor the rude stone bulwark of the Celt, which the 
former not unfrequently occupied after driving out its 
original owner, as appears from the Saxon weapons, &c., 
occasionally found in them. They were happy in finding 
historian and poet in the monastic cell, who has handed 
down to us the story of the desperate struggle maintained 
for many a year between Christian creed and rule and the 
barbarian hosts which assailed both ; nor was the conflict 
always in favour of the former, though in the end the 
triumph of the Cross became complete and undisputed. 

I hardly think that the Danish rule, which, under 
Canute and Sweyn, was established in England, left here 
any visible material traces of its short existence ; and 
indeed there was perhaps too much similarity between the 
races to enable the antiquarian after the lapse of ages to 
detect the sUght difference which might exist, if indeed 
there is anything like a permanent building of Danish 
construction still extant. Even the Saxon has left but 
few and faint traces of this character. Hexham exhibits 
some, however, and I happen to have one very curious 

226 PABsmmniAL addiobs. 

relic, part of the cross of the chnrch of St. Woden, whose 
name recalls the verse marking the epoch 

When Pan to Moses left his Pagan hom. 
It Stood near Alnmouth, and is inscribed with the name 
of the sculptor in Saxon runes. 

But let me pass on to the moment when the stem 
oppression of Norman Conquest provoked the rebeUion 
wluch ended in a devastation so ruthless on the part of t^e 
Conqueror, that the country from the Humber to the 
Tweed, we are told, became utterly desert, inhabited only 
by the scattered Norman garrisons and the monks, round 
whose establishments in these wildernesses an agricultural 
population slowly gathered and increased. From that time 
the stranger has not ruled in our land, and our quarrels 
have been domestic, but hardly less savage than the 
foreign inroads which have so often deluged our county 
with blood. To pass over minor struggles and partial 
insurrections, we find it difBcult to underatand how after 
the desperate battles with the Scotch which marked the 
reign- of the Edwards, Northumberland could still muster 
the host which perished at Shrewsbury with Henry 
Hotspur, and in the furious contest of the Hoses. Yet, a 
century later, in the rebellion called the Pilgrimage of 
(Jrace, again Northumberland sent her sons to die in the 
cause of the fated Church of Eome. In the following 
reign the Northern EebeUion once more called forth its 
population, to fall not only by the sword, but on the 
gibbet, to which was sentenced the poorer rebel, from 
whom the great Queen Elizabeth could not hope to wring 
the fines and forfeiture for which the we^thier were 
reserved ; later, and for the last time the tribute of blood 
was paid by many in the risings of 1715 and 1745, to 
whom the sovereigns of the race of Hanover did not show 
much greater leniency. Add to this the constant forays 
on the Scottish borders, the perpetual raids of the Moss 
troopers of Tyne and Eedesdale, on the one side as little 
sparing of the lives and chattels of either friend or foe as 
their Scottish neighbours of liddesdale and Annandale on 
the other, and what a tale of incessant battle, bloodshed, 
and- misery is told in the history of our ancestors ! 
Let me pause, however, to make one remark upon the 



clans of £«desdale and T^nedale, which coald send.fordi 
to plander for their livelihood five hundred horaemen and ■ 
more, and who were entered on the master rolls of the 
county levies by the honoiirable title of " Tynediale 
Thieves." These lawless marauders had, nevertheless, % ' 
code of honour of their own; they seldom shed blood 
wantonly, though the law of blood-feud not unfrequontly 
required it at their hands, and of course resistance entailed 
it. They never betrayed an associate, nor delivered 'a 
refugee to his enemy. The name of the one exception, an 
Armstrong, who sold the Earl df Northumberland, his , 
guest, to the Eegent Murray, wm held in execratijOn by 
his own associates, and became a hissing and a curse U> 
the whole of the Border Clans down to a very late period. 
As to their prowess in the field, Lord Hunsdon, describing 
the last fight of the Northern Bebellion, writes that he' 
nev«" saw a " prouder charge than that of the Tynedlde 
men," though it was foiled by his musketeers. After the' 
union of the crowns, they sank indeed into mere unpic- 
turesque horse and sheep stealers. A few farmers ^d . 
shepherds are now the sole occupants of their waste 
places ; and instead of the slogan yeU and clash of amiotur, 
the only sounds which reach the ear there are the bleat of 
the sheep and the cry of the grouse and black cock. . 

But I have dwelt too lor^ on a theme, of which the ' 
principal interest is in the existence on Enghsh soil qf. a* 
population so strange in its character and sck eittirely 
opposed to the habits aitO. feelings of the society which 
surrounded it. Of course the daUy life of the nati'ros of 
oar country was characterised by the rudeness and 
absence of culture and civilisation which a state of coik 
stant disturbance and danger naturally produces. He who 
is liable to have his house burnt over his head at intervals 
of some five or six years is not Ukely to be very choice in 
his domestic arrangements. A most amusing description 
is given by an Italian who accompanied an envoy from 
Eome to the Court of the Scottish king, James 11, in the 
fifteenth century. Lodged in a peel tower near the Tweed, 
he tells how the men came flocking into the fort, hot 
deeming that anything worthy of notice would happen to 
wife or children, though they had to take refuge in the 
tower to secure their own lives; how th^ stood round the 


table as he dined, and passed from hand to hand br^ad given 

■ them, as an article they had never before seen, and how 
the writer was aiitomshed at finding the monks of the 
■priory in which they were quartered on the Scotch side, 
giving lo the poor a dole of " black stones," to wit, 

This state of things will sufBciently, I think, account for 
tite comparative poverty of design and execution which 
generally characteriHes our ecclesiastical architecture, and 
which finds a counterpart in the stem and bare outlines 
of our military buildings. This is exempUfied in the 
castles and towers with which this county is studded, 
where we hare nothing to compare, I think, to some of 
the fortresses on the western frontier, or to Warwick, 
unless it be in the instance of "Warkworth, which is a very 
' curious and skilful attempt to combine domestic comfort 
aad external beauty. Yet Prudhoe, Bamburgh, Dunstan- 
borough, Norham, and Mitford are grand and striking 
examples of the feudal stronghold. When the feudiu 
power declined, and more especially after the union of the 
crowns, many of these last were naturally abandoned, and 
fisll to ruin, as the surveys made in the time of Henry 
Vin. and EHizabeth show. Some, nevertheless, remiun, 
additions having been made in subsequent reigns to fit 
them for more refined usages and habits of life than were 

■ aspired to by their first masters. CMpchase, Chillingham, 
and Belsay present most pleasing instances of this very 
picturesque combination. The remains of the ecclesiastical 
buildings are numerous and interesting ; iwitness Hexham, 
Brinkbum, Holy Island, Tynemouth Mory, &c., and the 
details of their architecture will often be foimd very 
curious. But the rage of the destroyer has fallen heavily 
on most of them, l^e fine lines in " Marmion " describe 
well the results of the storm which swept over the Church 
of Eome in the Eighth Henry's days : — 

Behold a darker bom ascends, 

The altu quakes, the ciozier bends ; 

The iie of a despotic king 

Bides forth apon deatraction'a wii^ ; 

Then shaU these vaulte, so strong and deep, 

Burst open to the sea-wind's sweeps 
Of all those I have named, and more that I have left 
unnoticed, Hexliam only remains undestroyed. The rest 

FSBammrnAL addbsss. '229 

present but ruined wails and desecrated shrines, save in 
the case of Brinkbum, lately restored to the proper con- 
dition of a place of worship by the mumficence of its 

You will be able to judge, if I may have the pleasure of 
seeing yon at Alnwick, how complete th^ destruction there 
has been from the result of the excavations now proceed- 
ing ; and, indeed, the reports of those who were entrusted 
with the survey of the buildings granted by the King to 
private individuals, are loud in their complaints of the 
injuries resulting to the Crown from the ruthless demoli- 
tion of those edmces. 

I have now trespassed long enough on your time and 
attention. Let me conclude this very perfunctory survey 
of the past history of our Northern home with the 
expression of the wbh that fine weather and dear skies 
may make every excursion both agreeable and profitable 
to my hearers, and that you may long remember with 
pleasure the store of intellectual and material enjoyment 
of which old Deira invites you to partake. 

Digitized by Google 

By Hia Ber. JOSEPH HUtST. 

Though familiar to most of us as a chimerical charge in 
heraldry, or as one of the Bupporters of the Eoyal Arms of 
England, there are, perhaps, few who are aware of the 
important part played by the Unicom in the religious 
symbolism of the Middle Ages. At that time, no doubt, 
men thoroughly believed in the existence of such an 
animal ; and if excuse were necessary, it might be found 
in the fact that reckoning only from the year 1570, no 
fewer than twenty works' could easily be named in the 
English, Latin, French, German, and Italian tongues, 
which have been written on the existence of the Unicorn. 
Nay, even in the nineteenth century more than one 
English traveller* has sent home word from Thibet or 
Africa that at length he was on the track of the fabulous 
animal and would soon secure a specimen. No wonder 
then S Guillim in his quaint style thus discourses ; 
" The Unicom hath his name from his one horn on his 
forehead. There is another beast of a huge strength and 
greatness, which hath but one horn, but that is growing 

* Read at the HtmUd; Heeling of Uie pUe Univeiselle," Iit. irai (tom. t, p. 
tnititute, H&7 lit, lS8t. 71, Far. 1817), oonfinea hinuelf to mymg 

* The HUcB at fittoen of theso works that the eiiatenoe of the Umcom on 
may be aoea in the " *""^° and Haga- the earth u not unpoanbte, thoudi it 
dne of Natural Hiatot;" for Not., 18S2, ia not vety likely. The lace, like ao 
p. SS3. many othera, may have beooms axtincb 

■ Vide " Amatic Beeeaichn " for 1880. Oaroiaa rehitea that the flnt Portupieaa 

Caviar playfully twitted the T'i"e>">' nangatoia saw mich an aninul betwerai 

with bcdng partial t« aeeing the Unioom the Cape of Oood Hope uid Cape 

in nature mim their attoohmsnt to ita Corrientca. Two good modem obHerms, 

flgnra in the Boyal Anna, and aaya that SparrmanD and Barrow, have aeen the 

in hia day they haTe aaaert«d the dia- rocka of Camdebo ajid Bambo corared 

oovaiT of thdr favaurite animal in with repreeentaiiana of the Unioom, and 

IntOTlor Africa and in the mounttunoua the Datcb ootoniata affirm that they have 

parta of Hindoat&n. See hia diasertatdon aeen theee «"'''"»-l° alive tod haTe killed 
aome of them. (Notes on Fliiv, M. H., 

llalt»>^n in hia "Pi^da da la Qtognt- 

viii, Bl ed. Fomba.) 


on hiB snout, whence he is called Rinoceros. It hath 
been much questioned amongst naturalists which it is that 
is properly called the Unicom, and some have made doubt 
whether there be any such beast as this or no. But the 
great esteem of his home, in many places to be seen, takes 
away that needlesse scruple."' 

The veritable horns that so troubled the mind of 
Ghiillim can be otherwise accounted for. It must first 
however be observed that Aristotle mentions two animals 
possessing an uncloven hoof and a single horn ; diese he 
calls the Indian ass and the oryz. The first, s^s Rev. W. 
Houghton, is undoubtedly the rhinoceros, the second the 
nylghau, a large Indian antelope, the horns of which 
when seen at a distance in profile may to some observers 
have appeared as one, one horn covering and hiding from 
view the other.' Not however to these animals do we 
owe the testimony of the horns that played so great a 
figure in the hands of mediaeval charlatans, and even with 
physicians of more modem date, which appear in the 
mventories of monastic treasuries, and even amongst the 
heirlooms of Charles the First of England.* 

Naturalists describe a species of whale, called by them 
a sea-unicorn, which is quite enough for our purpose.' 
The length of the narwhal, called monoceros or the sea- 
unicorn, is said to be about fifteen or sixteen feet, while 
that of its single tusk is from seven to ten feet. Besides 
the elongated tusk, which is like a spirally - twisted 
spear, the sea-unicorn has no teeth. Its single horn is 
occasionally employed in breaking the thinner ice, 
whereby the sea-unicom can more easily carry on respira- 
tion, than it otherwise could ; but it is chiefly used for 
attacking its prey, the sea-unicorn having first to kill the 
great fish on which it is to feed, as from the smallness of 
its mouth it cannot possibly devour it until it has put an 
end to all resistance. Its favourite resorts seem to be 
among the ice-islands of the Northern Pole, and the creeks 
and bays of Greenland, Davis's Straits, and Iceland. Sea- 
unicorns are quick, active, and usually inoffensive animals, . 

* " Dnpby of HenldiT," LoDdoo, * The Oenui Kmnlliu, the 8e>- 

1724, p, 162. unieom of whalen, haa one qwdM, the 

' " Natural Hirtmy of the Ancienta," NarwaJluB microcephalui, called by 

p. ISS. liniunii and CuTier Honodon. 

' It mw sold for X600. ^liolt' 

VOL, XVL 2(1 O 


and swim witii considerable velocity. The Greenlanders 
consider both their oil and their flesh a very delicious 
nourisliment. The ivory of their single tusk is esteemed 
superior to that of the elephant.' 

Various are the traits and characteristic instincts 
attributed to the Unicom of fable by the masters of 

Srofane and sacred learning. Let us first consult 
ruillim, who with great seriousness sets forth the various 
qualities of the Unicorn, one by one, as he comes to treat 
of the several noble Enghsh families who have blazoned 
it on their coat-of-arms. "Touching the invincible nature 
of this beast. Job saith, Lo, wilt thou trust him because 
his strength is great, and cast thy labour unto him? 
Wilt thou believe him, that he will bring home thy seed 
and gather it into thy bam ? And his vertue is no less 
famous than bis strength, in that his horn is supposed to 
be the most powerful antidote against poison ; Insomuch 
as the general conceit is that the wild beasts of the wilder- 
ness use not to drink of the pools, for fear of venomous 
serpents there breeding, before the unicorn hath stirred it 
wiUi his horn. Howsoever it be, this charge may very 
well be a representation but of strength or courage, or 
else of vertuous dispositions and ability to do good ; for 
to have strength of body without the gifts of good 
quahties of the mind, is but the property of an ox, but 
when both concur, they may truly be called Manliness. 
And that these two should consort together, the ancients 
did signify when they made this one word, virtus, to imply 
both strength of the body and vertue of the mind." And 
again : *' It seemeth by a question raised by Farnesius 
that the Unicorn is never taken ahve ; the reason being 
demanded, it is answered that the greatness of his mind is 
such that he cliuseth rather to die than to be taken alive, 
wherein (saith he) the Unicom and the valiant-minded 
souldier would die alike, as both contemn death, and 
rather than they will be compelled to undergo any forced 
servitude or bondage, they will lose their lives."* 

' Vide " Enr;dop. BritaDD.," Sth ed, , tnmilen, c*idte oerro, pedibui elephuito, 
Tol DT, p. 230. ThofrJlowingiaPIinj'H cauda apro, mugiUi giavi, uno coma 
delcriptioD of the Umoom in the thirty- nigro media fnmte oubitorulil duum 

first chaptar of the eighth book of tun eminente. Banc hma ymza negint 

Natunl Hiatoiy : — " Aspemmam autem capi." 

(enuu moiiocerotoci, reliqiio corpore e<]uo * L. a, p. 163-3. 



" The Unicorn of antiquity," aays another author, "was 
r^arded as the emblem of strength ; and, as the Dragon 
was the guardian of wealth, so was the Unicom of 

' His horn was a test of poison ; and, in virtue of this 
peculiarity, the other beasts of the forest invested him 
with the office of water-' cornier'; never darinj:; to taste 
the contents of any pool or fountain until the Unicorn had 
stirred the waters with his horn, to ascertain if any wily 
serpent or dragon had deposited his venom therein." — 
" Tiie Curiosities of Heraldry "... By Mark Antony 
Lower .... 1845, (p. 101.) 

To Mr. J. Bone, F.S.A.. I am indebted for a quotation 
from a mediseval bestiary in his possession entitled : — 
lAIQTHTOS .... Lipsiae [15751. "The Iambics of 
the Most Wise Pkile, otherwise PhUes, on the character- 
istics of animals, with a translation into Latin Iambics by 
Gregory Bersman of Annaberg, in Wisnia." This PhUes 
or Phile appear.^ to be the same person as Movou^X o "friAnc, 
bom at Ephesus hi 1275. 

The passage may be thus translated : — 

" And it (the Unicom) is fond of places uninhabited by 

And dweUs apart, wandering alone. 
And towards other species of animals 
This beast is gentle, as a young dog accustomed to the 

But its own species, which should by nature be dear 

to it, 
It regards as its enemy and altogether bad. 
It becomes gentle with its female only, &c." 

John Tzetzes, an eminent Greek grammarian who 
flourished during the latter half of the twelfth century, 
observes in his Fifth C3iil)ad, line 399, of the Unicom 
that he loveth sweet scents, dij^fov o fiovompot rvy^ivu 
*iXn»wStc- Hence when they desire to take one the hunts- 
men have recourse to the strategem of sendinfj to his lair 
a youth disguised as a maiden and riclily perfumed, who 
when the Unicom comes forth to meet him, seizes the 
animd by the hom, while the huntsmen coming up, cut 


it off and thus take the animal when deprived of all 

Symbolical representations of the Unicom date from 
very remote times. They held a conspicuous place in 
Persian m^-thology, and the Unicorn " was represented on 
the walls of Persepolis, in battle with the lion, both with 
and without wings ; it was also known to the I^yptians 
and is found amongst their hieroglyphics. With these 
nations it was the symbol of purity and strength."' In 
later times " the swift unicorn, either Anglo-Saxon or 
Dane, was obliged to fly before the leopards and hons of 
Normandy. Hence the naturalization of the emblematical 
unicorn in Scotland,"* where two unicoms were the 
supporters of the Scotch Kings. Hence upon the union 
of the two kingdoms under James the First, this circum- 
stance gave occasion to our retaining one unicom as the 
sinister support of the Royal arma of this country. 
The earliest extant example of the Unicorn as a supporter 
in the Royal arms of Scotland appears to be that which 
occurs in the Eoyal achievements carved above the gate- 
way of Eothsay Castle, Isle of Bute.^ In olden times 
Rothsay gave the title of Duke to the eldest son of the 
King of Scotland, who was bom Prince of Scotland, Duke 
of Eothsay, and High Steward of Scotland. 

Spenser in his Faerie Queene (Bk. ii, Canto v, verse 10) 
thus sets forth the traditional mythic combat of the Lion 
and the Unicorn : 

" Like as a Lyon, whose imperial! powre 
A prowd rebellious Unicorn defyes, 
T' avoide the rash assault and wrathful stowre 
Of his fiers foe, him to a tree applyes, 
And when him running in full course he spyes. 
He sUps aside ; the wmles that furious beast 
His precious horne, soncHT of his enemyes, 
Strikes in the stocke, ne thence can be releast, 
But to the mighty victour yields a bounteous feast." 

The traditional attributes given to the Unicom by the 
ancients were retained by the early Christians, who 

' Bninet, " Regnl Anuourie ot Qroit 
BritHin," p. 209. 
'DidtMin ia Brown's "Unicorn," [1.6. 



" preserved it amongst their representations of symbolic 
animal nature. The horn was considered to be a symbol 
of the Cross, and was believed to be an antidote to poison ; 
even cups made of it were supposed to deprive any deadly 
drink of its injurious eflect. During the Middle Ages, the 
fable or legend of the Unicorn was a frequent and 
favourite illustration of the doctrine of the Incarnation, 
for it was said that, although wild and fierce in its nature, 
it could be caught and tamed only by a virgin of pure 
and holy Hfe, and from this circumstance the most 
familiar representations of the subject in Art are derived ; 
the Virgin becomes the image of the Virgin Mar^-, and the 
Unicom the type of Christ Ilimself." ..." Anothei 
meaning was given to the Unicom, which was also 
derived from one of its supposed natural quahties; its 
love of sohtude, from which it became a symbol of the 
monastic life, and in this sense it appears for the first time 
in Art, on the staff of S. Boniface, preserved at Fulda in 
Germany, which undoubtedly belonged either to him or 
to his succestsor, and is therefore thought one of the 
seventh or eighth century. The Unicorn is represented 
kneeling before the Cross, in much the same position in 
which the Lamb is often seen."' 

The chase of the Unicorn was a favourite subject of 
^Allegory in the Middle Ages. It was used to set forth in 
symbolical representation the Mystery of the Incarnation. 
In poetry we may see it in die goldene Schmiede, or " The 
Golden Forge," by Konrad of Wilrzburg, who died in 
1287. In Breslau there is over one of the altars of the 
Cathedral a most elaborate carving in wood which is thus 
described by Mrs. Jameson : " Mary is seated within a 
Gtothic porch of open tracery work ; a unicorn takes 

' Twining, of. eU., p. 17:-2_, Plata inttanoe within tlie ruUiot'i kunrledaa 

tnczT. The brief sipUnution grrm by in which the Cnicorn haa been carved m 

Itn. Jameson in the beginning of the stone aa a type of the Blewed Vii^n 

fint Tolume of her " Sacred and Legsnd- haring aa pendant the Lion, the acknow- 

ary Art," where, after apeakitig ot the lodged type of Cltriat MtJiiOTal ariiata« 

Dove and lilj, she aayB, " The Unicom often gave the Unicom bj mistAke to 3. 

is another ancieoC ayrabol of purity, in Jtiatinn of Padua, from its connection 

alliudun to the fable tliat it could never with S. Justjua of Antioch in the legend 

be captured except by a virgin ataiolegB of 3. Cyprian the Magician, juBt bb they 

in mind and life ; it 1ms become in con- represented the wheel, the inatniment of 

■eqiienoe the emblem peculiarly of female martynlom belongiug to 8. Catherine of 

cliaatitj, but in Cbrisljaii art la appro- Aleiaudiia, in their jiicturee of 8. 

priate only to the Virgin Hacy and S. Catherine of Sienna. 
Justina ;" baa given occasion to one 


refuge in her bosom ; outside a kneeling angel winds a 
hunting liorn ; three or four dogs are crouching near 
him.'" Another example not mentioned by her is in the 
Cathedral of Erfurt. Another well-known instance is in 
the glass paintings of Bourges Cathedral. I have found, 
however, in a German periodical Uttle known in England, 
a detailed account of two remarkable frescoes in the 
chapel of ihe ruined castle of Ausensheim, near Matrei in 
the TjTol.^ 

It may be stated that the castle seems to have been 
built in tlie beginning of the thirteenth century, between 
1200 and 1210. iSe chapel we may set down to the 
same period, as it seems to be contemporary with the 
original structure. Indeed, documents still preserved in 
the castle prove the chapel to be of that date. The 
frescoes representing the chase of the Unicorn would 
appear to have been executed shortly after the erection of 
the chapel. The date, however, 1024, to be seen on one 
of them has evidently been added by a later hand, 
probably in comparatively recent times, when the original 
frescoes underwent some kind of restoration.' 

In the first of these two frescoes we behold the Arch- 
angel Gabriel, who represents the huntsman. He is 
clothed in a long white alb, with over it a purple 
dalmatic. The dalmatic is the token of his being the 
deacon, that is, the servant or messenger of God; the 
particular colour purple is used to signify that it is 
Advent, the time of expectation and yearning for the 
coming of the Messiah. In his right hand he holds a 
lance, the token of the chase, while with the same hand 
he holds the leashes of his four dogs, each having a scroll 
in its mouth. The gently trotting black terrier has flie 
word Paa; the iron-grey, Veritas; the neutral -tinted, 
Justitia, because impartial; and the brown, Misericordia. 
These legends are an allusion to the Psalmist's enunciation 

• i"L(f;eDdsof tbelbdoiUM,''!!. ITO. ■The suthor of the "3talle« d' 

* " Die J*gd d«a EinhorDB Am ffoi- Amiem " and Mn. Juneson attribato 

holiache Dantellimg dea OeheimnlEiieB the allegury of the nnicom aa applied to 

der Henubwerdung &uitdflm Ulttelaltar," the TncarnetdoD U> the fifteenth oentuiy. 

Ton J. Liell.-Der Katholik, ISPO, ZweJte The woi^ however, of S. Basil, of the 

h&lfte, B. 412, Mains-- I may ohservetb^t Erammariaii Tzetzea, of Philes, of Henij 

neither Murray nor Bcedeker make any Su>o. and of Eonrad, togetlier with tM 


of the Incarnation in the well-known worda, " Mercy and 
Truth have met each other, Justice and Peace have 
kissed, Truth is sprung out of the earth, and Justice hath 
looked down from Heaven."' 

It may be here remarked that in the Erfurt picture 
there are three dogs, styled respectively Fides, Spes, and 
Caritas. In the Bourges window there are only two dogs, 
and these without namee. 

In his left hand the heavenly huntsman holds a horn, 
out of which come the words, Ave gratia plena, Dominua 

The whole attitude of Gabriel is full of reverence and 
tranquillity, and the expression on his countenance 
breadies devotion and a certain pious absorption in his 
holy duty. 

ia. the back-ground of the flowery landscape we descry 
Nazareth with ita towers and gates. Standing at the 
window of one of the houses may be seen the prophet 
Isaiah, who holds a long scroll on which are written the 
words Ecce Virgo coTicipiet et pariet Filium, et vocaMs 
Nomen ^ua Emmanuel.* In the superscription we read 
his name as layas. In the middle distance are two 
symbols, tlie Pelican feeding its young with its blood, as a 
fiigure of the love of Christ for men ; and the Lioness with 
her young, which either means the same or may perhaps 
stand for the love of Mary for her spiritual children. 
Above in the lightsome clouds are anfjels looking down 
with wonder and concern on the heavenly huntsman and 
the issue of his chase. 

On the other side is the second fresco, in which the 
painter represents the fulfilment of the mystery. Above 
on high sits enthroned the ever blessed Trinity. The figure 
of God the Father has a scroll on which are read the 
words, Vox turturis audita est in terra nostra. With 
these words of the Song of Solomon the bridegroom invites 
his bride to the weddjng-feast ; for he says : ' Spring is 
come again, for the flowers have sprung out of the earth, 
and the voice of the turtle is heard once more. Since this 
then is the time of the fulfilment of my promise, let us 
celebrate our nuptials together.' When the Son of God 

' Vulg., IziiiT, 11, 12, ba wtth chUd, and bring forth » md, and 

* Hatt, i, 2S. " Bshald, a lirgm abaU tbej ahall call hia nune Emuuima^" [ , . 


became man, the time of the fulfihnent of the promises 
had also come ; the time of the most intimate union of the 
Son of God with human nature had at length arrived, and 
thus the words of the legend refer to the coming of 
Ohrist, by which was accomplished that repristinatiou 
»Qd revival of the moral sentiment and of all the better 
iMtincts of our human nature which bears so close a 
resemblance to the yearly resurrection which' takes place 
in the physical world in the passage from winter to spring. 
' Arise,' God seems to say to man, ' behold the earth once 
more rendered fruitful by the quickening breath of My 
Spirit, and learn by the sight of that fact that I am the 
author of life. The time of ignorance and barrenness, the 
season of loss and death, the dark and frozen winter is 
passed. Frosts are no longer seen in the land: the 
heavens smile on earth, and under this genial influence 
the teeming soil is quickly transformed into a beautiful 
garden. The dove, plaintive and solitary, finds there 
those secluded bowers which it loves so well. Its voice, 
. monotonous and pure, bespeaks the imioc^nce, simplicity 
and singleness of its love.' 

God the Son sits on the left hand of the Father, as Son 
of David or the Messiah, who has not yet gained that 
victory of redemption, after which He will take His seat 
in power on the right hand of His heavenly Father. The 
scroll in His hand is without legend. Above the two 
Divine Persons is seen the Holy Ghost in the usual form 
of the Dove. 

The lower portion of the picture pourtrays the happy 
issue of the chase. Before the hunter and his hounds the 
Unicorn, the Son of God has taken refuge in an 'enclosed 
garden' {horttis coiiclusiis), which it has entered by the 
' shut gate ' {porta clama), and now lies nestling in the 
lap of the spotless maiden, the blessed Virgin Mary. We 
see before us an hexagonal garden, surrounded by a wall. 
Five of its walls are adorned with gates and a tower, the 
sixth extends beyond the limits of the painting. This 
hortus conclusus of the Canticle was so called because no 
one had a right to enter in and taste its fruit but the 
Beloved : and in this sense it was applied to the Blessed 
Virgin by S. Gregory of Nyssa, S. Epiphanius, S. 
ndephonsus and S. Ambrose. 


Over the gates are appropriate inscriptions. Thus the 
gate below on the left hand is called the porta cwli (gate 
of Heaven) to signify that Mary, by becoming the Mother 
of our Eedeemer, has at least in a mediate and instru- 
mental manner, opened heaven to us ; while the gate 
below on the right is called porta aurea (golden gate) 
which may signify either the personal holiness of Mary or 
the great and precious bleasings witli wliich her Divine 
child-bearing was fraught. Above on the left there is a 
four-storied tower without inscription, which is perhaps 
meant for the ' tower of David * or the ' tower of ivory,' a 
title given to our Lady by (amongst others) Abbot Bupert, 
a mediseval commentator, who died in 1135. ■ 

Above on the right there is hkewise a gate-like budding, 
but without inscription. At the furthermost comer of the 
left side of the garden is the mysterious porta daitsa^ as 
the inscription declares. This symbol is taken from the 
prophet I^echiel, who says : " This gate shall be shut, it 
shaU not be opened, and no man shall pass through it, 
because the Lord the God of Israel hath entered in by it, 
and it shall be shut " (xliv, 2). This ' shut gate ' is, 
according to S. Augustine, S. Cyril of Jerusalem, S. 
Epiphanius and other Fathers of the Church, a symbol of 
the perpetual virginity of Mary. 

Through this ' shut gate ' the snow-white unicorn, the 
Lord God of Israel, has fled before the face of the hunts- 
man and his four hounds, and has leapt with his forefeet 
on to the lap of Mary, who with her left hand takes hold 
of its forefeet, whilst, with her right, she presses the horn 
of the affrighted animal to her breast. 

Mary is seated on the flowery turf, clothed in a white 
tunic which is held together by a green girdle, over which 
is thrown a large blue mantle which lies stretched upon 
the ground, reaching as far as the porta claiisa, so that 
the unicorn on entering at once stood on it. The 
abundant hair of the Virgin falls down over her shoulders 
in beautiful ringlets. Her face, inclined a httle towards 
the unicorn, is noble, calm, and grave. On one side of 
the head of Mary there is a scroll with the words : Ecce 
ancilla Doroini, fiat mihi secundum verbum tuum. Coming 
from God the Father and near the Blessed Virgin ' there is 
the figure of a little naked child, to represent the soul of 


the incarnate Son of God, as is frequently seen on mediseval 
representations. It holds a cross in its little hands, and 
was probably originally encircled by a beam of light.* 

In order to bring out in still greater relief the sublime 
mystery of the Incarnation, our painter adds other symbols, 
or types, from the Old Law, which adumbrate and explain 
the supernatural conception of the Virgin Mary and her 
perpetual virginity. 

Above on the right hand in the garden he represents 
the Ark of the Covenant with the inscription virga- Aaron. 
For as the rod of Aaron in the holy Tabernacle began to 
bud forth and to blossom without having any root and 
without being watered, so also the Son of God aa to his 
human nature had his existence in a miraculous way in 
the womb of Mary. So say S. Ephrem, S. Anastasius, 8. 
Ambrose, S. John Chrysoatom and others. 

Below on the right he has the figure of & chest, and 
near it the inscription areha (for area) Gedeon. Of 
Gedeon Holy Scripture relates that he asked a sign from 
Heaven as a proof of his mission. He put a fleece of wool 
on the floor and said, " If there be dew on the fleece only 
and it be dry on all the ground beside, I shall know that 
by my hand . . , thou wilt deliver Israel." And 
thus it came to pass. This event is to the Fathers of the 
Church a symbol of the miraculous conception of our 
Lord. Tims St. Bernard says: "What else does this 
fleece of wool mean than that the Kedeemer has taken 
flesh from the Virgin and indeed without violating her 
virginity?" As to the representation of tliis figure our 
painter had in view the sacred text where it is said that 
Gedeon when he received his mission was thrashing 
wheat by the wine press. Tlie Blessed Virgin is styled 
the fleece of Gedeon by S. Jerome, S, Ambrose, S. 
Ephrem, S. Sophronius and others. Between these two 
symbols there is displayed a small vase with an inscrip- 
tion. The legend is very much defaced, but seems to be 

' Tfae HppMinmce of this tittle figure top (No. 50), where "our Lord, kUanded 

may mij^Hit a ilotfl later than Uiat of tbe 1>; fnur anffela, bean the (out of Hb 

main freeco. In a degcriiition, however, Mother to Henvan. The soul ia repre- 

of tbs Pienza Cupe. a very fine uicl aented oa a child, dresaed in white, atond- 

perfect eiiiniple r>f L^ngliah work of abnut iog upon a, napkin, the enda of which 

the year 1300, Riren b; my friend Hr. are bome by two aogelB." {Vidt Pro- 

MicklctbiTsite, K.S.A, there iawiiocthinfc ceeilings of the Sodetf of AJltiquMia^ 

Btmikr in one of the Ave Bubjucl^ at the April b, 1S33.) 

,, Google 


mannae uma aurea, which may be a symbol of the 
Blessed Virgin, inasmuch aa she bore in her womb the 
manna of the new Law, the body and the blood of Christ. 
S- Ambrose, S. Bernard, Rupert, Richard of S. Lawrence 
and other mediseval writers speak of the mauna as a tj^e 
of the Blessed Virgin.' 

Outside the garden may be seen on a mountain the 
figure of Moses kneeling with the inscription R%ibus 
Moysys. For as the bush was on fire and yet against the 
laws of nature was not burnt, thus also Marj' became 
mother without ceasing to remain a virgin. Tliis symbol 
of the Blessed Virgin is very familiar with the Fathers of 
the Church, and is used by S. Epiphanius, S. Eplirem, S. 
John Chrysostom, S. Proclus, S. Augustine, &c., and by a 
great number of ante-mediaeval writers, as Andreas Cre- 
tensis, Isychius, Chrysippus, George of Nicomedia, S. 
Germanus of Constantinople, S. John Damascene, &c., &c.' 

It remains for me to explain another symbol. This repre- 
sents a chalice over which a host hangs suspended (on 
which Christ on the Cross and the figures of the Mother of 
God and of S. John can be easily discerned), and from which 
proceed seven green branches in regidar form which come 
together in the form of a cross. This chalice is placed 
close to the Unicorn on the mantle of Mary to signify that 
it is meant to be a symholiccd explanation of the symbol of 
the Unicorn. The exact connecting idea cannot be deter- 
mined, because the inscription on the chalice is quite 
illegible ; but thus much seems to follow from it that 
the artist had in mind to indicate that the Unicom is the 
symbol of the Saviour of the world, hidden in the Sacra- 
ment of the Altar, from whose real Body proceed the 
Seven Sacraments which are ever freah and green, because 
like the leaves of the tree of life in the Apocalypse pre- 
pared " for the healing of the nations."* 

Altortbiiitier, who Kt.ji the upplicatios of tbs allegory of the Unicom to the Idc&t- 
nation dat<s from a. Isidore of Spain, who died a.d. 63fl. See his Origina ni. 2, 
Enitathiiu, Beuunn. 20 ; Peter Damiui, S^ ii, IS uid Albert the Qn>t, de AiamaX 
iiii, 2, 1. 


By C. W. KIHQ, M.A. 

In Mr. Frank's collection of Mediaeval seals is a circular 
matrix of pewter, one and a quarter inch in diameter; the 
device, a large fleur-de-lys, or some such 0oral ornament, 
occupying the centre ; legend, 

Two peculiarities in the seal make me regard it aa that of 
some Norman Jew who flourished in the course of the 
12th century in this country. The device is unusual 
for a Christian of the period to which the fashion of its 
Lombardic lettering restricts its date, and may even be 
a conventional representation of the Aaron's Eod still 
carried in the seals of our Rabbis aa a professional badge. 
Secondly, the designation " filius" is not to be found on 
the Mediasval seals of Christians, so far as my knowledge 
of them extends. In documents, whenever a Norman 
describes himself as "filius," i.e., Fiiz so and so, his father 
is always a noble, with a surname derived from an estate ; 
never a plebeian possessing only a single baptismal name, 
like " Pumel, son of Matthias" on the legend before us. 
Ou the other hand, the Jews of those times invariably so 
designated themselves when they used the Latin language, 
thus, " M^ister Benedict filius Magistri Moses" is the 
signature of the most important man amongst the Lincoln 
Jews in the latter years of Henry lU. In this instance, 
*' Magister" stands for " Eabbi," that official being recog- 
nised by the government as the secular as well as spiritual 
chief of the Hebrew community. 

What the *' k" preceding " Mathiae" in our seal means 
must be left to conjecture ; aU that can be assumed is 

'Addeoduin to page 170. 

Dij.iMb, Google 


that it indicated some title of the person whose name it 

Dr. SchiUer-Ziniasy is convinced that it is the initial of 
Rabbi ; he also points out that the b is put for M in the 
name of Matthew, through a very facile error of the seal 
cutter, who took down the word by ear, being necessarily- 
unacquainted with the- true spelling of the Hebrew, which 
ie correctly transhterated by Mattiaho, a sound which a 
French Jew clips down to Matkee. This is analagous to 
" Baashomet," the mysterious idol which the Templars 
were accused of worshipping, a name now allowed to be 
nothing worse than " Midiomet" in the vulgar pronuncia- 
tion. But I must confess that to my own eye the charac- 
ter appears the ordinary Lombard 11^, with an accidental, 
or ornamental, inflection of the further limb. 

Digitized by Google 


In the year 1872, the writer compiled the present paper 
(with the exception of additions arising from recent dis- 
coveries), and after being read (April 21st 1873) at 
University College, it was published in the Transactiona 
(at Evening meetings) of the London and Middlesex ArchcBo- 
logical Society. In 1880, a short supplement was pubUshed 
in vol, V of the same Society's ordinary Transactions, but 
so numerous have been the enquiries for the original 
paper, and so great has been the pressure put upon the 
writer to republish it, that he has at length consented to 
do so, with various additions and alterations, in the p^es 
of the ArchcBological Journal. 

It has been necessary to give the above particulars 
and dates, for since the issue of the supplementary- list, 
Professor Hubner has published (at Berlin in 1881) a 
similar paper in voL xvi of the Hermes.^ In this paper 
Professor Hubner, who appears to be unaware of the 
present writer's former papers, omits a large number of 
Cunei, Numeri, &c., whilst he adds (without evidence) a 
niuaber of other corps to the list. The aim of the present 
writer has been to provide a complete catalogue of such 
of the Boman forces, as can be absolutely identified (and 
that only) aa having served in Britain. 

Of the forces brought over by Juhus CEesar in his two 
invasions we know nothing, with the exception that the 
7th and IQth legions comprised part of his army, and 
their short stay here would prevent them from leaving 

' "Dh Romiaohe Heer in Britaimiea," 613-5S1. 
1 K Hilboer, Henna, vol xvi, pp. 

ty Google 


any durable memorial. It is only when the Emperor 
Claudius, in a.d. 43, commenced in earnest the conquest 
of Britain that we have any insight into the composition 
of the Eoman armies in the island. In that year he sent 
over a large force, under the command of Aulus Plautius, 
and in the following year he himself landed on our shores 
with considerable reinforcements. These latter were pro- 
bably soon recalled, and the force left for permanent 
occupation consisted, from what we can incidentally learn 
from Tacituh, of four legions, the 2nd, 9th, 14th, and 
20th, with their auxiliaries. A short account of the 
legions is, therefore, in the first place necessary. 

Legio Seeunda Aitguata (lbo. n. avg.) 
On its first arrival in Britain, this legion was commanded 
by the celebrated Vespasian, afterwards emperor. It was 
probably engaged under Ostorius Scapula in the battle 
with Caractacus, but was not in the battle with Boadicea, 
in the reign of Nero, and its commander (Poenius* 
Postumus) killed himself in consequence of missing this 
opportunity of distinction. Subsequently it was employed 
in the reduction of the territory of the Silures. Its head 
quarters were at Oaerleon, where it has left numerous 
inscriptions. It accompanied Hadrian to the north, and 
with the 6th and 20th legions erected the Northumbrian 
wall ; and in the following reign (of Antoninus Pius), the 
same three legions erected the Northern wall, between 
the rivers Forth and Clyde. Numerous inscriptions by all 
of them, occur along the whole length of both walls. 
This second legion remained in Britain until the very end 
of the Roman occupation, and at the time the Notitia was 
compiled its liead quarters were at Eutnpice (Eichborough, 
Kent). It has also left memorials of its presence, or that 
of some of its members, at Middleby, Netherby, Bewcastle, 
Maryport, Shawk Quarries, Crawdundale, Brough-under- 
Stanemore, Corbridge, Chester-le-Street, Ilkley, London, 
Bath, Lanio (Cardiganshire), Usk, Abergavenny, the Gaer 
(near Brecon), and at Cramond in Scotland. It was 
longer in Britain than any of the other legions. 

' Dr. Hiibnar euggeets tluit Ihii mime that it may have beeOr Haeniw^ .. , 

may 1i»to been wrongly tranaeribBd, and - ■- 


Legio Nona Uispana (leg. rx. hisp.) 
This legion was nearly annihilated in the outbreak 
under Boadicea, but what remained of it was engt^ed in 
the subsequent battle, in which she was defeated. Nero 
recruited it to a considerable extent from the Continent, 
but it seems still to have been a weak legion. It was 
again very severely handled in the operations, under Julius 
Agricola, against Galgacus, previous to the final battle of 
the Grampians. Its subsequent head quarters were at 
York, where numerous inscriptions and inscribed tiles, 
bearing its name, have been found. It was engaged in 
building the Koman station at Aldborough (Imirium), as 
the tiles found there, bearing its stamp, testify. One of 
its tiles has also been found near Woodcroft (Northants), 
and tombstones of two of its members have been found 
at Lincoln. The latest direct record of it, either written 
or lapidary, is a tablet of the reign of Trajan found at 
York ; but at Lambassis in Algeria, an inscription has 
been found (C. I. L. vni, No. 2747) of the date a.d. 150, 
naming an Imperial Legate, who in the earlier part of hia 
career had been Tribune of this legion ; and as subsequent 
services of his, in a.d. 124-6, are noticed, it would seem 
that he was in the 9tb legion at least as late as somewhere 
about the time of Hadrian's accession, a.d. 117, if not 
later. Another inscription found at Gelma, the Roman 
Calama, in Algeria, much shattered, has also named this 
legion, for eg. viin hispa. is visible, and also (di)vi. 
(t)rai(a)ni. The last words, Divi Trajani, show that 
Trajan had been deified at the date of the inscription, 
and taken together the two inscriptions go far to prove 
that the 9th legion, though much weakened, garrisoned 
York until replaced by the 6th legion, in Hadrian's time. 
After that date nothing is known of it, but it is supposed 
to have been amalgamated with the 6th. In a Continen- 
tal inscription (Henzen 6673) of probably early date, the 
legion bears the title leg. vnn. trivmph. 

Legio Quartadecima Gemina (leg. xiin. gem). 
This celebrated legion after serving in the earlier British 
campaigns, bore the brunt of the battle with Boadicea. 
Pauiinus Suetonius, the Roman general, gave its soldiers 


on that occasion the title of domitores BritamnicB (a.d. 61). 
In A.D. 68 it was recalled by Nero, but in the following 
year was again sent to Britain by TitelliuB, and finally 
left the island in a.d. 70, by order of VespaBian. But 
few. traces of its presence have been found. Its head 
quarters at one time were at Wroxeter, where tombstones 
of two of its members (one a signifer, or standard bearer) 
have been found. Another tombstone of one of its 
soldiers has been found at Lincoln, which place, I think, 
was its final station in Britain. 

Legio Vicesima Valeria Vtctrix (i..eq. xi. v. v.). 
In the battle with Boadicea only the vexiUarii of this 
l^on were engaged. The celebrated Agricola commanded 
it (according to Tacitus) during the time Vettius Bolanus 
was Imperii Legate in Britain, a.d. 69-71, his predecessor 
in command having been Boscius Caelius. Of its services 
in building the Northumbrian and Scotch walls I have 
already spoken. Its head quarters for a long period were 
at Deva (Chester), where it probably remained until nearly 
the close of the Eoman power, and where numerous in- 
scriptions by it have been found, amongst them a tile 

LEG. XX. v. V. (E. 

The last letters, which are evidently meant for db, probably 
stand for Devensis. The legion has left inscriptions (in 
addition to those on the two walls) at Eildon, Middleby, 
High Eochester, Netherby, Maryport, Moresby, Lan- 
chester, Natland, Crawdundale, Manchester, Whittlebury 
fNorthants), Wroxeter, Colchester, London, Bath, Hope 
(Flintshire) and Caerhun. It had left Britain before the 
compilation of the Noiitta, as it is not named in that 

It is possible that amongst the re-inforcements brought 
over by Claudius in a.d. 44, but which returned im- 
mediately to the Continent (probably with the emperor), 
were vexiUations of the 4th and 8th legions. As to the 
former, an inscription has been found in Switzerland 
(OreUi 363, and Mommsen, Inscr. Helv. 179) which was 
first published by Muratori. It names a certain Juhus 
CamUluB, a tribune of Legio IIII Macedfonica), who had 
VOL. zu. 3 1 


received several decorations from Claudius for having 
fought in Britain. Another inscription, found at Turin, 
names L. Gavius Silvanus, a primipilus of the 8th legion 
(leg. vin, AVG,), who was flimilarly rewarded by Claudius 
for services in " the Britannic war." Whether these 
officers belonged to the 4th and 8th legions respectively, 
at the time these services were rendered, is doubtful, but 
the probability is that they did. 

Legio Secwnda Adjutrix Pia Fidelia (lbq. n. ad. p. p.) 
The -withdrawal of the 14th le^on and its auxiliaries 
had materially weakened the army in Britain, at a critical 
moment. But as soon as Vespasian established his rule 
over the Boman empire, Tacitus tells us {Agricola, ch. 18) 
" the great commanders and well appointed armies which 
were sent over (to Britain) abated the confidence of the 
enemy, and Petilius CeresJis struck terror by an attack 
upon the Brigantes," &c. In these '* well appointed 
armies," of a.d. 71, the above named legion seems to have 
been included, for inscriptions by it have been found in 
Britain, though we know that it was on the Continent, 
in Germany, immediately before this period. It could 
not have remained long in Britain, for in the reign 
of Domitian it was stationed in Pannonia, where it 
remained many years. Two tombstones of soldiers of 
this legion have been found at Lincoln, at which place 
it probably occupied the quarters vacated by the 14th 
legion the previous year, and thence marched with 
CereaUs gainst the Brigantes. At Bath also a tombstone 
of one of its soldiers has been found. He had probably 
been invalided there. 

Legio Sexta Victrix, Pia, Fidelia (leg. vi. tic. p. f.) 
From an inscription found at Home in June 1555 
(Gruter, cccclvii, 2) it appears that the above named 
legion crossed over to Britain from Germany at about 
the time the Emperor Hadrian made the same voyage 
(a.d. 120). It apparently landed at the mouth of the 
Tyne, for in 1875 an altar dedicated by the legion to 
Neptune was found in tlie river at Newcastle. As there 
could be no other reason for such an offering than the 
satisfactory termination of a voyage, I brought forward 


the view, a few days after the discovery of the altar 
(Newcastle Daily Journal, Slst July 1875) that it was 
evidence (taken with facts named below) of the landing of 
the I^on at the place where the altar was found, the 
latter being ita thank offering. 

I have already noticed the part this legion took in the 
erection of the Walls of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. It 
succeeded the 9th legion in garrison at York, where it has 
left many inscriptions, and memorials of it (in addition to 
those on the two walls) have been found at High Eoches- 
ter, Corbridge, South Shields, Ebchester, Hexham, Whitley 
Castle, Escomb (co. Durham), Northallerton, Natland, 
Greta Bridge, Stainland, Dalton Parlours (near Colling- 
ham, Yorkshire), fiibchester, Manchester, Littleborough 
(Lancashire), Lincoln, Berkeley (Gloucestershire), London, 
Bath, Carnarvon, and Middleby. It remained in BritMn 
until the close of the Roman occupation of the island, and 
was still at York when the Notiiia was compiled. 

From another inscription found at Ferentinum (Henzen, 
No. 5456) we learn that vexillations of the 7th, 8th, and 
22nd legions, each a thousand strong, also came over at 
the same time as the 6th, under the command of T. 
Pontius Sabinus. It names this officer as coming 


Of these vexillations, no trace has yet been found of 
that of the ILegio VII. Gemina. In 1771 a Mr. Tunstall 
exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries an inscription 
found between Brougham and Kirkby Thore, which 
distinctly names the eighth l^on (leg. vin. avq.), and in 
1867 the wmJo of a shield bearing the name and century 
of a soldier of the same legion was found at the bar of the 
mouth of the Tyne. This seems further proof that the 
vexillation, as well as tlie 6th legion, landed at the mouth 
of that river. The soldier to whom the umbo belonged 
had most probably been drowned in some accident at this 
spot. A tUe found at Leicester, stamped L. vm., seems also 
to name this legion. With regard to the vexillation of the 
22nd legion. Dr. J. C. Bruce about 1873 discovered a 
portion of an inscription naming it, at Abbotsford (the 
seat of the late Sir Walter Scott). This had been brought 


from Old Penrith (Voreda) and was bnUt up in the 
garden waU, with several sculptures identified also as 
having come from Old Carlisle. Though the right hand 
portion of the stone is broken off, the remainder is clear, 
and is inscribed — 



i.e., when entire VExi(LLA'no) leg. xx(n) PBiMiG(ErnA). 

Each of the legions had a large number of auxihary 
troops, both horse and foot {aloe and cohorts) attached to 
it. The names of a few of these, about half a dozen 
cohorts, are mentioned by Tacitus, but the chief sources 
of informatioD are the Diplomata MHitaria, of which six 
(all but one fragmentary) have been found in Britiun. 
These are bronze tablets, giving a list of al<ie and co- 
horts, upon certain members of which, the then reigning 
emperor had conferred the privileges of citizenship and 
marriage. They were generally in form like two leaves of 
a book, the inside portion bearing one copy of the decree, 
which was repeated on the outside, the fines in the latter 
running at right angles to those on the inside. The first 
recorded as found in Britain was discovered in 1761 at 
Riveling near Ecclesfield in Yorkshire. It was en- 
graved by . Gough in his Camden's Briiannia, but smce 
his time the most perfect of the plates has been tost, and 
the other, now in the British Museum, is much corroded. 
It will be referred to in this paper as the Kiveling iaiuZa. 
Its date is a.d. 124, in the reign of Hadrian. It is in 
favour of six alae and twenty-one cohorts, the names of 
some of which are lost. The second was found at Syden- 
ham in Kent, and is now also in the British Huseom. It 
is fragmentary, but is a decree of Trajan, a.d. 105, in 
favour of two cdcB and ten cohorts. The third was found 
at Bickley near Malpas in Cheshire in 1812, and is the 
most perfect found. This is also of Trajan and of the 
date January a.d. 103. It is now in the British Museum, 
and is in favour of four aloB and eleven cohorts. It is 
generally called the Malpas tabula. 

The fourth is merely a fragment found at Walcot near 
Bath in 1815. It is mentioned, without full particulars, in 
the ArchcBologia, vol. xviii, p. 438. In 1876 Is 


in obtaining the full entry from the nunutea of th« Society 
of Antiquaries, wbicli I published in ArehceologiceU Journal, 
vol. xxxiii, pp. 250-1, but could not succeed in tracing 
the tcUnda. From the former it appeared that the tabula was 
in favour of an officer of the Ala Proculeiana, till then 
unknown to antiqaari^. In 1877, 1 further succeeded in 
obtfuning a drawing of it by the late Mr. C. Lysons (which 
I reproduced in Archceohgkal Journal, vol. xxxiv, p. 318). 
In 1879 Mr. Beach Smith favoured both Dr. Bruce and 
myself with rubbings of the fragment, which he had 
received from the late Mr. Pox of Huntingdon. Dr. 
Bruce published in the Archoeologia Aeliana in 1880 a 
copy of this so called "rubbing," which he says had "been 
traced over by an inexperienced hand," and that he had 
corrected some errors which had arisen from this cause. 
In the meantime, through the agency of some handwriting 
on my copy of the " rubbing," I succeeded in finding tbe 
ori^Doal fragment, which is now in the museum of the 
Literary and Philosophical Society at Huntingdon, and 
obtained not only other rubbings, but the result of 
personal examinations by other antiquaries. By this 
means several errors were corrected {Archceological 
Journal, vol. xxxvii, p. 142), though it will be impossible 
ever to ascertain the name of the emperor who issued the 
decree, or the number of the corps named in it (with the 
exception of the Ala ProaUeiana), as they were <hi the lost 

The fifth was found in 1879 by Mr. John Clayt«i, in 
excavating the southern gateway of the station at Chesters 
{CUuTTtum) upon the wall of Hadrian, of which he is the 
owner. It is of the date a.d. 145, and was issued by 
Antoninus Rus in favour of three (dee and eleven cohorij. 
The name of one of the ala is lost. Mr. Clayton has 
since presented the ttdftda to the British Museum. 

The sixth is a mere fragment, found with the last named, 
but suffi<^ent of the iiucription is ^sible to shew that it 
was of the reign of Antoninus Pios. 

A seventh tabula, referring to the Eoman army m 
Britain, was found at the close of the year 1880 in the 
bed of the river Meuse at Fl^malle, close to li^e. It ia 
of the 3rd consulate of Trajan (a.d. 98-99), and has 
named two alee and nz cohorts, but the names of the 


former and of one of the latter are lost. In tjils paper it 
will be referred to as the Li^ge tabula. 

For the reader's information, I may mention that the 
beat copies of the three first named ta^ulce will be found in 
the Lapidarium SepUntrionale, published by the Society of 
Antiquaries of Newcastle, the fourth, fifth and sixth are 
engraved in the Arckceologia jEliana (vol. viii, N.S., 
pp. 217-2r9), and the seventh in vol. xxxix, p. 44 of the 
Journal of ike British Archaeological Aaaociation, Where 
in this paper I refer to inscriptions discovered on the 
wall of Hadrian (or the four northern counties), engravings 
of them, if extant, will be found in the . Lapidarium 
Septentrionak, whilst any inscription discovered in Scot- 
land, will be found in Stuart's Caledonia Romana (2nd 
edit. 1852.) 

Prom the Noiitia Imperii, compiled a few years before 
the Romans left Britain {drca a.d. 400) we gather the 
names of many of the regiments named in the tabuUe as 
still serving here, with the names of the places where they 
were stationed, besides a number of regiments known only 
as being in our island from this document, which is a sort 
of army Ust. Such are the data from which I have 
compiled the following list of — 


Numerus Abulcorum. Stationed at the time the Notitia 
was compiled at Anderida. This place seems undoubtedly 
to have been the great castrum at Pevensey, but no 
inscriptions by this or any other cohort have been found 

Cohors I. Alpinorum. Named in the Malpas tabtda of 
Trajan, but no inscriptions by it have yet been found in 
any Homan station in Britain. 

Cohors I. Aquitanorum. Named in the Eiveling tabula 
of Hadrian. It has left an inscription at Carrawburgh 
(Proediiia) on the Northumbrian Wall, and another by it 
was found in the grounds of Haddon Hall, Derbyshire, 
which is still preserved there. 

Cuneus Armaturantm. Named in the Notitia as stationed 
at Bremetennacum, which appears to have been the 
eastrum at Eibchester. The Armature were light armed 
infantry, and are several times mentioned by Vegetius, 


and also by AmmianuB MarcellinuB. An armaiura named 
FlavJus Blandinus ia mentioned in an inscription found at 
Lydney in Gloucestershire. This ia the orJy example in 
Britain, but there are others on the continent. I however 
opine that the reading in the NotUia was originally 
Cuneua Sarmatarum, as aeveral inscriptions mentdoning 
Sarmatian cavalry have been found at Eibchester, and a 
cunem was generally a cavalry corps. 

Ala I. Asturum. In the time of the Notitia stationed 
at Condercum (Benwell) on the Northumbrian Wall, where 
several inscriptions by it have been found. One is of the 
reign of Septimiua Severus, in another it bears the title of 
Gordiana, and in another is styled Ala I. Hiapanorum 
Asturum. By this last name it occurs in the Chesters 
tabula, and probably (from a few remaining letters) in the 
Biveling tabula also. An Ala Asturum, probably this one, 
occurs at Eibchester in an inscription. 

Ala II. Asturum. Placed by the Noiiiia at Cilumum 
(Chesters) on the Northumbrian Wall, where inscriptions 
by it have been discovered. The tombstone of a decurion 
of this ala was found at Lincoln in 1882. 

Cohors I. Asturum. From two inscriptions found in 
Algeria {Corpus. Inscr. Latin., vol. viii, Nos. 2766 and 
9047) we gather that this cohort was in Britain. The 
Notitia places it at Aesica on the Northumbrian Wall, but 
this is evidently an error, for 

Cohors II. Asturum, which occurs bodi in an inscription 
and on a tile found at .^^^a (Great Chesters). In the 
inscription, which is of the date a.d. 225, it bears the title 
of Severiana Alexandriana. I have recently found its 
name as occurring on an inscription found at Llanio in 
Cardiganshire, and also on another in the neighbouring 
church of Llandewi Brevi. From a continental inscription 
(Orelli, No. 208) we learn that one of its praefects held 
the office of Censitor of the Boman citizens at the colony 
of CamaloduTtum (Colchester). It occurs in the Kiveling 
tabula and probably in that found at Sydenham, where 
the numeral is erased, though the word astvhvm may be 

Ala Augusta ob virtutem appeUata. This ala occurs in 
seven inscriptions found at Old CarUsle. In one, it has 
the additional title of Gordiana. Nothing further is 

XM isft BcouK ranesB nr bbttain. 

known intb certainty respecting it, although Tarious 
coi^ectaree » to its nationality have been made. 

Cohora I. Baetaaiorvm. Named in both the Malpas and 
Biveling tabuite. It has left a number of inscriptions at 
the lai^e station at Maryport. The letters CR. following 
itB name are the abbreviations for Cwium Somanorum, 
and shew that it was oompoaed of Boman citizens. {Vide 
Cohors I. Vetasiorum, *n/ra.) 

Ntaaerua Barcariorum. This is doubtless the expansion 
s£ the abbreviation Ntun. Bare, which occurs in the 
inscription on an altar to Man found at Halton near 
Lancaster. The interpretation of the [dtrase has given 
nse to much discusston amongst I^tin scholans. The 
ofHsuoGS Off Fpofessor Booking and Dr. McCsnl are entitled 
to the most consideration, ^ey both consider it to mean 
" the company of bargemen." 

Numerus Barcariorum Tigrisiermum, or, according to 
the above rendering, " the company oif the bargemen of 
the Tigris," were stationed in the time of the Notitia at 
Arbeia, probably situated at Pierse Bridge, or near the 
mouth of the Tees. 

Cohere I. Batavorum. Named in the Eiveling labtda, 
and stationed in the time of the Notitia at Carrawburgh 
{Procolitia) on the wall of Hadrian, where several in- 
scriptions by it have been found of much earlier dates. 
According to Tacitus, three Batavian and two Tungrian 
cohorts bore ihe chief share in attacking Galgacus at the 
great battle of the Grampians. 

Cohors II. Batavorum. A stone found at Castle Gary 
on the line of the Antonine Wall, which is a fragment of a 
considerable inscription, bears liie letters n. BiT. This 
evidently refers to one of the three cohorts named above. 

Cohors * • * Batavorum. This would be the other 
cohort named by Tacitus, but its number is not known. 

Cohors I. Br On a fragment of a tile found at 

Ebchester {Vindomora) now lost, but engraved by Dr. 
^ruce, it is said that the letters m. bb. occur. I however 
think it possible that they may be part of the abbreviation 
COH. nn. BR., as an altar by a cohort bearing this numeral 
and nationality was found there. {Vide infra). 

Cohors III. Bracarum Augustanorum. This cohort is 
named in the Malpaa tabtda (a.d. 103) and in the Biveling 


tt^tda (a.d. 124) as being in Britain at each of these 
dates. But it must have been on the continent in the 
interval, for in a diploma of Trajan dated a.d. June 108 
{Corpus Inscr. Latin., vol. iii. p. 866) found at Weissen- 
berg it is named as b^ng then in Baetia. In the Chesters 
tabula it ia also named, but simply as coh. m. bbac. (the 
word AVGVSTANORVM being omitted). This leads me to 
think that two tiles found at the Boman station at Man- 
chester inscribed c. m. bb. were made by it. If not, no 
trace of it has been found in Britain. 

Cohors nil. Bre .... (probably Breucorum). Nume- 
rous Koman tiles inscribed coh. mr. bre. have been found 
at Slack {Cambodunum) and at Grimscar in the same 
neighbourhood. A cohort of the Breuci is named in an 
imperfect sepulchral inscription, found at Elsdon in 
Northumberland, though it is doubtful whether it refers to 
a cohort stationed in Britain. The numerals are lost, 
through the stone flaking ofi". At the large station of 
Bremenium, closely adjoining Elsdon, a circular bronze 
ornament has been found, on which appears to be the 
words COH. opTmi maxim, b., which may possibly refer to 
this cohort. 

Cohors L . . . . Brit. This title occurs on a stone found 
near Hopton in Derbyshire {Archceobgia, vol. xiii, pp. 1 to 
5). The stone is considerably worn, and the letters look 
in the engraving (for the stone is now lost) like cOH. I * * 
Lv. BBiT. There can be no doubt however that a cohort 
of the Brittones, who were a people of Belgic Gaul, is 
indicated, as I pointed out in my original paper. In a 
subsequent paper in vol. zxxiii of the Archtsological Journal^ 
I pointed out from the milestone found at Buxton that the 
Roman station at Brough was the Navio of Kavennaa. 
This station Navio is not many miles from where the stone 
naming the cohort of Brittones was found, and since my 
earlier remarks my attention has been directed to a stone 
found at Fuligno, and now preserved in the Communal 
Palace there, bearing the following shattered inscription ; 

0. PEAE 

. . BORTia TBIB. MILI . 

The fourth line of this inscription has puzd^ many 


antiquariea, who considered it to refer to a subordinate 
tribe of the Brittonea, styled Anavionmses. I would read 
the remaining part of the inscription thuB — Prae(fecto) 
Cohortis, Trib{uno) MUi{tum) Praef{ecio) Equit(um) Cen- 
8ito{ri) Brittonum A. Navion{e), Prociurcttort) Aug{u8ti) 
Armeniae Ma{joris). The person who was named at the 
commencement of this inscription would thus be the 
Censitor of the Brittones, stationed at Brough in Derby- 
shire. I may here add that another proof of this station 
being Navio, pronounced Nauio, is to be found in the 
name of the adjoining stream, the Noe. 

Cohora ITU. Br. Antoniniana occurs upon an inscribed 
altar found at Ebchester. Horsley considers the Br. as 
the abbreviation of Brittonum. Though by no means 
certain, this would seem to be the correct reading. If 
Breuci were intended, we should no doubt have the 
abbreviation Bre. The title Antoniniana was probably 
derived from either Caracalla or Elagabulus. 

Cohora I. Cartov. Camden gives this as the reading of 
one of the lines of an inscription found at Binchester, but 
it is, as I have pointed out in Arcfumlogical Journal^ 
vol. xxzix, p. 380, no doubt quite erroneous. 

C. Carvettomm. This occurs in an inscription, seen and 
copied by Camden, at the Roman station at Old Penrith 
in 1599. He suggested Cohora Can^etiomm as the reading; 
I think it may probably be Cuneua Carvetiorum. Tir. 
Htlbner (C. I. L. vu, No. 325) suggests Civitatts Carvetiorum, 
as the person named was a qucsatoriua. 

Equitea Cataphraciarioruni, stationed by the Notitia at 
Morbium, a place the site of which is not yet settled, 
but may have been at Templeborough, near Eotherham. 
No traces of this body of cavalry have been found in 
Britain. They were steel clad, and were probably 
Sarmatians, i.e. Poles. 

Equitea Catafraciarii Juniorea. Also named by the 
Notitia as being stationed in Britain, though no traces of 
them have been found. The difference in spelling the 
name of this corps in the Notitia is remarkable. 

Cohors I. Celtiherorum. This cohort is named in both 
the Sydenham and Chesters tabuUB. No inscriptions by 
it have yet been found, but several tiles have occurred at 
the Soman station at Caersws (Montgomeryshire), inscribed 

L _ . ,Gooq[c 


C. I. c. F., evidently mentioning some cohort, which I think 
may be this one. I would expand the words as C{ohors) I 
C{eUiberorum) F{ecit). 

Cohors ./Elia Classica. Named in the Chesters tabula, 
and placed by the Notiiia at Tunnocelum, a station whose 
site is not yet settled, though it was probably on the 
Cumberland coast. It must have been a marine station, 
for the dassiarii answered to the marines of the present 
day. It obtained the title of ./Elia, like many other corps, 
from the family name of the Emperor Hadrian. 

Ala Classiana. C. R. This corps is named in the 
Sydenham tabtda. Like the preceding one, its name 
shews that it was composed of marines, but singularly 
enough, it is given as an ala or horse regiment, instead of 
as a cohort. The old joke as to "horse marines" is in this 
case an accomplished fact. C. R. stands for Civium 
Romanorum, shewing that it was composed of Eoman 

Claasiarii Britannid (or British marines). An altar has 
been found at Lymne in Kent {Portus Lemanus) with an 
inscription by a Praefect of the Clas. Brit., and several 
tiles at the same place are stamped with the initials cl. br. 
The stamp also occurs on a tde found at Dover. Two 
inscriptions have been found in Cumberland, one in a 
vault at Tryermain (or Tredermaine) Castle, naming the CL. 
BRIT, and another at Netherby, naming the cla. bbi. The 
latter is still extant, the former is lost. 

Nujmnts Con ... At Binchester ( Vinovium) a number 
of tiles, bearing the stamp n. con. have been found. It is 
uncertain as to what the e^ansion should be. 

Cohors Comotnorum. Placed by the Notiiia at Pons 
jElii (Newcastle on Tyne). No traces of it have yet been 

Equites Crispianorum. Thb corps is placed by the 
NotUia at Danum (Doncaster), but no traces of it have yet 
been found. Horsley considers it to have taken its name 
from Crispiana, a town in Pannonia. 

Cohors I. CugemoruTn. Named in the Malpas and 
Kiveling tabulw, in the latter with the prefix Ulpia 
Trajana, and suffix c.r. {Civium Romanoi-um). Its name 
occurs in the inscription on a milestone found near the 
Antonine Wall, and on an altar found at Carrawburgh 


{Procolitia) on the Wall of Hadrian. In the latter it ia 


Cohors I. ^lia Dacorum. Named in the Cheaters 
tabula and placed by the Noiitia at Amboglanna (Birdos- 
wald) on the Wall of Hadrian, at which place more than 
twenty inscriptions by it have been found. In addition to 
^lia, it adopted at various times titles from the reigning 
emperor, such as Antoniniana, Gordiana, Postumiana, 
and Teiriciana. An inscription by it has idso been found 
at Bewcastle. 

Cohors I. Delmatarum. Named in the Eiveling tabula, 
on a number of inscriptionfl found at Maryport {Axelodvr 
num), and on another at Cross Canonby. The poet 
Juvenal served in this cohort. 

Cohors II. Delmataram. An inscription by this cohort 
has been found at Magna (Caervorran) on Hadrian's Wall, 
where according to the Notitia it was stationed. . The 
latter styles it " Dalmatarum." 

Cohors nil. Delmatarum. Named in the Malpas 
tabxda', on the reverse of which it ia styled ///. Delmata- 
rum. A cohort of Dalmatians occurs in the Sydenham 
tabula, but the numerals preceding its name are lost, 
though from its position in the inscription it was probably 
this one. 

Equites Dalmatarum. According to the Notitia this 
corps was stationed at Prcesidium, a place as yet undis- 
covered, though I have reasons for thinking it ^as the 
station at Malton in Yorkshire. No inscriptions by this 
corps have yet been found. 

Equites Dalmatarum Branoduensis. This corps was, 
according to the Notitia, stationed at Branodtimtm (Bran- 
caster) in Norfolk, but no inscriptions by it have yet been 

Numerus De/ensorum, at Braboniacum, or Brougham, 
when the Notitia was compiled, but no traces of it have 
yet been found. 

Numerus Derventionensia. The Notitia places this corps 
at DerventiO) the site of which station is not yet identified. 

Numerus Directorun. Placed by the Notitia at VertercB 
(Brough under Stanemore). These Directores seem to 
have been a sort of guides. 

Coltors II. Donqonum. 31ie name of a cohort, whidi 


occurs in the Siveling tabiUa is thus read by Gbugh, but 
is probably an error. The most perfect of the plates being 
now lost, it is impossible to give the true reading. 

Numeraa Exploratorum. The Noiitia places a numerus 
of Exploratores at Lavatrce (Bowes) though no traces of 
it have been found there. 

Numerus Exploratorum. This is a similar numerus 
placed by the Notitia at Portus Adumi, the site of which 
has not yet been satisfactorily ascertained, though it was 
probably near Shoreham, or at Bramber Castle at the 
mouth of the Adur. 

Numerus Exploratorum Bremeniensktm. This corps is 
named in two inscriptions found at Bremenium (High 

Numerus Fortensium. The Notitia places this at OthoTia, 
the site of which has only been recently discovered, at 
Bradwell juxta Mare in 'Essex, the Ithanchester of Bede. 
No inscriptions by it have been found. PanciroUus con- 
siders it to have derived its name from Portia, a town 
of Asiatic Sarmatia. 

Cokors I. Frisiavonum. This cohort is distinctly named 
in the Sydenham and BiveHng tabidce, also in three 
inscriptions found at Manchester, and one at Melandra 
Castle, Derbyshire. The Notitia appears to style it Cohors 
I. Frixagorum, and places it at Vindobala (Eutchester) on 
the Wall of Hadrian, but no inscriptions have yet been 
found there naming any auxiliary corps. The legions 
alone occur. 

Cohors HIT. F Camden informs us that in a 

broken inscription of the time of Hadrian, which he saw 
at Bowes, the above occurred. I think it probable that 
what Camden read as f is a portion of the letter b (the 
remiunder being lost by the fracture of the stone), and the 
cohort is either the one named on the tiles found at 
Slack, or that named in the Ebchester altar. 

Cuneus Frisionum Aballavensium. This corps is named 
in an interesting inscription found in 1866 at Cocker- 
mouth Castle (which is built from the ruins of the Eoman 
station at Papcastle). It, in conjunction with the frag- 
ment of a second and similar inscription, enabled me in 
1870 to identify Papcastle as the Ab<maba of the Notitia. 
Cuneus Frisionum Vinoviensium. On a broken inscribed 


stone at Binchester we have the words, (a}uandvs. ex. c. 
FEIS. viNOViE. Judging from the name of the last corps, I 
should expand the four last words as ex cuneo Fnstontan 

Cuneua Friaiorum VerluHonensium Severianua Alexan- 
drianus. In an altar discovered in November 1883 at 
Borcovicus (Housesteads) on the Wall of Hadrian the 
dedicators are stated to be " cvnei. frisiobvm. ver. see. 
ALEXANDRiANi. I have therefore {Archaeological Jovmal, 
vol. xh, p. 182) given the name of the cohort, after much 
investigation, as above. 

Equites Frisiorum or Friaiavonum. " Eq, Fris." occurs 
on a sword handle found at Exeter in 1834. 

Ala Augusta GaUorum ProcideiaTia. Named in the 
Walcot tahda, and also in that found at Chesters. Nothing 
else is known concerning it. Can it be the same corps 
which garrisoned Old CarUsle ? 

Ala II. GaUorum Sebosiana. This ala is named in the 
Malpas tabula. In an inscription to the god Silvanus 
found at Stanhope in Weardale it is simply styled Ala 
Seboaiana^ in an inscription at Lancaster Ala Sebussia, and 
on tiles near Lancaster Ala Sebusia. 

Cokora II. GaUorum equitata. This cohort is named in 
the Chesters tabula, and in four inscriptions found at Old 
Carlisle, one of the reign of Philip. It probably came 
over with the Emperor Hadrian and the 6th legion, for it 
appears in a.d. 105 to have been in Moesia. (C. I. L., 
vol. iii, Diploma No. xxii). 

Cohors Till. GaUorum. Named in the Chesters tabula^ 
and placed by the Notitia at ViTtdolana (Chesterholm) on 
the Wall of Hadrian, where several inscriptions by it have 
been found. Two others by it have been found at Walton 
House station, on the same wall, one at Bisingham, and 
one at CastlehiU on the Antonine Wall. Several tiles 
stamped c. nn. g., no doubt the abbreviation for this 
cohort, were found in excavating the Roman station at 
Templeborough near Eotherham in 1877. 

Cohors V. GaUorum. The name of this cohort occurs 
on an altar found at the Roman station at Cramond near 
Edinburgh. Part of an altar by it, and a number of tiles 
bearing its stamp, have been found during the last few 
years in excavating the Roman station at South Shields. 


Cohors Germanorum. An altar to the goddess Coven- 
tina, dedicated by an optio (or lieutenant), CH. German., 
was among the contents of the well sacred to that goddess, 
discovered in 1876 at Carrawburgh {PTOcolitia) on the 
Wall of Hadrian. 

Cohors I. Nervana Cfermanorum. This cohort is named 
in an inscription found near Burgh-upon-Sands on the line 
of the Wall of Hadrian, and upon two others found at the 
station at Birrens [Blatum Bu^ium) in Bumiriesshire. It 
was a thousand strong {miUiaria) and had its proportion 
of horse {eqiaiata). It appears to be named in an inscrip- 
tion at Netherby, where it is simply styled Cok. I. Nervane. 

VexiUatio Germanorum. A vexillation of Germans is 
named in an inscription given by Dr. Gale in his Antonine 
Itinerary (and in some earlier works). It was found near 
Lowther in Westmoreland. Dr. Hubner (C. I. L. vn, No. 
303), thinks it simply refers to the vexillation of the 8th 
legion, which came to Britain with Hadrian. 

Cohors I. Hamiorum Sagittariorum. This cohort is 
named in the Biveling tabtda, and has left two inscriptions 
at Magna (Caervorran), one at Vindolana (Chesterholm), 
both places being on the Wall of Hadrian, and another at 
Kilsyth on the Antonine Wall. They were archers, and 
according to Hodgson were from Hamah on the Orontes. 
This opinion is supported by Dr. McCaul {Brit. Rom. Inscr.y 
p. 260). 

Ala I. Herculea, This cavalry corps, the NotiHa places 
at a staticm named Olertacumy the site of which has been 
much disputed, and is still unsettled. Much discussion 
has also arisen as to the corps itself, its nationality not 
being known. It is requisite, therefore, to say a few words 
on the subject. My own opinion is that this was "the 
first ala of the Thracians," and that the Notiiia author, or 
transcriber, has omitted the word Thracum before Heradea. 
The first ala of the Thracians we know from the Malpas 
tabtda was in England. At Cirencester it seems to have 
been named in a sepulchral inscription as ala. the. habc. 
(the THB has generally been given as tb, but I think exam- 
ination will shew a horizontal stroke connecting the 
vertical strokes of the T and r thus making it ligulate). 
Again, in an inscription (first given by Gtruter, p. mxc) 
from Vaison in France, we have the Ala Thracum 


Hereulania. At Tarragona, in Spain, an inscription found 
in 1803 (C. I. L. n, 4239) names the Ala Throe. Herclan., 
evidently the «ame corps. Another inscription, first given 
by Gruter, p. ccclix, gives the Ala I. Avg. Thrac. In 
view of these, can the Ala Augusta, of which so many 
inscriptions have been found at Old Carlisle, be the same 
corps as Ala I. Thracum, and Ala I. Hercvlea f 

Ala I. Sispanorum Vettonum. So named in the Malpas 
tcdnda. As the Ala Vettonum simply, it occurs in an 
inscription found at Bowes (of the time of Septimius 
Severus), in another found near the large Eoman station 
called '* the Gaer," at Brecon, on an altar and tablet at 
Binchester (Vinovium), and on a tombstone found at Bath. 
In the latter it is styled Civium Bomanorum. 

Cohors I. Hispanorum. Named in the Malpas, Chesters, 
li^ge, and Kivehng tabulce, in the latter with the title of 
^lia. The Notitia places it at Axelodunum, which 
appears to be the large station at Maryport (see ArchcBO- 
logical Journal, vol. xxviii, p. 131). At this place, no less 
than nineteen or twenty inscriptions occur, erected by this 
cohort or by its praefects. At the station at Netherby, 
it occurs in- three inscriptions with the addition of Aelia. 
In some of the Maryport inscriptions it is styled eguitata, 
in those at Netherby milliaria eguitata. A tombstone of 
one of its soldiers was found at the camp at the bridge of 
Ardoch in Perthshire. 

Cohors X. Hispanorum. From Lysons's engraving in his 
ReliquicB Britannico Romanas of the Sydenham tabula, 
together with some other imperfect inscriptions, I at one 
time thought that this cohort was in Britain, more 
especially as Mommsen (Inscr. Neap., No. 5024) gave tta 
inscription naming P. Sept. Paterculus, who was Praef. 
Coh. I. Pannonicae in Britain, as Prcef. Cok. X. Hispa- 
norum in Cappadocia. He has, however, in his later 
works eUminated the numeral X. As however there 
appears to be no 'farther evidence of the existence of 
this cohort, I withdraw it from the list. 

Equites Honoriani Seniores. In Britain according to 
the Notitia, but no traces of them have been found. 

Ala Indiana. An inscription found at Watermore near 
Cirencester was to the memory of a soldier of this corps.' 

* See Oendcmon't Magasint, toL yii, Jane 1E8T ; also ^rcAoeobjrio, vd. xxvii, p. 313. 


Inscriptions by it occur on the Continent, but ita nationality 
is unknown. Professor Hubner thinks it an Ala Trevirorum. 

Cohors I. Lingonum. Named in the Sydenham tabula. 
It has left at High Kochester {Bremenium) a tablet of the 
reign of Antoninus Pius, and three inscriptions at Lan- 
chester, two of them of the reign of Gordian, the cohort 
bearing the name of Gordiana. The name of one of its 
praefects also occurs on an altar found at Eastgate in 

Cohors n. Lingonum. Named in the Li^ge tabula and 
placed by the Notitia at Congavata, probably the station 
at Moresby, where an inscription by it has been found. 
Another by it occurs at Ilkley in Yorkshire. 

Cohora nil. Lingonum. Named in the Malpas and 
Cheaters tabuUe, and placed by the Notitia at Segedunum 
("Wallsend) on the wall of Hadrian, near which at Tyne- 
mouth an altar erected by it has been found. A cohort 
of Lingones appears to be mentioned in a shattered 
inscription found at Greta Bridge in 1793, but the 
numerals are lost. 

Numerus Longovicariorum. This is placed by the Notitia 
at Longovicum (or Longovicus), the site of which is still 
unidentified, and no inscriptions by the corps have been 

Numerus Magnendum. There seems to be a corps 
bearing this designation named in an inscription found at 
Magna (Caervorran) and first published by Gough in his 
Camden s Britannia (0. 1. L., vn, No. 792). 

Numerus Maurorum Aurelianorum. The Notitia places 
this force at AhaJlaba, Papcastle, near Oockermouth, but 
no inscriptions by it have been found. 

Cohors I. MenapioTum. Named in the Eiveling tabula, 
but no traces of it have been found. The Menapii were a 
Belgic people. 

Cohors I. Morinorum. Named in the Malpas tabda and 
placed by the Notitia at Glannibanla, probably the Glano- 
venta of the Antonine Itinerary, and the station at Whitley 
Castle. No inscriptions by it have yet been found. The 
Morini were a people of Belgic Gaul. 

Cohors I. Nerviorum is named in the Sydenham tabula, 
but DO inscription by it has yet been found. 

Cohors II. Nerviorum. Named in the Raveling, Chestere, 


and Liege tahuke. An inscription by it has been found at 
Vindolana (Chesterholm) and another at Procolitia (Car- 
rawburgh) on the Wall of Hadrian. It appears also to be 
named in several of the small leaden seals found at Brough 
{Verterm\ engraved in volumes iii and vi of the Collec- 
tanea Antigua. 

Cokors III. Netinorum. Named in the Eiveling tabula, 
and placed by the Notitia at a station called Alio or 
Alionis, which I have endeavoured to shew (ArcJueological 
Journal, vol. xxviii, pp. 112, 120, and Roman Lancashire, 
p. 29) was at Borrowbridge in Westmoreland, and the 
same place as the Alom of the Antonine Itinerary. 
Camden and Horsley give an imperfect inscription found 
at Whitley Castle (and now lost), which it is thought 
names this cohort (though one copy gives the numerals as 
n. instead of m.), and Wallis in his Ilisiory of Norlkumber- 
land supposes another found at Vindolana (Chestertolm) 
also to name it, but the stone was much worn. If the 
Whitley Castle inscription names it, it bore the additional 
title of C{ivium') R{omanorum). 

Cohors VI. Nerviorum. Named in the Eiveling and 
Chesters tabulcB, and placed by the Notitia at Virosidum, 
a station the site of which has not been determined. An 
inscription by it occurs at Eough Castle on the Antonine 
Wall, another at y£sica (Great Chesters) on the Wall of 
Hadrian, and a tliird at the Eoman station at Brough (near 
Askrigg) in Yorkshire. Is the last named place Viro- 

Numerus Nerviorum Dictensium. The Notitia places 
this force at Dictis, a station which was probably either at 
Pierse Bridge, or between that place and Greta Bridge 
{Arckceological Journal, vol. xxviii, p. 128). 

VexiUatio {Raetorum et) Noricorum. An inscription 
found at Manchester names this force. It probably 
belonged to the 6th or 20th legions. 

Numerus Pacensium. Placed by the Notitia at Magce, 
a site not yet discovered. Tlie corps, according to 
PanciroUus, derived its name from a town in Lusitania. 

Ala I. Pannoniorum Tampiana. This corps is named in 
the Malpaa tabula. No inscriptions by it have yet been 
found in Britain, but on the Continent it occurs as Ala 
Tamjtiana simply (C. I. L., ni, 4466). As the titles of these 


regiments were generally taken from the name of those 
who raised them, is it likely that the rich Tampius 
Mavianus, who lived under Nero, raised this corps, and 
that it was named after him. 

CohoTs I. Pannoniorum. An inscription found in South 
Italy, names P. Septimius Paterculus as being Praefect 
of this cohort in Britain. (Mommsen, Inscr. Neapol., 
No. 5024). 

Cohors II. Pannoniorum. An inscription by this cohort 
has been found at the Roman castrum at Beckfoot in 
Cumberland. A cohort of Pannonians, probably this one, 
is named in the Sydenliani tabula, but the numerals are 
lost. Aljroken tombstone found at Vindolana (Chester- 
holm) also commemorates a Pannonian soldier, but the 
number of the corps is lost. 

Ala Pelriana. The Notitia places this ala at a station, 
apparently named after it, Pelriana-, for we know from 
Tacitus {llist.,i, 70, and iv, 49) that the corps was in exist- 
ence at an early date. An inscription by it has been found at 
Old Carlisle, a second on the face of a quarry at Lanercost, 
a third at Carhsle, in which it is styled Ala Augusta 
Petriana Torquata, MiUiaria, Civium Bomanorum. A 
fourth inscription to a member of the regiment was found 
at Hexhnra in 1881. As we know from other inscriptions 
that the garrison at Hexham was cavalry {e.g. C. I. L. vn, 
No. 481), and as there appears to be another trace of the 
Ala Augusta Petriana having been found there (C. I. L. 
vn, No. 485 — the third line of which I read as PtjlEE. al. 
AVGVstcB PetriaTUs)i I have a strong opinion that that 
town represents Petriana (ArchcBological Journal, vol. xl, 
p. 236-7). 

Ah. Picentiana. The Riveling tabula names this ala. 
As we have evidence that it was in Germany in a.d. 74 
and A.D. 82 (C. I. L., vol. m, p. 852, and Ephemeris 
Epigraphica, vol. iv, p. 496), it probably came over to 
Britain with Hadrian. No inscriptions by it have yet been 

Primani Juniores. Named by the Notitia as being 
stationed in Britain, but no traces of the corps are known. 

{Ala /.) QV . . . Rv . . Such are the letters given by 
Gough as forming part of the name of an ala in the lost 
plate of the Eivelmg tabula. Notwithstanding the fact. 

zed by Google 


that the Qttadi and their neighbours the Marcommani 
were not subdued until the reign of Marcus Aurelius, I 
Stated in my first issue of this list, that I thought the word 
had been qv(ado)rv(m). It is quite possible that a body 
of Quadi might have been in the Eoman service in the 
time of Hadrian. Dion Cassius (lxsi, 16) tells ua that 
after the subjugation of the above named tribes, 8000 of 
the lazyges (inhabitants of the country between the Theiss 
and Danube), armed and mounted as cavalry, were raised 
for the Eoman service, 5500 of whom were sent to Britain. 
No trace of this force haa yet been found, but there can, I 
think, be little doubt, that under the head of lazyges, both 
Quadi and Marcommani might be included, the territory 
of all three tribes adjoining each other and having been 
subdued at the same time. With regard, however, to the 
name of the ala mentioned in this tabula, M. Bobert 
Mowat in the BuUetin Epigraphique de la Gavle, vol. iii, p. 
246, considers that it is Ah. I. Qjiarquemormti. The 
Quarquemi (or Querquemi) were a people of Sptun, and 
neighbours of the Asturea. It is possible M. Mowat's 
conjecture may be the correct reading, but the space 
on the plate (as given by Gough) seems too small 
for qv(abqvbrno)kv(m). I therefore stiU incline to 

Cokora . . /. Raetorum. A cohort of the Raeii (or 
Rkaeti) seems to be named in an inscription found at 
Aesica (Great Chesters) on the Wall of Hadrian. The 
extant letters are . . mAETOBV. 

VexiUatio Rcetorum {et Noricorwm.) See Vex. Noricorum, 
Ala Sahimana. The Notitia which styles this corps Ala 
Saviniana places it at Hunnum (Halton Chesters), on the 
wall of Hadrian. An inscription has been found erected 
by it at this place, in which it is clearly styled Sabiniana, 
ALA. SAB. also occurs on one of the leaden seals found at 
Verter(S (Brough under Stanemore). Its nationality is 
unknown. I am inclined to think that it was first raised- 
by (and named from) T. Pontius Sabinus, who came over 
to Britain (with Hadrian) in command of the vexillations, 
each a thousand strong, of the 7th, 8th, and 22nd legions. 
Ala Sarmaiarum. Named in two inscriptions found at 
Ribchester (Bremeteanaaim), and in a third of the reign 



of Gbrdian, styled Numenis Eguttum Sarmatarum Gfordi- 
anus. It probably afterwards became a Cunetis, and the 
body styled Cuneus Armaturarum by the Notitia, which 
was stationed at Bremetennacum {see ante, Armattirainim). 

Equites Scutarii Aureliaci. Named by the Notitia as in 
BritMn, but no traces of it have been found. 

Secundani Juniorea. This is another corps named by 
the Notitia, and like the last, no traces of it have yet been 

Equites Singulares. Ad inscription found at the station 
at Malton commemorates a soldier of this corps, which 
was a sort of body guard of the Eoman Emperors, and 
probably in Britain with Hadrian, Severus, and Constan- 
tius Chlorus. 

Numerus Solensium. The Notitia places this corps at 
MaglavcB, the site of whi6h is, as yet, undiscovered. The 
corps probably took its name from a town in CUicia. 
Unless soLLEN, which occurs in a fragmentary inscription 
found at Bath, refers to it, no traces of it have been 
found. Dr. Hubner, however, considers this word as part 
of the cognomen of an individual. 

Equites Stablesiani. Named by the Notitia as being in 
Britain, but not yet traceable. 

Equites Stablesiani Garrionensis. This corps is placed 
by the Notitia at Garrianonum, Burgh Castle, near Tar- 

Numerus Equitum Straionicianorum. This was the 
reading I gave in 1874 of the name of a corps mentioned 
in an inscription found in that year at Brougham. Prof. 
Hubner and Dr. Bruce concur in the reading. 

Cokors I. Sunucorum. Named in the Eiveling tabula. 
It has also left an inscription of the time of Septimius 
Severas at Caernarvon {Segontium). 

Equites Syri. Named by the Notitia as in Britain, but 
no inscriptions by such a corps have been found. 

Equites Taifali. Named also by the Notitia. What 
was said of the last named force applies equally to this. 
Nothing has been found by which its quarters while in 
BritMU mOT' be traced. 

Ala I. Thracum. Named by the Malpas tabula as being 
in Britain, and apparently occurs in an inscription found 
at Cirencester [Corinium'). See ante, Ala I. Heradea. 



CohoTs I. Thracum. This cohort occurs in two inscrip- 
tions found at Bowes {Lavatrce), one of them of the time 
of Septimius Severus, and in a third found at Newcastle on 
Tyne {Pons -^lii). Marini (Atti e monumenti de fratelli 
Arvali), vol. i, p. 34, gives an inscription, found at Borne, 
naming Claudius Faulus as Praefect of this cohort in 

Cokors II. Thracum. The Notitia places this cohort at 
Gabrosentum, the site of which is still unsettled, though it 
appears to have been in Cumberland. Three inscriptions 
by this cohort have been found at the station at Moresby, 
and another on the line of the Antonine wall. 

Cohors VI. Thrucain. An inscription found at Wootton 
(one of the burying places of Roman Gloucester) names 
this cohort. A cohort of Thracians (perhaps this one) 
occurs in an inscription found at Wroxeter, but the 
numerals are lost. 

Cohors VII. Tr . . . . This title occurs on many of the 
leaden seals found at Verterm (Brough under Stanemore) 
which are engraved in the Collectanea Antiqua, vols, iii 
and vi ; tb. may stand either for Trevirorum or Tracum 
(for Thracum). 

Milites Tungricani. This force was at Dubrce or Dover 
in the time of the Notitia. No memorials of it have been 
found there or elsewhere. 

Ala I. Tungrorum. This ala is named in both the 
Sydenham and Li^ge tabidw. An inscription naming it 
simply as Ala Tungrorum (without any numeral) occurs at 
Polworth, near the Une of the Antonine wall, and another 
at Burgh upon Sands on the line of the wall of Hadrian, 
lyom inscriptions found on the Continent, we learn that, 
this ala bore the title of Frontoniana. 

Cohors I. Tungrorum. Named in the Eiveling tabula, 
and placed by the Notitia at Borcovictis (Housesteads) on 
Hadrian's wall, where a great number of inscriptions by 
it have been found, in two of which it is styled mHHaria. 
Another inscription left by it, at Castle Carey on the 
Antonine waU, shows that it built a thousand paces of 
that structure. It has also left an inscription at Cramond 
near Edinburgh. This was probably one of the two 
Tungrian cohorts mentioned by Tacitus as taking a great 
share in the battle of the Grampians. 

Digitized by Google 


Cohors IT. Tungrorum. This would doubtless be the 
other Tungrian cohort engaged at the battle of the Gram- 
pians. Several inscriptions by it have been found at the 
station at Walton Souse, on the line of Hadrian's Wall, in 
which it is styled Mil. Eg. C. L. (These abbreviations are 
for MiUiaria Equitata, Civium LatiTWrurn). At BUitum 
Bulgium (Middleby in Dumfriesshire) it has also left seven 
inscriptions. This cohort does not occur in any of the 
tabvlcB, or in the Noiitia. 

Numerus Tumacensium. Th'e Notitia places this body 
at Portus Lemanus, or Lympne in Kent, No inscriptions 
by it have been found. It was from the moderii Toumay. 

Cohors I. Vangionum. This cohort is named in both 
the Malpas and Eiveling tabuim. SJeveral inscriptions by 
it occur at the great station at Eisingham in Northumber- 
land, and another at Cilumum (Wallwick Chesters) on the 
Wall of Hadrian. The Vangiones were a people of Belgic 

Cohors I. Fida VarduUorum. This cohort is named in 
the Li^ge, Sydenham, Kiveling, and Cheaters tahuUe. At 
least eight inscriptions have been found erected by it at 
Brenienium (High Eochester, Northumberland), and two by 
it occur at Lanchester. Besides the title of Fida, it ia 
called Civium Romanorum, miUiaria equitata. The Varduli 
were a Spanish people. 

Cohors II. Vasconum. This cohort is named in the 
Sydenham tabula, but no traces of it liave yet been found. 
' The Vascones were a people of northern Spain. 

Cohors I. Veiasioruvi. Placed by the Notitia at Regulr 
bium (Eeculver in Kent), but no inscriptions by it have 
been found there. It was the same body as Cohors I. 
Baetasionim (which see ante). 

Victores Juniores Bntannidani. Named by the Notitia 
as in Britain, but no traces of them have been found. 

Numerus VigUium. The Notitia places this corps at 
Concangium {Greta Bridge, in Yorkshire), but no traces of 
it have been found. It was evidently a body of watchers 
of some description. The Eev. J. Hirst (Archaeological 
Journal, vol. xl, p. 227, et seq.) thinks it was similarly 
composed to the cohorts of firemen employed at Eorae, in 
fact, was one of these cohorts sent on foreign service. 

Ala Augusta Vocontiorum. An inscription foui;^oin 



Holland (Henzen, No. 5918) states that this cavalry 
regiment was part of "the Britannic army." An inscription 
by it has been found near Eildon in Roxburghshire, which 
is now preserved in the Museum at Edinburgh. I think 
we have also a trace of it in a shattered tombstone at 
York, in the second line of which, and a little further than 
the name of the defunct, the letters E. voco. remiun 
probably from their position the remains of — 

Cohors . . Usipiorurn. This cohort which is mentioned 
by Tacitus as part of the army of Agricola in Britain 
endeavoured, according to the same author, to desert, by 
seizing three vessels and leaving the island. A small 
portion of it only succeeded in reaching the Continent. 
Tacitus also says that prior to the battle of the Grampians, 
Galgacua told his troops that other Roman cohorts would 
imitate the example of this one, when once the battle 
commenced. No inscriptions by it are known to have 
been found. The Usipii were natives of the Grand Duchy 
of Cleves. 

Besides the troops enumerated above, Ammianus Mar- 
cellinus, under date^ which answer to a.d. 360 and 368, 
records the following, as being sent over to Britain, for 
special service — 

2 Numeri of Moesiact. 

1 Numerus of Endi. 

1 Numerus of lovii. 

1 Numerus of Victores, which may be that named above, 
but no traces of them have been found, which may be 
accounted for by the fact that after Constantine embraced 
Christianity, tlie erection of heathen altars was almost 
entirely discontinued. 

It will thus be seen that troops of almost every nation 
of the then known world served in our island under the 
standard of Rome. Strange it is that even at that time 
such a force was required to hold Englishmen in subjection. 
But to a reflecting mind, how vast the contrast with the 
present day. Now it is EngUsh troops" that are scattered 
in garrisons over the world. Where are the legions of 

.edt, Google 


Professor HUlmer, in vol. xvi of the Hermes, p. 584, adds to this list 
oonsideiably, but without any actual evidence. For inatonce, Tacitus 
tell UB (Hiet., Bk. I., c 18) that at the time Vitellius was striving for 
the empire (a.d. 69) "There were at that time, in the territory of Lingones, 
eight Batavian cohorts, annesed at first as auxiliaries to the fourteenth 
l^on, but separated in the distraction of the times." From this Dr. 
Hiibner concludes that the whole of these eight cohorts were with the 
14th l^on whilst it waa in Britain (a.d. 43-68), and accordingly adds 
five cohorts (to the three known to have been here from inscriptions, &a) 
which he namberd IT to VIIL This of course may be possible. As an 
o/a of the same people is noticed by Tacitus (Bint., iv, 18) aa being on 
the Continent (he does not aay it was attached to the 14th legion), Br, 
Htibner also assumes it to have been in Britain, and adds Ala Batavorum 
to his list He also adds the 3nd and 3rd cohorts of the Brittones, the 
3rd and Sth cohorts of Qa Dalmatians, the Sid cohort of the Lingones, 
the 1st cohort of the Lusitani, the 4th and 5th cohorts of the Nervii, and 
the 3rd, 4th and 5th cohorts of the Thracians. There is not so far a 
particle of evidence that any one of these regiments was ever in Britain. 
On the other hand (as before said) Dr. Hiibner omita from his list every 
' Numerue, Cunetts, and corps of horse (Eqidte*), whether they are named 
in the NoHtia or known only from inscriptions. These are about 
forty-five in number. 



Second only in interest to the helmet is that part of the 
harness of steel, worn by our forefathers in battle and 
tournament, which was designed to protect nature's 
beautiful piece of mechanism — the hand. 

If the helmet is the piece of armour in which the 
armourer more loved to display beauty of form and hardi- 
hood of design, it is in the gauntlet that we find the most 
delicate workmanship, the most perfect arrangements 
for securing freedom and variety of motion. I am here 
speaking especially of the finer examples of the armourer's 
art, for in this craft as in every other there was a vast 
diflerence between the productions of a master and those 
of an inferior workman. 

That the lielmet and the gauntlet should be the parts of 
the steel harness in which the armourer's skill was more 
especially shown, might be expected from the importance 
of the parts of the human body covered by those pieces. 
An efficient protection for the head was of vital necessity, 
and yet it was needed that sight, speech, hearing, and the 
very act of breathing, should be free and unimpaired, and 
notwithstanding the fact that at first sight it might appear 
that such a result was not to be arrived at in the closed 
helmet of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, yet the 
more carefully we study fine helmets of that period, which 
are complete and have not been tampered with at later 
dates, the more we shall be surprised at the great ingenuity 
displayed by their designers to attain these varied require- 
ments, and to make the helmet fulfil the special purpose 
for which it was intended. 

■ Read at the Hanthly Meeting of the loititutd, KoTttabar ht, 1888. 

_ , :>Goo»^le 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google • 


P..ATE 1. 









Circe. 1550 




When that mode of fighting which is termed hand to 
hand was in vogue, the protection of the hand was 
naturally a subject of much study on tlie part of tlie 
armourer, who had, whilst guardiufj; it efficiently, to allow 
it free play in all the varied movements needed by it to 
■wield successfully the weapons then in use, and we shall 
find that by dint of perseverance and many trials that 
object was finally attained. 

It is not my intention to enter on a complete study ^f 
the subject, as the time at my disposal for preparing this 
paper did not allow of the research needed for that pur- 
pose, but I will first ghuice at the various developments of 
the gauntlet in this country as displayed in monumental 
brasses and effigies, and then briefly describe the actual 
examples of gauntlets exhibited at the Meeting of the 
Koyal Archseological Institute, on the 1st November last, 
which, thanks to the kindness of Mr. Weekes and other 
friends, formed a much more complete series than I 
could have supplied from my own collection. 

There is no indication of gauntlets in the armour shown 
in the Bayeux Tapestry ; the hauberks have sleeves some- 
what short and wide, but there is no defence for the hand. 

The same short sleeves appear on the great seal of the 
Conqueror, where they barely reach the elbow. In the 
seal of Rufus the sleeves reach the wrist, round which 
they fit closely, and this sleeve is continued until tlie time 
of the Lion-hearted Eichard, on whose great seal, for the 
first time the sleeves are extended, so as to cover the hand, 
the fingers being contained in one pouch whilst the thumb 
has a separate one for itself.^ This kind of defence is well 
shown in the effigy of William Longespee, Earl of Salis- 
bury, who died in 1226. (Fig. i). In order that the hand 
might be liberated from the glove, an opening was left on 
the inside of the hand, and, from the representations in 
monuments and miniatures, it would appear that the glove 
was very generally worn hanging down from the wrist and 
the hand only slipped into it on the battle field. The 
brass of Sir Robert de Septvans, 130G (Fig. in), and the 
numerous miniatures in MSS. of the tliirteenth centurj', 

huid to Uu cloung yean of Uw 


sliow these gloves liangin" from the wriats. This defence 
for the Iiand continued m use during the whole of the 
thirteenth century, but somewhere about the middle of 
this century the &igera of the mail glove were occasionally 
separated : the De Lisle effigy' appears to be the earHest 
example of this, and a very fine one will be found in the 
monument of William de Valence in Westminster Abbey.* 
This pouch for the hand at the extremity of the sleeve 
of- the hauberk cannot strictly be called a gauntlet, but it 
seems probable that before the end of the thirteenth 
century the discovery was made that it would be more 
convenient if the hand covering were separate from the 
sleeve, and thus the true gauntlet of maU came into 
existence. A curious monument in the church of Schutz, 
in Alsace, shows the back and front of the knight's mail 
gloves, which are hanging on his sword behind him. 
Although the treatment of the mail is peculiarly con- 
ventional, still, as the whole hauberk and chausses are 
treated in the same manner, we may assume that the back 
of the gauntlet was covered with chain or banded mail, 
and the inside was made of leather. (Fig. v).* The monu- 
ment dates from about 1330, when otiier kinds of gauntlet 
were already causing the mail gloves to be abandoned. 
A gauntlet covered with scales, but of what material does 
not appear, is shown on the brass of Sir Kichard de Busling- 
thorpe, which dates from about 1290 (Pig. n),* andgaunt- 
leta of leather appear on the Du Bois effigy about 1311,* 
and in France at least steel roundels were fixed on the 
backs of these leather gloves to give them additional 
strength.* Steel plates were already being put on to many 
of the more exposed parts of the mail armour, for it was 
found that a heavy .blow with a sword or mace woidd be 
felt through the mail although it did not pierce it, and 
might do much damage, especially to the joints. Of course 
the knuckles were much exposed, Mid a heavy blow on 
them would cause a man to drop his weapon and thus 
place him at the mercy of his enemy. So the hand was 
of necessity an object of much attention witli the armourer, 
and we soon find him covering it with ingeniously disposed 

1 StotharcVi "HoDumcntal Efflpm," * Wallar's "Bnwaa." 

Plate XI, Edition of 187<. ' Stothaid, Plate LVUL 

* RediediDl2Sfl. S totlurd, Plate uv. • Viollet-le-Ehic, " Hobilior,' tome V, 

* Sohtepdin, " AlMtia lUiutnU," p. 150. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


?)]^ 4ss^ VI. 




DKiifzedb, Google 

CAJ. 6 M F. Bonomi M"? 

plates of steel, wHch were probably riveted on a leather 
glove. This kind of armour has been called splints, and 
it is shown on an effigy in Whatton Church, supposed to 
date from about 1325,' whilst beautiful gauntlets of this 
construction on an effigy in Ash Church, Kent, are com- 
bined with armour which indicates about 1336 as its date. 

(Fig. viy 

Gauntlets made of plates of steel, however, would appear 
to have been used in Germany at an earlier date than this, 
for in a monumental slab in Schbnthal Church they are 
seen hanging behind Albrecht von Hohenlohe, who died in 
1319. (Fig. iv).' 

The first step towards the true gauntlet of plate how- 
ever is shown in the statue of John of Eltham, Earl of 
Cornwall, in Westminster Abbey, where the wrists still 
being of splints a larger plate covers the main portion of 
the back of the hand;* and in the effigy of Sir Koger de 
Kerdeston who died in 1337' we find in its complete form 
that make of gauntlet which was to remain in vogue with 
slight variation for over one hundred years. 

The special constructive feature of this gauntlet is that 
a single broad plate of metal almost envelopes the hand 
from below the wrist to " the knuckles which it covers and 
protects. It is hollowed in at the wrist assuming somewhat 
of an hour-glass shape. It is curved round the sides of 
the hand hut leaves part of the pahn exposed. Inside it 
was worn a leather glove, to the fingers and thumb of 
which small overlapping scales were attached, thus 
completing the defence of the hand. 

An electrotype facsimile of one of the gauntlets of 
Edward the Black Prince, which stiU hang in Canterbury 
Cathedral, kindly lent by Mr. W. Huyshe and exhibited at 
the meeting, showed better than many words what was 
the construction of the gauntlet wluch first appeared 
about 1385, and only disappeared before the miton gaunt- 
let a hundred years later. (Fig. vu, A & B, represents the 
front and back of the broad plate of this gauntlet divested 
of the lions and fingers.) The originals at Canterbury are 
of gilt brass, the leather gloves stiU exist in them, and 
the scales of the fingers are not fixed to the broad plate as 

■ Stothivd, Pluto UL * HediediuiaSl. atoOuai,V]«teLir, 

* Stiithard, Plate LZn. ' Stothard, Fkta um. ^OQ fC 

» BooUU, "Bnum," 1M7, p. IBJ. '-' 

376 ON GAUHtLEtS. 

in this model, but to the leather gloves, the fingers of which 
are curiously adorned up their sides with work in silk. 

It is natural that during the long existence of this type 
of gauntlet many variations in its details are met with. It 
is found with splint cuffs in the Ingham effigy' and in 
that of Sir Humphrey Littlebury about 1360,* but these are 
rather antiquated forms, at that date, than variations. An 
effigy in Tewkesbury Abbey about the same date has very 
long cuffs.* About 1374 these gauntlets began to be very 
beautifully decorated with chased metal work on the 
knuckles and finger joints as well as round the wrist and 
at the edge of the cuff. The effigy of Sir Thomas Cawne 
is a beautiful example of this date. (Fig. xiii).* Spikes 
called Gads or Gadlings often appear on the finger joints, 
and in the Black Prince's gauntlets small lions are riveted 
on to the knuckles. The brasses and effigies of the last 
quarter of the fourteenth century show us a profusion 
of beautiful ornament lavished on the gauntlets. 

As has been said, the fingers at this time were not 
attached to the broad plate of the gauntlet, but it was 
usual for that part of the plate which covered the knuckles 
to be shaped on them so as to fit quite closely against the 
finger sc^es. 

In 1397, however, we find a curious variation shown in 
the gauntlets worn by Sir John de Saint Quintin. The 
edge of the broad plate comes far over the knuckles, but 
does not at all fit closely to them. The diagram (Fig. vm)* 
win show their form, and if we wonder where tliis strange 
fashion came from, we have only to look at the figure of 
Sir John's wife Lora, who lies by him, and whose sleeves 
reaching nearly to the first joints of her fingers, affect 
exactly the form of her husband's gauntlets. 

This fashion lasted some time both for ladies and gentle- 
men, for in a brass in Kelsey Church dating from about 
1410 (Fig. x)* we find even a more exaggerated form than 
the last, and a gauntlet of similar construction but shorter, is 
worn by Eobert Hayton who died in 1424. Now the 
manifest defect of tliis gauntlet and of all of the broad 
plate type hitherto described, is that the point of a weapon 

' Died in IZiS. SUithard, Plate lxH * Stotbard, Plata lsxvii. 

• Stotbird, Mate lAXV. • Bolilell, "BrBweaof EnRUnd/'fi. 32. 

• Stcthmd, Plate LXXVl. ' Boutell, " BraMca ot England,'' p, BG 

j*=»^ ■ R A ff p^-i.^ 
f -'Z-l'TT-' ■ ■'■,-.J:. ■; / 

Digitized by Google 



could enter tlie gauntlet between the scales of the fingers 
and the edge of the plate. In the Ceme brass, supposed 
to date from about 1380,' but which may be rather later, 
a rivet appears on the broad plate over each knuckle and 
on each scale of the fingers, and it is probable that the 
finger scales were riveted to the edge of the plate. The 
same feature appears in several brasses dating from about 
the year 1400. This construction, although it rendered 
the gauntlet more impervious to a thrust, had the grave 
defect of lessening the flexibility of the fingers, as they 
could not have me same free play when riveted to the 
covering for the back of the hand, which tiiey had when 
independent of it. 

To remedy this, an erpedient was found which is the 
most marked constructive feature of the gauntlet in the 
fifteenth century. It consisted in separating that part of 
the plate which covered the knuckles, from that which 
covered the back of .the hand. To this it was fixed 
by a rivet at each side, so that it had some play of 
its own, and to it was liinged in like manner the narrow 
plate to which the fingers were attached. The brass of 
Sir Thomas Swinborne, 1412 (Fig. xi),'' is the first instance 
I have found of this construction, which occurs repeatedly 
in brasses after this date until 1433. It will be noticed in 
the diagram that the knuckle piece is jointed on the inside 
of the broad plate, and the cuff also is jointed so as to 
render it less stiff". It was not until nearly the middle of the 
fifteenth century that by hinging this knuckle piece outside 
the plate which covered the back of the hand, complete 
flexibility was given to the gauntlet, and here we reach 
the series of actual examples of gauntlets on the table 
at the meeting. But before describing them, one or two 
more variations deserve notice. The gauntlets of the fine 
statue of St. George at Prague, dating from 1375,* have 
very beautiful facetted ridges raised on the broad plate 
over tlie metacarpal bones, somewhat like the seams on 
the backs of modern gloves. Facetted ridges of precisely 
similar character appear on gauntlets in Englisli brasses in 
1400, as in that of Sir George Pelbrigge (Fig. n),* and 
continue in fashion until about 1415, when they are still 


seen on the effigy of Sir Ealph Nevill." At this period, too, 
it waa very usual to mark the nails of the fingers on the 
finger scales which covered them. 

We have thus brought the broad plate gauntlet on for 
one hundred years from its first appearance, but about 
the year 1433 it suddenly makes way for a completely 
different kind of defence for the hands, and that is the 
steel miton gauntlet with a pointed cuff, the miton being 
a gauntlet in which the fingers are not separated one 
from the other. 

The effigy of John Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel, who died 
in 1434,^188 gauntlets of this fashion, which will be readily 
understood by looking at those on the brass of Roger El m e- 
brygge, dating from about the same time. (Fig. xn).* In 
Fitz- Alan's statue there is a reinforcing plate on the cuff and 
wrist of the left hand miton, and the mitons themselves do 
not quite reach to the ends of the fingers. The same 
peculiarity is occasionally seen on brasses, but is not usual 
after tliis date. This same type of miton, with cuffs of 
gradually increasing dimensions, appears on English 
monuments until 1480, when it takes a ridge across the 
knuckles as in the brass of Sir Anthony de Grey, and 
consequently becomes so similar to gauntlets exhibited at 
the meeting thatthese notes can be continued with tlieir 
assistance. But it may perhaps be well, first to recapitu- 
late roughly, the broad constructive landmarks in the 
■progress of the gauntlet towards its final perfection in the 
fifteenth century. 

At the end of the twelfth century we have the sleeve of 
mail continued so as to cover the hand. The mail glove 
continues in use throughout the thirteenth century, but 
about the middle of that century, the fingers are divided, 
and the glove made separate from the sleeve. With the 
beginning of the fourteenth century we find various ex- 
periments in the way of strengthening the leather glove 
with plates of steel, leading to the gauntlet of splints. By 
the widening of the plates on the back of the hand we are 
gradually led to the broad plate gauntlet which appears 
about 1335. This form of gauntlet progresses in beauty 
and decoration during the fourteenth century, but is not 

> atotbard, Plato zo. * Boutell, " Branca of En^and," p. 39. 

» Stotharf, Plate racn. , - i 

. , Google 


materially altered in construction until the be^nning of 
the fifteenth century, when in the first place the fingers 
are riveted to the broad plate, and then complete supple- 
neas is given by the separate articulation of the knuckle 
piece and the cuffs, thus leading to the form of construction 
used until the fin^ abandonment of steel harness. 

Before passing to the catalogue of the aeries of gauntlets 
exhibited at the meeting ; a series which contained most 
of the forms taken by the gauntlet from the middle of the 
fifteenth century to the beginning of the seventeenth, I wish 
to call attention to a group of gauntlets of peculiar con- 
struction, the special use of which is not I believe 
generally known. 

There were six examples of the form I refer to ex- 
hibited, a collection probably unique, four most interesting 
ones being lent by Mr. Weekes (Figs. 28 to 31), and two 
less perfect ones coming from my own collection (Figs. 21 
and 22), whilst a seventh veryrare piece lent by Mr. Weekes 
(Fig. 33), probably belonged to a gauntlet of this class. 

The especial features of these gauntlets are ; firstly : — 
that they are all made for the left hand ; secondly : — that 
their cuffs are always more or less tubular instead of 
presenting the gracelul expanding curves usually found in 
the cuffs of other gauntlets ; thirdly : — that their articula- 
tions are numerous and particularly supple, the rivets 
connecting the plates having very small heads and work- 
ing in slots ; and fourthly : — that the scales of the fingers 
and thumb lap over one another the reverse Way to what 
is usual in other gauntlets, that is to say, they lap from the 
nails towards the back of the hand. 

When I first obtained two of these gauntlets in Italy many 
years ago (Nos. 26 and 27, p. 287), I was of opinion that 
they had never belonged to suits of armour, but that they 
had been worn with ordinary sleeves. A man wearing an 
arm piece of steel would not need so long a cuff to his 
gauntlet, besides which the cuff is so straight and narrow 
that it would not work at aU pleasantly on any vambrace, 
as the piece of armour which covered the forearm was 
called. I therefore thought that they might have been 
■fencing gauntlets, and from their extreme delicacy of 
workmanship I assigned them to the sixteenth century.^Qg|^> 

VOL. xu. 2 H 


When I saw Mr. Weekes' fine series of similar pieces, 
I asked him his opinion concerning them, and learnt that 
he attributed them to auits of armour of the time of James 
I, that is to say to the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, a period when a marked decline in the excellence of 
workmanship and construction of armour, even in the 
richest and most highly decorated examples, was making 
itself manifest. Having reason to know that Mr. Weekes' 
opinion on all questions relating to actual pieces of 
armour is of the utmost value, I remained for the time 
being content with his view of the matter, but the close 
examination which I made of these gauntlets whilst pre- 
paring this paper, and the confirmatory opinion expressed 
to me by a coUector of armour of great experience who 
has long lived in Italy ,^ and who has seen and posse^es 
various examples of these gauntlets, has caused me to 
return entirely to my original views concerning them : — 
viz. that they were never meant to be worn with suits of 
armour, that they are peculiarly Italian, and that they 
belong to a portion of the sixteenth century when the 
armourer's art had not as yet entered on its decadence. 

A passage in Brantome tells us what these gauntlets 
really were — he says that at Milan, " on tuait dans les 
duels beauGonp d'ltaliens, bien quils fussent armes de 
jaques de mailles, gantelets, et segretta in testa." That 
is to say that tlie French killed many Italians in duels at 
Milan, although the latter were armed with jackets of mail, 
gauntlets, and steel skull-pieces inside their caps or hats. 

Now it must be remembered that at this time the 
Italians mostly fought duels witli the rapier and dagger. 
The guards of the rapier formed an efficient protection for 
the right hand, but the left hand, which held the dagger 
(the guard of which at that period consisted simply of a 
cross bar with a small ring on the knuckle side), was quite 
exposed, and hence it was covered with a gauntlet. This 
completely explains the fact that all these gauntlets are 
for the left hand, and also why the scales on the fingers, 
being exposed to the point of the enemy's rapier, were 
made to lap backwards, instead of in the usual way. These 
backward lapping scales are not usually found in ordinary 
gauntlets, because, they would have been vCTy liable to 

> Mr. FredwWt Stlbbwt. ,^ . 


get hacked off had they been exposed to a cut from an 
axe or war sword, but they were admirably adapted to 
cause a thrust from the point of a rapier to glance off 
them, and in two of Mr. Weekes' examples there is a 
dange round the upper part of the cuff which would stop 
a thrust from glancing up the gauntlet and penetrating 
the arm above it. Indeed, each of Mr. Weekes' gauntlets 
of this description presents remarkable characteristics, 
which will be duly noted in the catalogue. My friend 
from Florence told me that occasionally the glove of these 
gauntlets was covered with mail on the inside of the hand, 
so that the dueUist might be able to seize his enemy's blade, 
if disarmed of his own dagger, and this explains the peculiar 
formation on the inner side of one of Mr. W eekes' gauntlets 
(No. 24, Fig. 30), where some small articulated plates pro- 
tect the muscle over the lowest joint of the thumb from being 
cut whilst seizing the adversary's blade, and Mr. Weekes 
teUs me that he once saw a gauntlet of this class in which 
these plates were much more developed, so as to cover 
much of the palm of the hand. The rapier blades of this 
period, it is well known, although more adapted for foining 
than for slashing, still had two cutting edges, so that it would 
have been imprudent to seize them with the bare hand. 
There is a very curious chain mail covering for a glove in 
Mr. Weekes' collection (No. 28, Fig. 33) which I have 
little doubt belongs to this period, and which was probably 
sewn on the inside of the leather glove which Uned a steel 
duelling gauntlet. It had long been a puzzle to Mr. 
Weekes and to me, and it is difficult to understand what 
other use it could have had than that now proposed.- 
The fingers are much too narrow to be a good protection 
to the back of the hand, but if we assume that they were 
sewn to the inside of the fingers of the glove of a steel 
gauntlet, they are wide enough for all purposes. 

I venture to think, therefore, that what I would term 
dueUing gauntlets, may be regarded as a separate, distinct, 
and hitherto undescribed variety, and I shall anxiously 
look forward to meeting with further examples in collec- 
tions at home and abroad, whilst should any such pieces 
come under the notice of readers of this paper, I sliall be 
very grateful for notes concerning them, 


ON" GAtmrUBW. 


No. 1. Pig. H. 
Miton gauntlet for the left hand ; date about 1440. Baron de Cowon. 

This ia probably the earliest of the jjauntJeta exhibited. The highly 
raise<l points beaten up over the knuckles, and the toothed edge of t^e 
plate covering the tipa of the fingcn are remarkable. 

A stoall protuberance over the extremity of the ulna, or outer bone of 
the forearm, woU marked in this gauntlet, is worthy of notice. 

If we watch this protuberance though successive gauntlets, we shall 
find it assuming very varied forms, and gradnallj becoming only a 
reminiscence of it» e^iei and really useful form. The thumb piece and 
cuS are wanting. 

No. 2. Fig. 23. 
Miton gauntlet for the left hand ; date about 1460. F. Weehe$. 

This fine gauntlet came from Poland or Russia. The metacarpal platea 
are beautifiilly ribbed. The knuckles and the ulnar protuberance are 
raised into very acute points. The cuff is pointed, all the rivets work 
in slots and have large flat heads on the iitside of the piece. The 
plates for tho fingers and phalanges of the thumb are wanting, but 
have been replaced at an ancient date by chain mail, covering the 
fingers two and two. Curiously enough, the points of the mail rivets 
are turned outwards in the covering of the thumb and two of the fingers, 
and inwards on the piece that covers the other two fingers. The existence 
of plates at a previous date in the place of the mail is proved by the 
existence of the rivet holes for them in the furthest existing plate. 

No. 3. Fig. IS. 
Miton gauntlet for the right hand; date about 1470. Baron de Coimm. 
This is a very fine gauntlet, of excellent workmanship. The play of 
the plates one over the other is remarkable, all the rivets, (which have 
losctte shaped heads), working in slots, so as to give tJie gauntlet 
wonderful flexibility in every direction. The cuff is pointed. The 
plates covering the metacarpal region, or back of the hand, have ridges 
beaten up in them, diverging towards tiie knuckle and finger plates, 
which are also ridged. The steel has that admirable hard surface and 
deep bluish lustre distinctive of fine armour of the fifteenth century. 
The thumb-piece nnd tips of the fingers are wanting. 

No. 4. Fig. 16. 
Fair of miton gauntlets, German ; date about 1480. Baron de Consort. 
These gauntlets, although a perfect and unquestionable pair, bearing the 
same armourer's mark (a cross and a star '^), were bought a hundred 
miles apart, one at Munich, the other at Nuremburg, the one being 
polisbed and the other covered with rust. They are similar to No. 3 in 
their general forms, but their cufia are longer, reaching half way up the 
forearm, and less acutely pointed. They are also of much thinner 
steel, but exceedingly supple in their articulations, the lateral motion of 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

Olf OAONTLSiTS. 283 

the plates one on another being especially notewortliy. The tipe of the 
fisgeis would not seem to have been coTered with plate, bnt with chain 
in»il aswn to a strop riveted on the inside of the last existing [date. 
The thumbs are wanting, 

Ko. 5. Fig. 17. 
Miton gauntlet foi the left hand, with fluted coif, Geiman; 

date about 1510. Baron de Cotton. 

This is the gauntlet of an early suit of wliat is called the Maximilian 
type. The knuckle and finger pieces much resemble those of the pair of 
gauntlets, No. 4, but the cuff is fluted, and goes completely round the 
forearm, whilst in the gauntlets previously described it only covered the 
outer side of it, being fixed by a strop on the inside. The cuff is no 
longer pointed, and ttie whole gauntlet ia short. 

No. 6. 
Miton gauntlet for the left hand, with fluted cuff, German ; date 

about 1510. F. Weekes. 

Very similar to No. 5, bnt much shorter. 

No. 7. Fig. 18. 
Miton gauntlet lor the right hand, with flutud cuff, German ; 

date about 1510. Baron de CoBion. 

Similar to Nos. 5 and 6. 

Miton gauntlet for the left hand, with fluted cuff, German ; 

date about 1520. Baron de Cosaon. 

Similar in type to the three last, but much larger, and with the ridges 
on the plates covering the phalanges, less accentuated. 

Miton gauntlet for the right hand, entirely fluted, German ; 

date about 1525. ' Baron de .Cosson. 

In this gauntlet the plates covering the fiugere are closely fluted, and 
the knuckle plate has a broad transverse twisted ridge on it. 

No. 10. Fig. 24. 
Gauntlet for the right hand, fluted and engraved, German ; date 

about 1535. F. Weehee. 

The fluting here is still closer than in No. 9, there is an engraved band 

round the cuff, and the twisted ridge across the knuckles is very narrow. 

The whole piece is small and delicate in make. The fingers, thumb, and 

inside of cuff are wanting. It bears the Augsburg mark, a fir-cone. 

No. 11. 
Fair of plain miton gauutleto ; date about 1535. Baron de Cotton. 

Similar to the fiuted miton No; 9 in form, but of plain steeh m_w [c 

284 oer gauntlxts. 

No. 12. Fig. 26. 
MltoB gauntlet for the riglit liand ; date about 1535. F. Weekes. 

This ia a. finely made gauntlet of good proportions. The knuckle piece 
instead of the twisted ridge has an ornament composed of overlapping 
discs, hammered up in it vith great effect, and the same omament is 
repeated round the edge of the cuff, and on Uie last plate of tiie fingers. 

Na 13. 
Inner piece of the cuff of a gauntlet ; date about 1535. F. Weeket. 

This fragment is of fine workmanship, with a salient ridge running 
transversely across it, and with traces of engraving. 

No. U. Fig. 19. 
Pair of niiton gauntlets, German : date about 1540. Baron de Coseon. 
Of very fine workmanship and decoration, these gauntlets ore large in 
size and quite complete. The cuffs which are boldly curved outwordii, 
have at their iipper edge a finely twisted rope, and they are decorated 
with a kind of honeysuckle pattern hammered up on them. The twisted 
ridge on the knuckles ia particularly huge and bold, and a second similar 
piece covers the first joints of tie fingers givii^ great flexibility in 
closing the hand. 

No. 15. Fig. 20. 
Large initon tilting gauntlet for the right hand, probably 

French ; date alfout 1550. Baron de CovBon. 

For perfection of workmanship, this is about the finest gauntlet I have 
ever met with. It is formed to the shape of the hand in the most 
marvellous fashion, and its suppleness ia wonderful. X maker of modem 
armour, Mr. Leblanc of Paris, once told me that it is a most difiicult 
problem to design the curves of the edges of the plates of a gauntlet, so 
that they shall run back one over the other freely, yet closely, leaving no 
gap between them, and althongh this result is attained with wondrous per- 
fection in aU the fine gauntlets, hitherto described, in none is its difficulty 
more apparent than in this gauntlet, where the metacarpal plates are 
extended so as to envelope the lower jointa of the thumb. llie salient 
ridge across the knuckles is boldly decorated somewhat like that of No. 
12, the ulnar protuberance and a similar one ou the thumb joint ar« 
twisted like a snail shell, the plates covering the phalanges are formed to 
take the exact shape of the fingers, and the finger nails are represented. 
In all the previous examples, indeed in gauntlets generally, with the 
exception of tilting ones, the thumb is separate from the gauntlet, and 
hin^d on to it ; but here it is in one piece with it. It is probable 
therefore that this gauntlet was intended for tilting. The cuff ia long 
and not hinged on the inside, but large enough for the hand to pass 
through it. It is attached to the hand portion by stabiles and pins, so 
that a different cuff could be used with the same hand, or a different 
hand with the same cuff. 


Na 16. Fig. 27. 
Forbidden niitou gaantlet for the right hand, ornaToeiited with 

engraving, prohablj Italian ; date about 1550. F. Weeket. 

These pieces are of considerable rarity. Unfortunately this one is not 
complete, as the cuff and the plates covering the metacarpal region are 
wanting. The special peculiarity of this form of gauntlet it, that the 
plate which covers the finger tipe is prolonged much beyond them, so 
that when the lance or sword was grasped, this plate reached back to the 
inside of the cuff, to which it could be locked by s kind of turning staple. 
It was thos almost impossible for the weapon to be wrenched from the 
hand. I have considerable doubts about the titia forbidden, given to this 
piece by Mr. "Weekes. Hewitt describes similar pieces, I think more 
correctly, as locking gauntlets, end they were probably recognised cob- 
trivances for preventing the knight in tournament fiom being disarmed, 
as they are found on several suits of armour, for instance the tUting snit 
in tiie Meyrick collection engraved by Skelton (voL i, plate vi), and in 
those mentioned by Hewitt {Ancient Armour, vol. iii, p. 665), Viollet- 
le-Duc engraved a similar gauntlet in his Mobilier (tome v, page 459), 
and attempted to identify it with the gagne-pain of the anonymous 
author published by de Belleval in his Oostume MUitaire dea Franeaig en 
144s, hut the gauntlet he engraves probably dates from the middle of the 
eixteenth century, and no proofe Hie offered in support of the supposed 
identification. In Mr. Weekes' example the knuckles ore marked by 
ridges, and the piece is ornamented with engraving. It was formerly in 
the Gumey collection. 

No. 17. 
Jousting miton gauntlet for the bridle hand and forearm ; date 

about 1550. Si/dnei/ W. Lee. 

This kind of gauntlet, called a main-de-fer in 1446 by the anon3miouB 
author referred to above, (de Belleval, Contvme MUitaire dee Francois en 
144s, PP 10 and 68), protected the bridle arm and hand of the jouster, 
and was in use with slight variations of form, with jousting harness, from 
the date just named to the second half of the sixteenth century. It 
consists of a long tubular cuff, reaching from thn elbow guard, and 
narrowing to the wrist, where it expands, enveloping the back of the 
hand to the knuckles and lower part of the thumb The fingers are 
covered by from one to four plates, and the thumb by a few scales. De 
Belleval in liis Pancpiie (page 40), calls this form of gauntlet " le grand 
miton." It belongs exclusively to jousting harness, and was often used 
without a vambrace. Mr. Lee's example is a fine one, and very 
thick and heavy like most gauntlets of this class. The date assigned to 
this piece is only approximate, as these gauntlets were used during a 
considerable period. 

Na 18. 
Gauntlet for the right hand, from a tilting suit, date about 1550. 

Sydney W. Lee. 

A very large and strongly made gauntlet, noteworthy for the kind of 

pouch for the tip of the thumb, formed by the last plate of the thumb 


piece, and for the fingers being scaled hom the nails towards the back of 
the hand. 

No. 19. Fig. 26. 
Pration of black miton gauntlet for the right hand ; date about 

1550. F. M^eekeg. 

The box-like form of the knuckle piece in this intefesting fragment is 
peculiar. A second piece, somewhat similar to that on the knucklee, covera 
the first joints of the fingers, giving great play in closing the hand, but a 
somewhat clumsy appearauce when open. Part of the thumb exists, but 
the cuff is wanting. The date consequently is somewhat nncertain. 

Cuff of a gauntlet with raised facetts ; date about 1555. F. Weekeg. 

So. 21. Fig. 32. 
Gauntlet for the light hand, Italian ; date about 1566. F. Weekeg. 

The workmansliip of this gauntlet is of fine quality. It is ornamented 
with a delicately engraved band. Its most noteworthy feature is the 
inside of the cuff, which is formed of vertical splints riveted ou leather. 
The last splint on the thumb side is continued by a long scaled thumb- 
piece. One finger is missing. This splint arrangement renders the 
gauntlet a very remarkable piece. In workmanship it much resembles 
the duelling gauntlets next to be described, and no doubt came from the 
same workshops. 

Mo. 22. Fig. 28. 
Duelling gauntlet for the left hand, Italian ; dote about 1565, F. WeelreA 
This piece came from the Meyrick collection, and it is engraved by 
Skelton (vol. ii, plate Ixxix), to^'cther with another gauntlet then in 
the Meyrick armoury, which, whilst having an embossed cuff, presents 
exactly the same characteristics as this one, and was also, no doubt, an 
Italian duelling gauntlet As already mentioned, these gauntlets are all 
for the left liand, have somewhat long and straight cufis, the fingers ore 
invariably scaled from the finger tips towards the knuckles, the rivets are 
small and the articulations very supple. At page 279 will be found the 
reasons which cause me to identify them with the gauntlets mentioned 
by Brantdme as being used by duellists at Milan in his day. This 
gauntlet is a remarkably fine example of its kind. It is decorated round 
the cuif with engraved Hues in pairs, the scales of the fingers and thumb, 
which lap as mentioned above, are numerous and scalloped at their edges, 
and the posterior port of the tiiumb-piece ii also scaled 

So. 23. Fig. 29. 
Duelling gauntlet for the left hand, Italian; date about 1665. F. Wee/cet. 

This gauntlet is vety similar to the last, except that the cuff is shorter ' 
and is hinged, bo oa to open when being put on, whilst in the previous 
example the hand had to be passed through the cuff to put it on. The 
scales on the thumb and fingera ore similar to those of No. 22. , 



Ko. 24. Fig. 30. 
Duelling gauntlet for tlie left band, Italian; tl&te about 1565. F. Weekes. 
In this example the upper edge of the cuff has a broad flange round it, 
to atop a Hword point from glancing up the arm. The cuff ia hingod, and 
the inside of it articulated in a very remarkable manner, so ne to protect 
the muscle at the base of the thumb from getting cut when the adversary's 
sword blade was graaped. The finger and t£umb scales are missing. 
The ulnar protuberanoe here reaches its most conventional form, being 
only represented by a diamond <> in very low reliel 

Na 25. Fig. 31. 
Buellinggauntlet for thelefthand,Italian;dateabontl565. F. Waekes. 
In this gauntlet only the outer part of the cuff has a flange, the inner 
part being curiously composed of vertical splints of steel fixed on baft 
leather. The scales on the fingers are of peculiar form and lap towards 
the nails, but they evidently do not belong to the gauntlet. There is no 
indication of a thumb-piece. 

Ha 26. Fig. 22. 
Duelling gauntlet foT the left hand, Italian ; date about 1S66. 

Baron de Conson. 
The finger scales are wanting in this piece, which is small and 
exceedingly delicate in its make. The edges of the plates are all scalloped 
and decorated with engraved lines. The glove was originally sown in, 
as is proved by the row of small holes at the upper edge of the cuff. 
The rivets all work in slots. There is no trace of a tliumb. 

No. 37. Fig. 21. 
Duelling gauntlet for the left hand, Italian ; data about 1565. 

Barim de Coeton. 
This piece is similar in make to the la!<t, but shorter in the culT, it is 
of blackened steel, very beautiful in form, and yet more wonderful in its 
suppleness. The plates are not scalloped, but liave engraved hues round 
them. The cuff does not open in either of these two gauntlets. There 
are the same holes for sewing, round the top of the cuff. 

Lining of a duelling gauntlet (1), made of finely riveted chain 

mail ; date about 1565. F. Weeket. 

This piece is very peculiar and interesting. The reasons for describing 
it as above are given at page 281. It can only have been used sewn 
on to a glove, and is much more suited to tlii- inside of a glove thau as a 
covering for the back of the hand, as it is rather narrow to be an efficient 
protection to it 



No. 29. 

Gauntlat for the left band, unpolished ; data about 1S70. F. Wetkw. 

A gauntlet of good workmanship. The cuff at this date gets mora 

pointed, and spreadB out wider at the top. There is a ridge acnws the 


No. 30. 
Pair of gauntlets j date about 1570. Baron d« Cowm, 

Very similar to No. 39, but polished. 

No. 31. 

Pair of elbow gauntlets, plain steel ; date about 1676. Baron de Oomon. 

These gauntlets reaching to the elbow were used with Allecret aimoui 

by lightly anned horsemen. They served at once as vambTace and 


No. 32. 
Elbow gauntlet, black with sunk bright steel bands ; date about 

1075. F. Weekea. 

These elbow gauntlets were used during a considerable period, so that 
the date assigned to them is only approximate. 

No. 33. 
Pair of elbow gauntlete, black with raised ornaments in bright 

steel, date about 1£7C>. Baron de CotsoH. 

Similar to the last two numbera. 

No. 34. 
Pur of gauntlets engraved and gilt, Italian ; date about 1575. 

Baron da Oomm. 
These are ornamented with what is termed Pison engraving, consisting 
of bands engraved with trophies, &c The cufls are very broad at the 
upper part and pointed. They are not hiI^;ed. From this period the 
construction and workmanship of gauatiets, and indeed of all armour, 
shows a marked decline. 

No. 35. 
Portion of a gauntlet for tiie left hand, engraved and gilt, 

Italian ; date about 1575. F. Weeke». 

This has belonged to a flroall sized suit, bnt ia £ne in the quality of its 
engraving and gilding. It consists only of the plates covering the back 
of the huid. 

No. 36. 
Cuff of the right band gauntlet belonging to the same suit as 

Na 35. F. Wedca. 

Unfortunately the gilding has been cleaned off thii pieoa, bnt it ia 
exactly aimilai t« No. 35 in engraving and size. 

.edty Google 

OH OAOinLBIS. 289 

No. 37. 
Pair of gBtmtJets ; date about 1580. Baron de Cotton. 

Exactly like No. 34 in form, but of plain ateeL 

No. 38. 
Pair of black gauntlets with the original gbres in them ; date 

about 1590. Se^paour Lueat. 

These gauntlets belong to a suit formerly in the Meyrick collection 

and engraved by Skelton (vol. i, plate xxxv). It is there called demi- 

launcer'a armour, and the date 1592 assigned to it. The original gloves 

in these gauntlete render them very interesting. 

Na 39. Fig. 34. 

Gauntlet for the right hand ; date about 1605. F. We^eea. 

For its period this gauntlet is of fine quality. The cuff expands mncb 

and is straight at its upper edge, round which the original scalloped velvet 

edging still remains. It was formerly in the Gumey collection. 

No. 40. 
Fair of gauntlete ; date about 1610. Barm de Cotton. 

Plain steel, with cuffs very broad at top but not pointed. Poor in 
quality ; the design and construction of armour by this time was de- 

No. 41. 
Elbow gauntlet for the left hand, black, probably English ; date 

about 1626. F. We^tee. 

I^Tge and clumsy, but curious from the fact that the scales of the 
fingers and thumb lap toward the hand. 

Elbow gauntlet for the left hand, black, probably Ti'-ngli^h ; date 

about 1626. F. Wfxket. 

Still larger and heavier than the last It has a flange on the indds of 
the elbov. The fillers are scaled in the usual way. These gauntlets 
cover the whole of the elbow. 

No. 43. 
Elbow gauntlet for the left hand, made of scales of tlilck buff 

leather \ date about 1630. Ja:uii D. Linton. 

Formerly in the Meyrick collection, and engraved by Skelton (vol. ii, 

plate Ixxix), where it is described as Gennan, These last three elbow 

gauntlets were all for the protection of the bridle arm, such gauntlets 

would have been much too heavy and inconvenient for the swoid ono. 


No. 44. 
Oriental elbow gauntlet of very beautiful perfoiated steel 

work. F. Weeket. 

I cannot assign a period oc country to this piece, my knowledge ol 

oriental aimour being very limited, but it was a superb piece of woik 

and evidently of ancient date. The same remarks apply to the three 

next pieces. 

No. 46. 
Oriental elbow gauntlet of ribbed steel inlaid with silver. F. Weeket. 

Oriental elbow gauntlet of ribbed steel ornamented with applied 
brass. It has a miton and thumb of combined scale and 
chain mail F. Weeke*. 

Persian gauntlet of chased steel with a chain and splint hand. F. Wstkea. 

No. 48. 
Facsimile in gilt electrotype of one of ths gauntlets of the 
Black Prince, still hanging over his tomb in Canterbury 
Cathedral. See page 275. Wenttoorth HuynHe. 

FocsiDiile of one of the lione riveted on the knuckles of the 
gauntlets of the Block Prince, chased up exactly to imitate 
those that still remain on the original gauntleta. Weniworih HuyAe, 

In conclusion I wish to tliank Mr. "Weekes for the loan 
of his valuable series of gauntlets, Messrs. Huyshe, Lucas, 
and Lee for their kindness in lending objects for exhibition, 
and especially Miss Marion Bonomi for the great aid ren- 
dered to me in preparing the diagrams which illustrated 
the paper when read, and which now form Plates i, ii, and 
iii accompanying it. 

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The awan is a native English bird, and no doubt large 
flocks of wild swans hauntM the mouths of our rivers and 
the fena and meeres of Eastern England long before any of 
our race had found a home here. As one of the largest 
and most beautiful of our birds it must soon have 
attracted attention. The vast numbers of swans which 
were to be seen in the Thames and on the Scottish lakes 
have been mentioned by more than one chronicler. In 
mythology and folk-lore the swan holds a place inferior 
indeed to the king of birds — the eagle — and perhaps also 
to the raven, but it takes high rank in that dream world 
which preceded science and history. The story that it 
sings but once only, and that is when death is near at 
hand, is a fable which may be traced to remote Greek 
antiquity. The notion that its eggs cannot hatch except 
after a clap of thunder is perhaps not leas ancient. Here, 
as in almost every other instance, traditions clash, but 
commonly the awan was a bird of good omen, an emblem 
of purity and innocence. It is probably to this that we 
owe the fact that it has become the badge of Saint Hugh 
of Lincoln. 

Though the . swan is beautiful to look upon and an 
emblem of things of good report,jWe may be sure that our 
forefathers did not jpreserve it merely for ornament or for 
its mystic associations. It was a highly valued article 
of food, and as such, laws were made for its preserva- 
tion. There were strict rules for protecting the nests of 
these birds in breeding time, and those who stole the eggs 
out of the nest were severely punished. Legal proceedings 
were not infrequent in former days as to swans. In a 
Charter book of Lewes, now in the British Museum, there 
is a transcript of an indenture of the 24th year of King 

I Kead at the Uww Maeting, Srd Augiut, 16SS. 

^2 8WAK lURKS. 

Edward IQ between the Prior of Lewes and Simon Baret 
of Heacham, which sets forth that on a certain piece of 
water a pair of swans had their nest in some reeds at the 
north end, and another pair had also a nest on a cart- 
wheel in the middle of the pool. It was agreed that the 
young cygnets should be divided equally between the 
Prior of Lewes and Baret.* 

As there was a dispute about these birds it seems almost 
certain that they were unmarked. When swans became 
subject to special regulation has not, we believe, been 
ascertained. From an early period we know that it has 
been the custom on the lliames for the swanherd on a 
certain day to go "swanupping," that is, to catch the 
swans and mark them on the bill for the purpose of inden- 
tification. The practice was not confined to the Thames 
only but extended over all parts of England where swans 
were plentiful. As a consequence it became needful for 
the swanherds to be famihar with the marks of the various 
owners, and swan-mark books or rolls were prepared as 
guides for them. The first person in modem times to 
draw attention to swan-marks was, we believe. Sir Joseph 
Banks of Kevesby Abbey in Lincolnshire, who pubUshed 
in the Archaeohgia* a. series in his possession. This was 
followed in 1850 by a paper in the Lincoln volume of the 
Archeeological Institute containing engravings of some other 
marks which were thought of more than common interest. 
I believe that notices of other swan-mark books have 
appeared in the Transactions of various local societies. 
The manuscripts of them are numerous, both in pubHc 
and private hands. It is much to be desired that a 
catalogue of these manuscripts should be compiled, and 
that a complete collection of the marks should be made 
and preserved for future reference by some process of 

I cannot pretend to have examined all, or even one 
half of the swan books that are known to be in existence, 
but I have seen several that are in private hands as well 
as some of those in the British Museum. I do not call to 
mind that any of them are earlier than the reign of Henry 
VILL, and some are certainly nearly a century later. Even 

' ArdMoliigia, ili, B 

Digitized by Google 


in the later ones, however, the marka of several of the 
monastic houses are given, so that we may reasonably 
assume that they are reproductions of earUer documents 
with such interpolations of new names as from time to 
time became needful. The Eoyal marks are always ^ven 
first. They vary, however, in different lists, so we must 
conclude that the Boyal swans in each district had their 
own particular marks. In the Banks roll the first is two 
marks like a capital E set back to back, and the second 
two swords. In a roll for the river Yare the Eoyal mark 
is EH. But few swan marks bear a truly heraldic 
character. Lord Scrope's is an exception as it is a shield 
chained with a bend. Ixjrd de la War bore a cross- 
crosdet fitch^. By far the greater part of them are in- 
capable of description without the jud of drawings. They 
must not, however, be dismissed summarily as mere 
arbitrary notches. They had all of them probably some 
symbolic meaning, the key to which is at present wanting. 
There is a great analogy between them and the masons' 
marks of the Middle Ages. The house-marks of Ditmarsh, 
too, are strikingly similar.' In former times when per- 
sons, who could not or would not write, signed deeds and 
other formal documents with their mark, it was often not 
a cross but some sign which seems to us completely 
arbitaxy. It would form an interesting subject of enquiry 
whether any of the persons who used these strange signs 
to mark their swans, employed a similar hieroglyphic as a 
signature. Archbishop Cranmer, writing to some un- 
identified correspondent in 1534, says : — -"Touching my 
commission to take oaths of the king's subjects for his 
highness succession, I am by your last letters well 
instructed, saving that I know not how I shall order them 
that cannot subscribe by writing : hitherto I have caused 
one of my secretaries to subscribe for such persons, and 
make them to write their shepe mark, or some other mark 
as they can . . . scribble."* Horses were branded in a 
similar way among the Greeks, and that the practice 
with them was very old is proved by the letter koppa 
that ceased very early to be used in writing, being re- 
tained as a horse-mark. The Caucasians to this day have 

" 381. , 



a number of sigoa which have no other purpose except 
to distinguish their horses.* 

Though but very few of our swan-marks are heraldic, 
several of them bear an analogy to heraldic symbolism. 
The Duke of Norfolk used an object which may be 
described as a label of two points. The Abbot of St. 
Benets Huhne used three roundels 1 and 2 ; the Duke of 
Northumberland a trefoil ; Sir Thomas Clere an anchor ; 
and Thomas Fenn a figure that much resembles a letter 
V. My own ancestors, the Peacocks of Scotter, used a 
mark like two Vs, point to point, with a stroke between 
them — 


It is probable that almost all the persons who had swan- 
marks were in the rank of the gentry, but the evidence 
bearing on the point is somewhat conflicting. In the 
earlier time it seems that anyone might keep swans. This 
was found so great an inconvenience that in 1482 a 
statute was passed providing that " no person of what 
estate, degree, or condition he be (other than the son of 
our Sovereign Lord the King) from the feast of Saint 
Michael next coming, shall have or possess any such 
mark or game of his own, or any other to his use .... 
except he have lands and tenements of the estate of free- 
hold to the yearly value of five hundred marks above all 
yearly charges."* 

No penalty was attached to this statute further than 
the forfeiture of the birds, one half of which were to go 
to the Crown and the other to the person who seized 
them. No one could make such seizure unless he were 
possessed of lands or tenements to tlie value of five marks. 
This act, reasonable enough in itself, was found to press 
very heavily upon the inhabitants of Growland, who " by 
tyme out of mynde have continually used to have and 
occupie in the Fennes and Marches there, greate games 
of Swannes of ther owne, by the whiche the greateste 
parte of their relyf and lyvyng hath be susteyned in long 
tyme passed." The petitioners went on, in a long-winded 



fashion, to state that being deprived of their swans would 
bring on thera utter ruin. The consequence was that the 
people of Crowland were exempt from the provisions of 
the Act."' I know not how to reconcile the above facts 
with the statement " that the privilege of cigni nota or 
swan mark was only obtainable l)y royal grant."* It 
certainly was not so before 1482, after that time I believe 
the custom was for the King's chief awanherd, magiater 
dedtictua cygnorum, or his inferior officers, to sMiction 
the use of such marks as were not held by prescriptive 

The ordinances of 1607 for the regulation of the swans 
in the waters of the great level of Hatfield Chace were 
published by the late Mr. Hunter in a modernised form.* 
It was provided among other things that everj'- person 
should begin to mark lus swans on the Monday next after 
Trinity Sunday. That no persons should mark swans 
save in the presence of the King's deputy, and that 
any one who should wilfully put away the birds from 
their nests or destroy or carry away the eggs should 
forfeit the sum of ten pounds. All wild swans or un- 
marked swans that had gained their natural hberty and 
had become wild might be seized to the use of tlie king as 
a part of his royal prerogative, but .subjects might have 
propertyin unmarked swans if the birds were retained in 
their own private waters, and shonld tliese birds escape 
into any open river their owners might retake them. 

Steahng swans marked or unmarked, if kept in a moat, 
pond, or river, if the swans had been reduced to tameness, 
was formerly a felony.* 

In the reign of Henry Vil it was enacted that " no 
manner of person of what condition or degree he be take 
or cause to be taken, be it upon his own ground or any 
other man's, the eggs of any falcon, goaliawks, laners, or 
swans, out of the nest, upon pain of imprisonment for a 
jear and a day and a fine at the King's will." It is said 
that it was the custom in ancient times tliat the person 
who stole a marked swan in an open and common river 
should recompense the owner in the following quaint 
manner. Tlie swan that had been stolen, if it could be 



found, and if not another, was to be hung up in a house 
by the beak, and the thief was to be compelled to for- 
feit to the owner as much com as would cover the 
whole body of the bird by pouring the com over the 

Perhaps the finest swan-mai'k roll in existence is the 
one preserved in the Public Eecord Office. Its headiiig is 
lost and some few of the marks have been effaced. It is 
of the time of Henry Viil and relates to the counties of 
Cambridge and Lincoln. There are now 165 marks. 

Among them are the following: — 

" The Gild of Corpus Cbriati of Croyland." 

" Philippus Abbas Croyland." 

This must be Phihp Everard, who became Abbot in 
1497 and died in 1504.' 

*' Dan Kichard habal . . . monk of Thomey." 

" Eichard Cesill.'" 

" The iiij Gyldys of Croyland." 

" Carolus Stannfeld de Bolyngbroke." 

" Kychard Peycocke" of Scotter. 

" S. Thomas Burgh." 

" Thorn's Tamworth." 

" Eychard Eowsettar." 

" The Bayly of Croft." 

" The parson of Leeke." 

" John Pjmder." 

" Thomas Kyme." 

" John Skypwith." 

" Dan Thomas Thersyld monke of Eamsay." 

" John Dymmokk." 

" S. Will'm Willughby." 

" The Baylly of Tatyrsale." 

This roll was one of the Chapter House Kecords and 
was removed to its present place of custody in 1859. I 
am informed that it is beheved to be the only document 
of this kind in the Public Eecord Office." 

■ Thii ■■ pmbkfalj tiM faUier ol tiw 
lint lord Bui^iIbj. _^ 


By the Barerand THOMAS LEKS, M.A* 

Shears oJ Tarious forms, alone and in varioua combinations, are common 
on aucieDt incised slabs : and various examples, with theories as to their 
respective meanings, are to be found in Boutell'a " Christian Monuments " 
(pp. 81-97, edition of 1864), and similar publications. But hitherto, bo 
far as I know, the association of these implements with the clerical 
emblems of hook, or hook and chalice, has puzzled all enquirers. To 
solve this question is my object in this paper. 

In the coonty of Cumberland we have three examples of this Strang 
conjunction : vit — 
L A fourteenth century slab formerly found at Dearham Church, and 

now preserved at Dovenby Hall 
n. Another fourteenth century slab, rather plainer and rougher in 
workmanship than the former. Till recently it was used as a coping 
stone for the roof of the church porch at Deariiani, Both IJiese 
stones have the shears on the drater side of the cross, and the book 
on the sinister, 
IIL A stone, still in situ, on the floor of Melmerby Church — probably 
thirteenth century. Shears on the dexter side of the large cross, 
book and chalice on the sinister. 
In writing of No. I, and a similar stone at Bakewell in Derbyshire, 
which alone seem to have been known to Boutell and Ontte, the former 
says : " The only explanation of this sii^ular combination of symbols 
which I can offer is, that each of these stones was intended to com- 
memorate two persons " (" Christian Monuments," p. 94) ; and Mr, Cutts 
is equally at &ult, for he says: "Shetav and book. Difficult of expla- 
nation ; may not the book be in fact a comb with the teetti omitted oi 
obliterated t " To those who have examined Noa. I and II, there can be 
no doubt that the rectangular object on the sinister side is nothing but a 
book ; and, if there were any, there is still the Mehnerby case. No. Ill, 
of shears, book and chalice, to account for. 

All antiquariaiLs are, I believe, agreed that the "book" represents the 
" TextuB " or Book of the Gospels, which was given to a D«icon on his 
ordination by the Bishop. The chalice, too, it is geuemlly agreed, is the 
emblem of a Priest 

* Read in tli* Antiquarian Section of tb* Lcnm UMting, Auguit 3rd, ISS^IOqIo 


How then do we account for the presence of Buch purely secoIaT 
ituplementa as shears being joined with tbesel 

It is to be noted that the shears in this curious conjunction are all of 
the sliar]vpointed kind ; not the gigantic ajuare-pointed shears found on 
Cloth Dressers' graves, nor the smaller square pointed variety used by 
those connected with wool. One use to which the shaxp pointed shears 
were applied by eccleaiaatics is shown in one of the twelfth century 
illuminations of the life and death of Saint flathlac, the Hermit of 
Crowland (Harley Roll, Y. 6)' There we see the ancient and important 
rite of tonsure conferred upon Guthlac by Bishop Hedda of Winchester, 
A.D. 676-705, who uses for the purpose a pair of lonj:;, very sharp pointed 

You will observe, too, that in the examples we are now considering, 
the shears are always on the dexter side of the cross. From this I conclude 
that they indicate wim distivctimi nf rank — some honoarable office held 
by the ecclesiastic commemorated. What fmn ihaf itgUe I 

All students of Ecclesiasticd History know tlie great importance 
attached by the Christian Church to the question of the Ton.sure. The 
Eastern, Western, and Celtic Branches of the Church adopted each its 
own fashion in the matter. N'ext to the time of observance of Easter, the 
the form of tonsure was one of tlie great subjects of difference discussed, 
between the Celtic and English Christians at the council of Whitby 
(A.D. 664). The Celts removed all the hair in front of a line drawn 
from ear to car over the top of the head. The English, in the Roman 
mode, shaved the crown of the head in a circle, leaving a fringe of hair 
all round. This fringe was supposed to represent the Crown of Thorns. 
There it was decided that the Roman tonsure should be adopted by all 
clerics. Notwithstanding this the Celts in great numbers adhered to the 
old fashion ; and when on the death of Deusdedit, Pope Gregory appointed 
Theodore, a monk of Tarsus, to the See of Canterbury, the latter had to 
tarty nt Rome four months, till his hair (which had been entirely shaved 
off according to the Ea.'rtem Church fashion) had grotvn sufficiently long 
for him to be tonsured in the Roman way, lest he should seem to 
countenance the Celts in their errors. After the entire Western 
Church had adopted the Roman fashion, the tonsure was still a matter of 
importance, not, as formerly, on account of its distinguishing members of 
one branch of the Catholic Church from those of another, but as being 
the main distinction between clergy and lay-folk. Then, as now-a-days, 
the clergy were apt to adopt lay ways and costumes ; but though a clerk 
might disguise himself in a layman's clothes, he could not also adopt his 
hair, or moke his own bare poll assume a hirsutfi covering at wilL 
Bishops and Councils fulminated threate and punishments against such 
worldly minded ecclesiastics. To support the canons of the Church, the 
deans rural were to set a good example of walking decently attired "mi 
Jiabilu dcrieidi et aijijii/i riavxu vtenUir ;" being in their own persons 
"lionette tomi et coronati." The Provincial Council of Oxford (a.d. 
1222) under ^Vrchbishop Langton, in its 36th canon enacts this with this 
jwnal consequence that all violators of the law were liable to the 
correction of their superiors. But a previous Provincial Council at York, 

BritUh Uuneuin," p. ziU, and the illai- 
tration opp«rite p. lii ,^ ^, GoOJ,;lc 


under Hubert Walter (a. d. 1195) having enjoined both crown and tonsure 
on the clergy generally, adds that, if any unbenejioed priests con- 
tamptuouBly refuaed the distinction (for the beneficed were brought to 
submisaion by deprivation), they " were to be dipped against their wills 
by the archdeacon or deatte.' If the dean himself departed from the 
true canonical vesture, crown and tonsure, he wau in case of contumacy, 
ipeo facto, suspended from office and emolument, by the fifth Legatine 
Constitution of Cardinal Deacon Othobon a.d. 1268), 

Again, by the constitutions of William de Blois, Bishop of Worcester 
{A.D. 1219), "if a clericun duly shaven and shorn were made prisoner by 
ihe civil power, the dean rural was to intercede for his absolute and 
immediate liberation, or at least for hia surrender to the custody of the 
Church ; but when liberated by virtue of his clerical privileges, and the 
power intrusted to the dean by the bishop for that purpose, if the said 
cleriaut were found to be insufficiently * tonsoratus vol coronatus,' he was 
to suffer condign punishment at the hands of the bishop, ' pro incompe- 
tenti toneoratione vel cornnaticnie."' 

Seeing, as we do, in theso passages (which I quote ntmost verbatim 
from Danscy's " Horre Decanicte Kurales," vol. i, pp. 267-270) the 
importance attached in mndinval times to the preservation of the clerical 
tonsure, and that the charge of this preservation was committed by the 
bishops to their archdeacons and rmid-duaiis, I think when we iind tlio 
shears by which the tonsure Wiis effected and preserved, in conjunction 
with clerical symbols on gravestones, we may safely conclude that tlie 
ecclesiastic thus commemorated has either discharged archidtaconal 
functions or held office as a rural-dean. 

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Few gencolofrical questions have been more widely diacnssad and mote 
warmly debated than the parantagR of Gundred, the wife of William de 
Warrenne, the Domesday Loid of Lewes, and the ancestor of the Earls 
of Suney. The high mnk and great number of her descendante, amongst 
whom are reckoned some nf the greatest families in England, her 
presumed connexion with Royalty, and the recent discoveiy of her 
remains after a lapse of more than seven and a half centuries, have all 
contributed to increase and extend public interest in a question which 
affects so many pedigrees. Gundred and her husband were joint founders 
of the Cluniac Priory of 8t^ Pancras at Lewes, and were buried there in 
the Chapter house. Her tombstone was removed at the time of the 
dissolution of monasteries to Ifield Church, where it was discovered in 
the earlier part of the last century. It is of black marble, and is inscribed 
with a Latin epitaph, the first line of which tells us that she sprung fram 
Dukes: — 

" Stirps Oundrada dtteum, deaig tsvi, nobUe germen." 
There is nothing to show what Dukes are referred to, but it is always 
assumed that they would be the Dukes of Kormandy or of Klandere. 
Gundred was a native of Flanders, if we may trust the only ancient 
historian who mentions her name,' for Orderic Vitalis eays distinctly that 
she was the sister of Gherbod, the Fleming, who was Earl of Chester 
from Easter to Chriatmae, 1070, by the grant of William the Conqueror. 
Gherbod was tiie hereditary Advocate of St. Bertin's Ahbey at St. Omer, 
and was, I expect, the son of another Gherbod who was Advocate of the 
same Ahbey* in 1026 and 1056. The advowsons of the greater Abbeys 
were reserved at this period to nobles of high degree, and the daughter of 
Richard II, Duke of Iformaudy, married without disparagement the 
Advocate of St Valeri in Picardy. There is, therefore, no reason on the 
acore of rank for doubting that Gherbod was descended from the reigning 
Bakes of Flanders. He enjoyed his English Earldom scarcely nine 
months, for at Christmas, 1070, he obtained the King's leave* to make a 
short risit to his own country, which was convulsed by civil war, and 
he was taken prisoner on 20th February, 1071, at the battle near Cassel, 
in which William fitz Oibem was alain. The rest of Gherbod's career 

' Read at the L«ina Ueatiiig, Augiut ' OarUilairti de France, Tome iii. Car^ 

S, 1B88. tulairt dt VAibaye de Saint £trtin, publifi 

See also paper iddreaMd b; H. A. par H. Oii&ard, 1810, pp. 17S-1S4. 
Lower to the Britiih ArcluEoIogicial Auo- * Dugd&le'a MtmatUam. Lvwea Piiocy, 

dation, November lOih, 181B. vol v, p. H, Ko. vt, 

•OrdeneiM filo^. Book iv, oh. vn. >nol(' 


was foreign to England, for when King William heard the newa of his 

captirity, he treated the Karldom of Chester as vacant, and gave it to 
Hugh Lupus. ' 

The evidences of Lewes Prioij contain a very different acoount of 
Onndred'a parentage, for it is stated, ot implied, in three separate docu- 
ments belonging to that religious bouse, that she was the daughter of 
William the Conqueror by Matilda of Flanders. The Leiger book 
enumerates amongst the benefactoia, "Queen Matilda,* the mother of 
King Heniy and of Countess Gundred ; " and although this list is on the 
face of it the compilation of a later age, it is confirmed by two deeds in 
the Ohattnlary. King William's grant of the manor of Walton,* in 
Norfolk, is expressed to be made for the soul of William de Warrenns 
and his wife Oundred — "Jilw mece." This charter is somewhat dis- 
credited by the fact that the important words "JUim mece *" have been 
interpolated in a modem hand above the line ; but it is assumed that 
these words were properly inserted, because William de War^enne 
ezpressly calls Queen Matilda the mother of his wife — " MatrU wsorU 
mea " — in his charter confirming the foundation. 

These charters practically contradict Orderic's statement that Gnndied 
was Gherbod's sister, because no one ever supposed that Gherbod was the 
eon of William the Conqueror ; nor do they tally with the language of 
Gundred's epitaph, for a king's daughter would scarcely be described as 
" Siirps dueum." Still, the genuineness of William de Warrenne'a 
charter has never hitherto been questioned, and it convinced the majority 
of genealogists. Baron Maaeres, Palgrave, Lappenberg, and Sir Henry 
Ellis, are agreed that Gundred was really the daughter of William and 
Matilda, although her name is never mentioned amongst the King's 
children by any ancient writer. Her descendants figure prominently in 
Burke's Royal Families, for in no less than eleven pedigrees out of the 
first ninety-five the descent from the blood royal of England is traced 
through Gundred. 

Dugdale, indeed, seems to put more faith in the chronicle than in the 
chartnlary, for he describes G undied in his Baronag^ as the sister of Earl 
Gherbod. But he stends almost alone in this view, and her royd 
parentage was in fact generally accepted as proved, until the late Mr. 
Stapleton published his well known paper, in 1846, in the Archceologicai 
Journal.* Public attention had then lately been attracted to the 
subject by the discovery, in the preceding year, of two leaden chests, 
containing the remains of Gun(h:ed and her husband, which were 
found in the ruins of Lewes Priory by labourers excavating for the 
railway, Stapleton reconciles the conflicting statements of Orderic and 
the Lewes charters, by the assumption that Matilda of Flanders was a 
wife and a mother before she married the Duke of Normandy, and that 
Gundred and Gherbod were her children by an elder Gherbod, from whom 
she was irregularly divorced. Gherbod's being the step-son of King 
William would account for his mystenous promotion to the great Earldom 
of Cheeter, whilst the existence of another husband would explain the 
fact that Matilda's marriage with William of Normandy was inhibited by 
the Pope at the Council of Rheims in U)49. This inhibition has hitherto 


been attributed to their alleged relationship within the prohibited 
degrees. But there is no proof of audi relationship, and it is a remark- 
able coincidence that in tie case of all the other marriages, which wore 
inhibited at this Council, the canonical impediment was that one of the 
parties was not free to many by reason of having a wife ot husband 
living. It is trae that Matilda's previous marriage is not mentioned in 
any of the chronicles, but the same might I)e said of Emma of Nonnandy, 
the mother of Edward the Confessor, and the wife, successively, of 
Ethelred II and of Cnut. Her first marriage, by which she had three 
children, is ignored altogether in the Encommm Emrtue, and her biog- 
rapher positively styles her virgo at the time of her marriage with Cnat. 
This is not the only instance of the kind, for the marriage of Eobert, 
Duke of N^ormandy, with Ulf a widow, is aimilariy left unnoticed in the 
chrouiclea. ' 

The new theory was shaped with consummate ingenuity, for 
Stapleton was "facile princep^' of Anglo- JTorman genealogiate. But 
critics of the old school refused to be convinced, and when it was 
controverted at great length in the Archmologia' by the late Mr. 
Blaauw, he had for some time the credit of having completely demolished 
an ingenious paradox.' This judgment, however, has been reversed by 
the next generation of historical critics, who are enthusiastic believers in 
Stapleton. The historian of the Norman Conquest led the way by 
declaring his belief that — " Stapleton has convincingly made out,"— that 
Gundred was the daughter of Matilda's previous marriage.' The same 
view lias been expressed by Mr. G. T. Clarke, Mr. A, S. Ellis, Mr. J. R. 
Green, Mr. Planche, and Mr. Pym Yeatman.'' In fact, so many writers 
of note have accepted this solution of the problem, that it is now com- 
monly taken as settled that Gundrvd was Mutilda's daughter, and the 
Conqueror's step-daughter. 

I was myself amongst the believers ; for a conclusion, which Stapleton 
suggested and Freeman approved, would scarcely be questioned without 
strong grounds, and I had none, until a fresh piece of evidence camo to 
light which changed all the conditions of the problem. 

I was reading some nine years ago the letters of St. Anselm, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, 1093-1109, for the purpose of noting what information 
they contain in illustration or correction of contemporary biography,, 
when I came upon a letter from the Archbishop to Kenry I. which 
proves beyond doubt that Gundred was not the daugliter of Queen 
Matilda by King Williatn or any other husband. This letter, which has 
hitherto been strangely overlooked, is printed in all the editions of St. 
Anselm's letters, and in Dom. Bouquet's Recneil iles Hwlurieim ik la 

' Fou'b Jvdyet »f Sttjfiand, toL L Domaday TenanU of TvrkAire, p. 37. 

WUlioM de Warraait. Mr. Q. T. Clark in hU Paper on the 

' JrcAfW^iia, vol iziii, p. 117. Castlnof EngltindandWaleB. Ar^aiAogi- 

' 5iuMz .lrcA(n>'<!r>''> volxiviii, p. 114. eal Joarral, toI. iiiii,p.lG9. 

* Freeman's HitUtrg of Iht NoTHtani Mr. Planolic, Someria Herald, in The 

Qmquctt, ToL iiL p. 651. Conguavr and hu Companiont, 1871, vol. 

' AmoQgBt the writers of note and i, p. 13S. 

Biithority who hiiye accepted se proved Mr. I^m Yeatnum in hia Hutoiy ef LU 

that Oundrod wai the atep-daughter of Boau ofAntndd, vol i, p. 38, gives f^aeea 

William the Conqueror are — HstildB another daughtra' in Matilda, 

Ht. A. 3. Ellis in bis NoUt on the wife of St^er de BuilL , 


LiBiR IV. Epwtola lxzxit.' 


" Henrico cltarLssiino euo domino, Dei gratia regi Anglornm, Anselmua 
Archiepiscopus, fidele aervitium cum orationibus. 

" Giatias i^o Beo pro bona voluntate, quain vobis dedit, et vobis qui 
earn Berrare etudetis. Quaerit consilium celsitudo veetra quid sibi 
faciendum sit de hoc quia pacta eat filiam suam daro Ouillelmo da 
Vuaremie : cum ijwe et JUia veslra ex una parte sint eognaU in quaria 
getiffraiume, et ex altera in sexto. Scitote absque dubio quia nullum 
pactum servari debet contra legem Christianitati& Uli autem, si ita 
propinqui sunt, nullo modo legitime copnlari posenint, neque sine 
damnatione animarum snarom neque sine magno peccato eorum qui hoc 
ut fiat procurabunt Precor igitim et coneulo vobis ex parte Dei aicut 
cbarissimo domino, ut nullatenuB vos liinc peccato miBceatis, neque filiam 
TOBtram eidem Guillelmo contra legem et voluntatem Dei tradatis. 
Omnipotene Deus dirigat tos et omnee actua vostroe in bene placito suo." 

In this letter the Archbishop judicially inhibits Henry I. from pro- 
ceeding with a marriage which was then contemplated between the 
King's natural daughter and Gundied's son William de Warrenne II, on 
the ground that the intended husband and wife were related to each 
other, in the fourth generation on one side, and in the sixth generation 
on the other. The law of the Church at that period absolutely forbade 
marriages between peraons related in blood, until after the seventh 
generation of descent from the common ancestor was passed, and it war 
the bounden duty of the dioceean, who was in the case of the royal 
family the Archbishop of Canterbury, to maintain discipline by inhibiting 
such marri^es without fear or favour of persons. St Anselm does not 
explain how William de Warrenne and his proposed wife were related in 
the sixth and fourth degrees. But it is easy to see how the relationship 
was reckoned, for his friend and contemporary Ivo, Bishop of Chartres, 
addressed a similar letter of inhibition to Henry I,' when a marriage whs 
in contemplation between another of the king's daughters and Hugh de 
Neufchatel, and in this letter the pedigree is set forth, showing that the 
daughters of Henry I were descended in the sixth degree from the 
parents of Gunnora, wife of Richard I, Duke of Normandy. 


IvoKis EFi(Bcon] Cabnotehbib as Himuchh Reqbu. 
Qeaeologia >vtem ut didtur sic te habet : — QoiiDora et Senfria Bororee fueraiit. Ex 
GoDDora eiivit KcsrduB ; ex Ricordo, Robertas ; ex Roberto, QulielmuB rex ; ex 
Qulielmo Henricus rex ; ax hoc rege ista, quie datur filio OervuiL Item, ex Senfria 
exirit Joaceliiu ; ex JeeceliuH, Riigeriiu de Houte Qnmineri ; ex Rogerio, Mabilia, 
■OTOr Roberti BeUimensiB ; ex Matulio, Mubilia uxor Qerruii ; at ex bta Matsli^ 
Hugo filio Gsrrami cui Uta datur. 

It is well ascertained that Gundred's husband, William da Warrenne 
I, was the grandson of a sister of the Duchess Gunnora, so that it will 
be seen at a glance from the pedigree below that her son was fourth in 
descent, whUet his proposed wife was sixth in descent from their common 
ancestor : — 

> I quot« from Higne's Patmlogia, ' Idem, vol. clxii, E^istolee IvoniB Cw' 

voL dii ; Epiatolao 9, ADulmi, Cimtusr noteasu Episcopt, lib. li, Bp. doxxt, 
liber iv, Ep. Ixxxiv. ■ AnkaeUgictU Jauraal vol iii, p. 8, . 

VOL. Xli 2 Q '^^S^'^ 


nichard II, 
c^ Normandy. 

Etobart, Dukeof^ 


WiUiam I, Eingoty' 




William de^Qun 




Bogw EbtIi^ HorefonL 

Katunl d&ushtor of Henry L='Wlliam de Warrenne H, 2nd 
Sixth in deacont from tlie ancM- Barl t^ Suiroy. Ml in deicant 
tor of her proposed huibond. from tha anoestor of hii pro- 

posed wife. 

Bishop Ivo'b letter shews that the method of reckoning consanguinity 
iised by St Anselm and contemporary Bishops of the Roman obedience, 

was to count the number of generations from the common ancestor to 
the intended husband and wife, by which computation persons related in 
the sixth degree are fifth cousins. It need scarcely be 'Said that if 
Gundred had been the daughter of Queen Matilda, her son and King 
Henry's daughter would have been iirst cousins, and it is absurd to suppose 
that the Archbishop would hnvo judicially iuhibited first cousins from 
marrying on the ground that they were fifth cousins. We may therefore 
safely take it as proved that Gundred was neither daughter nor near 
relation of Queeu Matilda. 

My discovery of Ht. Anselm's letter, with soma remarks on the 
importance of this new evidence was published in the Academy of 
28th December, 1878. But the case was not stated as clearly as it might 
have been, for the pedigree was not worked out in a tabular form, and it 
was assumed that being related in the sixth and fourth degrees implied a 
double I'elationship. This mistake, however, did not aSect the main 
point at issue. Mr. Freeman's answer was published in the same 
journal' on let February 1879, and the gist of his reply is, that whilst 
St. Anselm's testimony is not to be gainsaid, Slaplaton's theory remains 
the only feasible explanation which lias yet been suggested of the Lewes 
charters. The genuineness of these documents is taken for granted, and 
I must admit that if they are genuine, I can see only one flaw in 
Stapleton's argument. He explains the words in Gundied's epitaph, 
Stirps cbicum, nohile germcn, as referring to her maternal descent from 
the Dukes of Flanders. But her supposed mother, Matilda, is in her 



own epitaph styled not duc&l but royal, althougli she was a duke's 
daughter, on the score of her maternal descent from the kings of Fmace, 
" Germen regale MatUdem 
Dux Flandrita pater," 
I can sciuvely think therefore that Gundied's royal blood would have 
been ignored, if she had beeo Matilda's daughter. 

This, however, ie a minor criticism, and my real answer to Mr. 
Freeman is, that in my belief the chortera, which Stapleton's theory was 
invented to explain, are (in their present form at least) mere fabrications, 
which need not to be taken into account. Such forgeries are common 
enough, as every one knows who is conversant with monastic chartularies) 
for it was a pious fraud tfl secure the Church against spoilation and 
glorify the founder by forcing ciiurters to replace missing title deeds. I 
had no suspicion that the Lewes charters were not genuine until the 
discovery of St. Anselm's letter put me on my guard, but further research 
has mode it so clear to mc, that two of them have been garbled, and the 
other is a forgery, that I now scarcely understand how so transparent an 
imposture has misled so many generations of antiquarie& 

There are three documents, each differing from the other in date and 
character ; and I now proceed to examine them seriatim. 

I begin vith the Book of benefactors, which contains the following 
entry : — 

" In Norfolkia ..'.., £arletuna, quam dedit Matildis regina mater 
Henrici r^vB et Gundredie comitissee ; et ipsa Gundreda dedit nobis."* 

This entry is quoted as evid^ice that Queen Matilda was the mother ' 
of Gundred as well as of Henry I, and, as the test stands, this is un- 
doubtedly its meaning; But I have a strong suspicion that the word 
"et" has been interpolated between the words "regis" and "Gnndredte," 
for the express purpose of couveyii^ a false impression, and that the 
text originally stood, 

" quuD dedit MatildiB rt^pna nutar Henrid regis QundredsB oomitinte " eta 
meaning — 

" CarltoD, which Queen HadldA mother of King Henry Rare to Counleu Qundred 
and the ume Qundrad g&Ts b> us." 

Every Latin scholar must sllow that this is a more natural reading, 
and that from a grammatical point of view it is more probable that 
" Gundiedce comitissse " is the dative case governed by " dedit." 

It ia, however, of no great importance, whether I am right in supposing 
that thjs entry has been garbled, except of course so for as it imphes bad 
faith ; because the Leiger book, from which it is taken, is on the face of 
it a compilation from the Chortulary, when it wss transcribed in the 
fifteenth centnry. 

I now pass to the charters. King William's grant of the manor of 
Walton is beyond oil dispute authentic, and the autograph charter has 
been preserved among the Cottonian MS. in the British Museum.' But 
it is in bad condition and has been tampered with to such an extent, that 
no reliance can be placed on it The grant is expressed to be made by 
William, King of the English, for the soul of William de Warrennc and 
his wife " Gundredee [filite meie.'^ But the ink has faded so much that 
the words originally written immediately after "Gundrodte," which may 
' Cotton MS., VeipM, F. iii, tol. 1. /IOqIc 


(or may not) have specified faer connexion with the grantor, are illegible, 
whilst the wodIb " filife me^e" have been inseited in a modem hand above 
tlie line.' Tliis reading, however, ia justified by the language of what is 
called the foundation charter, in which William de Warrenne distinctly 
aaserta that Queen Matilda was the mother of hifl wife Gimdred, So that, 
in fiict, the whole story ultimately rests on the authority of the charter, 
which I now proceed to examine. 

This so called charter of foundation is the most important in the whole 
chartulary, for it was the only title deed which the monks could show to 
the lands given them by their founder. The original grant was to the 
mother house, and was deposited in the Archives at Clngni ; but this 
deed of confirmation was given to the monks in England for their greater 
security aft«r the Friory was completed, inhabited, and endowed. It is not 
dated, but ia expressed to be made by William de Warrenne in the short 
interval between the date of his advancement by William Bufua to the 
Earldom of Surrey, and the day of his death, 24th June, 1089. He 
begins with a narrative of the visit which he and his wife Gundred made 
to Clugni, in the course of their religious tour through Prance and 
Burgundy, and after reciting the promises of endowment, by which the 
Abbot of Clugni was induced to send a colony of monks to England, he 
proceeds to confirm, by this second charter, his gift of all the lands and 
tithes, which formed the endowment of the Priory. He makes this grant — 

" Pro salute anima; mete, et animte Gundredte iixoris mees, et pro anima 
domini mei Willielmi regis, qui me in Ai^licam terram adduxit, et per 
cigus licentiam monachoa venire feci, et qui meam priorem donationem 
confirmavit, et pro salute dominaa men Matildis reginse, mairU ujKiru mem, 
et pro salute domini mei Willielmi regis, filii sui, post cojus adventam in 
Anglicam terram banc cartam feci, et qui me comitem Surregiie fecit, et 
pro salute omnium heeredum meorum et omnium fidelium Christi." 

After eniuneiating the various possessions, privileges, and exemptions, 
bestowed on the monks of St. Pancras, the founder records In detail the 
stipulations made with the mother house for their fnture government by 
their own prior, free from all control, taxation, and interference. He 
winds up by invoking the curse of God on ail who venture to infringe 
the provisions of this charter, which he solemnly confirmed at Wincheeter, 
in the presence of King William Bufus and his council. 

It is significant that the original of this remarkable charter is not 
forthcoming, and that oni only knowledge of it is derived from a M3. 
chartulary in the Cottonian Library, which was transcribed for Prior 
Auncell in lill. In the absence of the original, the gennineneea of a 
charter can only be determined by internal evidence, and I cannot think 
that this pretended deed of confirmation will deceive any one who is 
familiar with monastic chartore, when his suspicions have once been 
aroused. It is notorious that the monks thought it no sin to protect 
themselves against unjust claims by forging deeds of con£imation, when 
their title to lands was endangered by the loss of the original grant 
These spurious charters can generally, however, be detected, because a 
forger is seldom skilful enough to escape falling into some anachronism, 
which betrays the generation to which he really belongs. He either 

Mr. W. U. St John Hope was kind Oundnde iras I'eall; followed hj pro im« 

--"- ' - mine tor me the charter at ' ' — '"' " '^■-— — ' — 

and he auum du tiiat if 

ttu examine for me the charter at et hcndtbia meia tbace waa no room for 



brings together witneasea who wei« not contemponiy, or he antedates 
events, and provides against claims and contingencies proper to a later 
ag& William do Warremie's cliarter embodies the traditions of the 
foundation and the fouudera as the stoij' was current at the period nrhen 
it was written : and although the forger was too discreet to attempt any 
list of witnesses, or to recite the deed of foundation, which he bad never 
seen, he excites suspicion by dwelling so prominently on the claims of 
the Priory to be indepondout of the mother-house. Such Btipidationa of 
immunity from interference and taxation would be of little value to an 
infant community of foreign monks poorly endowed, who regarded 
Clugni as their home. But it was very different in later times, when it 
was of vital importance to a wealthy Priory of Englisb monks, after the 
separation of En^nd and Normandy, that they and their revenues 
should be fiee from the control of a foreign house. The critical reader 
will-not be reassureil by the violent imprecations of Divine vengeance 
against all who disturb those stipulations, for such maledictions are not 
found in charters of the eleventh century, whilst this is pieciseiy the 
language employed by the pseudo-Ingulf in the spurious charters of 
Croyland Abbey. It is a still more suspicious circumstance that a 
charter, which was on the face of it the most important title deed which 
the monks possessed, was alto^ther ignored by Henry I, when he 
conlinned the privileges and liberties of the Priory soon after his 
coronation, and that it is neither recited nor referred to in any genuine 
charter of subsequent date. 

The charter is narrative in form, but long as it is, William de Warrenne 
makes only two distinct averments of fact, which can be tested by 
independent evidence. They are — 1, That Queen Matilda was the 
mother of his wife Gundred; 2, That be was created Earl of Surrey by 
William Rufus. 

The first of these statements is proved by Hi. Anselm's letter to be 
false, and the second is contradicted by Orderic Vitalis,' who is 
corroborated in this instance by the incontrovertible evidence of 
charters. The Historian assures us that the earldom of Surrey was 
conferred on William do Warrenne by tho Conqueror before 1080; and 
it is certain that William styles himself Comes in 1076 and 1086, when 
he witnessed at Winchester charters of King William in favour of Battle 
Abbey.* It may be said that in both these charters he describes himself 
as William Comeg de Warrr^nne, but the Earl of Arundel add 
Shrewsbury is styled in like manner Soger Cotma de M<mlgomeri. It is 
almost superftuous to remark that William and Roger could not style 
themsolvee earls until after tiiey hod been invested with English 
earldoms, because there were no carls in Normandy onteide the pale of 
the reding family, and the sovereign himself was properly styled 
eamei Normaniee until after the conquest of England. It is true that 
William de Warrenne is not described as an earl in Domesday, but the 
four earls mentioned in that record were all palatine earls, and Surrey 
was never a palatine earldom. It must be remembered, too, that \l 
William de Warrenne was not created earl by tho Conqueror, the 
Countess Gundred was never a countess at all, for it is certain that she 
died in 1085. 

' Ordericiu Vibdu, lib. iv, cap. viL ■ DugdAle'a ifawutumi. voL iii, a, 215; 



St Anselia'a teHlJmony reqiiires no corroboiatioD, but since my 
discovery of his letter, I have often thought that the Bubsequent 
marriage of Gundrod's 8on, William de 'Warreime II, ought to have 
given me Bomethiug more than a hint that Gundred was not the 
daughter of Queen Matilda. 

"WiUiam married in 1118 EliMbeth widow of Robert Count of 
Meulan and daughter of Hugh Count of Vermandoia, who was a 
younger son of Henry I, King of France, and therefore first cousin to 
Queen Matilda. Now, if Gundred had been Matilda's daughter, her son 
would have been so nearly related to his wife, who was third in descent 
from Matilda's grandfather "King Robert of Franc*, that their marriage 
was impossible without a dispensation from the Pope. There aro special 
reasons in this case why we should he sure to have heard of such an 
impediment if it had existed. Because this same lady was for a long 
time inhibited from manyitig her first husband, on account of a much 
more remote relationship. That crafty stateAraan, Robert Count of 
Meulan, who was reputed " the wisest man in his time between London 
and Jerusalem,'" was fooHsh enough to insist, after he waa fifty yearn of 
age, on marrying a young wife in defiance of the laws of the Churcli. 
The county of Meulan lies within tlie diocese of Chartres, and so soon as 
Bishop Ivo heard that the marriage was in contemplation, be addressed 
the following letter* to his clei^, forbidding them, to celebrate it, and 
specifying the precise relationship which subsisted between the count 
and his intended wife. 

"Epibtola xlv.^ 

" Ivo Dei gratia Oamoiewiis epiecqpm, cl&ricU MeQentinU, et omnibus 
in Fisiacensi archidiaconatu, salutem. 

" Perlatnm est ad aures nostras quod Mellentinus comes ducere Telit 
in uxorem hliam Hugonis Crispeiensis comitis ; quod fieri nnn sinit 
concora decretorum et canonum sanctio dicens : (Conjunctionea consan- 
guineorum fieri prohibemus). Horum autem consanguinitas nee ignota 
est, nee rcmota, sicut teatantui et probare parati aunt praeclari viri de 
eadem sati prosapia. Dicunt enim quia Gualterius Albus genuit 
matiem Gualeranni comitis, qui genuit matrem Koberti comitis. Item 
Bupiadictus Gualterius genuit Radulphum patrem alterius fiadulfi, 
qui genuit Yermandensem comitissam, ex qua nata eet uxor comitis 
Hugonie, cujus filiam nunc ducere Tult Mellentinus comes. 8i autem 
pisedicta genealogia ita aibi cohaeiet, legitimum non potent esse conjugium, 
sed incestum contubemium, uec filios poterunt habere legitimoB, Bed 
fipurioG. Unde vobis ex apostolica et eanonica auctoritate pTaecipimns, 
ut tarn calumnioeum conjugium in eccleaiis noetri episeopatus nee ipsi 
conseinatis, nee ab aliquo, quantum in vobis est, conseciari permittatis, 
nisi primum in praesentia nostri consanffuinitas kaee eepHmum ffradtem 
exeenaitge legitime fuerit comptohata. Valete, et has litteias Mellentino 
comiti tranamittite." 

This letter was evidently written in the beginning of the year 1096, 
for in April of that year Hugh Count of Vermandois started for the 
Cnisade, and we know that bis last act before he set out on his voyage 

' Ordtriem VUnlii, liber viii, cap. ii. ' 

■ Henry of Uimtingdon, Willmm of lee 1 

Mftlnubury. ep. z 



was to give his daughter Elizabetli in mamage to the Count of Meularu 
It was not disputed that they were related within the prohihited degrees, 
hut Pope Urhan was then in France, and was induced by the OuBader 
to grant a dispensation. 

The Connt of Menlan lived to r^ret that the laws of the Church had 
been relaxed in his favour, for his wife, although she was the mother of 
eight children deserted biia in his old age for William de Warrenne II, 
whom she married immediately after her husband's death. No objection 
waa ever made to her second marriage on the ground of consanguinity, 
which mahes it dear that her second husband was not (he grandson of 
Queen Matilda. For it will be seen ftom the pedigree below th&t a 
grandson of Matilda would be more nearly related to Elizabeth of 
Vermandois by two degrees than the Count of Moulon was. 

Fbdigrbi of Elizaseie c 


CoUDt of T>l0U,'y 


aphll, ConntFp... 

Adeline, ^Hflger Hilda- ^Herbert, Henry I,= 

Counteei de braate Count of King of 

of Beau- de Verman- France. 

Heulon. inont. Vfdoie. doia. 

iuit=p... Bobert, Eing^... 

of France, 

Baldwin, -rAdela 
Count of of 
Flunders. France. 

Adelaide, Countesa=pHugh The Great, 
of VennaadOTS. boo ol Henry I, 

g of Fnmce. 

Robert, Count ot^Elizabeth of Vermanduia, Eth in.^2nd hiub., William de 
Meulan, let bus- descent from tbe unceetor of J Warrenne II., Earl of 
bwul, 4tb in dee- Robert, Count of Ueulau, 3rd in Surrey. 

int from the auceHtor of | 

D Matilda. 



Those who have followed me so far, and are prepared -to accept my 
estimate of these Lewes charters, will be amused to read what far-fetched 
explanations have been devised from time to time by ingenious 

Stapleten's suggestion that Matilda, of Flanders was the mother of 
children by an irregular nnion before her marriage witli William of 
Normandy, has been already disposed of. His aipament ia so plausible 
and BO ingeniously framed, that one is apt to forget the audacity of 
inventing for Queen Matilda, without a particle of evidence, a new 
Inography to her discredit We have now the evidence of St Anselm, 

310 OmiDBADA DE WARlffiKNE. 

that her supposed maternity of Guiidnd and Oheibod is falsa, and it wUI 
be reckoned hereafter amongst the curioBitiea of literature, that so nn- 
fonnded a scandal should have passed current as history amongst critics 
and writers of note for a whole generation. 

Stapleton and his disciples, however, ate not further from the truth 
than antiquanes of the old school, who refused to be persuaded that 
Gundred was not the daughter of William the Conqueror. Sir Geoi^ 
Duckett for example, who is an implicit believer in the Lewes cartulary, 
and in Gundred's Royal parentage, proposes an explanation of Orderic's 
statement that Gundred was the sister of Gberbod, Earl of Chestor, 
which had best be described in his own words' -.— 

" I teel convinced that the term wiror ia used by Orderie without raspect to eon- 
■aDguiiiity. A ver; singular application of tbe word in thie some sen^e may be found 
in the CMtetioa of Latin Iiucripti/nu by Jo. Qaspar Orelliua, published at Zurich, in 
1S28, and in support of our hjpotliemii we Uy oonaidenble Btzetn upon It — 

Julia Hellae Hygite JJomina et lorori benemerentJ feat, 
Hure we have oombined mistress and sister ; the one owing aUegiaooe to the oUier, 
Iier superior in blood, though equ&l on the score of fosterage." 

I will not atop to inquire how far Bir GeOrge is justified in his inter- 
pretation of this ancient inscription ; but it is certain that a precisely 
similar expression was used in a Monastic charter, when the relationship 
was beyond all question of blood and not of fosterage. For example, the 
confirmation of Kobert de Todeni'a grant to the monks of Belvoir* by his 
eldest brother, under whom his lands were held, is thus expressed — 
" banc donationem confirraat WiDielmus de Alboneio Jraler meus et 

In the face of this charter, it is difliciilt to understand how Sir George's 
hypothesis is assisted by the inscription, upon which he lays so much 
stress. Besides, when he is unable to point out a single other passage in 
all the thirteen books of Orderic's Ecclemaetical HiiAonj, in which 8aror 
or /rater bears the meaning of foster sister or foster brother, the im- 
probability of its use in this instLinco is too glaring to requiic serious 

The latest and worst writer on the subject of Gundred's parentage is 
Mr. Martin Bute, who has reopened the controversy in his Life and 
Titnen of St. AitsrlJii by a fierce denunciation of Stapleton and Freeman 
and all other writers who maintain that Gundred was Queen Matilda's 
daughter. He quotes St. Anselm's letter as a proof that "there was not 
a drop of Matilda's blood in the veins of Gundred," and then proceeds to 
explain, in his own way, the words of the Lewes Charters, which ho 
accepts as genuine and beyond suspicion. He cliallenges criticism by 
deliberately writing to the Academy that be' 

learned E^ngland from time out of mind " 

This explanation, which is heralded with such a flourish of trumpets, 
shall be stated in his own words. He says: — 

' Sus«ez AnhaUogiaA OtHeeHoni, toL Belvoir Prion, Ka vL 
siriiigp. 124. ' Hr. Hule a letter, printed in JMi(eiiqr> 

' Dugdale's ifoniMttiwn, voL iij,p. 290, 14 April 1883. OoO'jIC 


Oundnd'a ' mater,' uid not her ' genetrix ; ' and Qnndred wm the Canqueror'a ^ia, 
BOt hit naia. Quudred wu Hatilda'a godchild. Pattr, mattr, filiv», jUia, were the 
ordinaiy appelkdoiu of god-paienta and god-children, (fothing iras mora commoa"' 

My own experience of the language of charters compels me to doubt 
the asaertjon tiiat the words pater, mater, filiua, filia are so commonly used 
in legal documente to express spiritual relationship ; and I should like to 
see some examples in proof. But a writer, who professes to he familiar 
with canon law, ought to have known that if he is right abont the 
meaning of the words, tho charters contradict eacli other. If Mr. Rule's 
interpretation of the charters is true, King William calls Gundred his 
god-daughter in his grant of Walton, whilst William de Warrenne's 
charter says with equal distinctneRs that Gundred was the god-daughter 
of Queen Matilda. Now one of these statementa must be false, because 
it is canonically impossible that a nian and his wife could ever be both 
sponsors of the same child. The spiritual relationship created by the 
act of sponsorship was so close, that a marriage between sponsors was not 
only prohibited but invalid. Divorces on this ground were scandalously 
fieqnent in the Middle Ages, for when two persons wished to dissolve the 
bond of matrimony, they had only to allege that they had previously 
contracted ties of spiritual relationship as sponsors, and by an easy 
collusion they were enabled to get rid of their marriage. It was for the 
purpose of testing the truth of such allegations that Cardinal Ximenes 
devised the system of baptismal registers recording the names of the 
sponsors. This is so notorious, that I cannot imagine how Mr. Rule 
failed to see that as Gundred could not possibly be the god-child both of 
the King and the Queen, either one of the charters is unworthy of 
credit, or else his explanation of their meaning is not trua I leave him 
on the horns of the dilemma. 

Mr. Rule is still less fortunate in the genealogical speculations, for 
which he claims in>ecial credit. For, if we may trust L'Arf ih i.v-n'rf«' 'w 
ilideifi the Manpiis never existe<l, whose brother hgures in Mr. Rule'^ 
peiUgreo as St Anselm'e grand-father. The same great authority ignores 
altogether the marriage of Hugh Capet to Adela, daughter of Duke Rollo, 
on which Mr. Rule relies to prove the relationship between William of 
Normandy and Matilda of Flanders. If, therefore they were related, and 
it is quite likely that they were, it was not through any such marriage. 
But the most characteristic blunder of all is his confusing account of 
Gnndred's genealogy, which shall he quoted in his own words. 

"I*wiUiiigt7 oonoede that Oherbcd and Qundred ware biother and aiater." 
" Should the reader re*]]; cara to inquire, VTIio then vu Gundred F I wnold refer 
him to thii puaage in the ' Rcgistnim de Bermundwrn,' a d. 1098. 

"Hoc anDo Ricardus Ouet frater Comitinse Worrenne dedit manerium de Cowjk 
monachis de BeimondeaeL 

When the Domeedar surre; for Eseei was made, Cowjk was held of William de 
Warraune hj Sicardui, who waa, I presume, Richard Uuet (Wet or Wette T), hia 
brolher-in-law. " 

If these passages have any meaning, wo are called upon to believe that 
Gundred was the sister both of Ghcrbod the I'lemiiig and of Richard 
Guet. It is possible that Mr. Rule supposes that Guet was the family 



imnie of the hereditary advocates of St Berlin's Abbey, for it is clear from 

his suggestion that the name might be "Wet or Wette, tliat he had never 
heard of the well-known family in Perche, to which Richard Guet {reeling 
Goet) evidently belonged. He might easily, however, have learnt that 
this brother of the CountesG Warrenne would be a cadet of that noblo 
family, who were sovereign lorda of Perche Goet, a territory comprising 
five baronies, of which Mont Mirail (Mone Mirabilis) was the cbief. The 
Countess Warrenne mentioned in the Bermondsey r^Uter would not 
aseuredly be Gundred, who died in 1086, and therefore according to the 
Lewes Ghartulary never was a Countesa at all, because her husband vas 
not created an Earl until after the accession of William Bufna. The 
Countess referred to must be William de Warrenne's second wife, who 
seems from this entry to have been a sister of that William Goet, of Mont 
Mirail, whose son William married one of the natural daughters of King 
Henry I. She is not mentioned elsewhere, but there is no doubt about 
the fact that William de Warrenne did marry a second wife after 
Gundred'a death, because when he died in June, 1089, we knew that his 
widow the Countess sent an alms of 100 shillings to the monks of Ely' to 
pray for the soul of her deceased husband, and to make amends for his 
epoliation of that religious house. It seems however, that the geneal<^- 
cal acumen displayed in these and similar blunders has found favour with 
the Master of the Bolls, for the author of S(. Anselm'g Life was lately 
selected to edit Eadmer's ffistoria Novorum at the public expense. 

This paper would be incomplete without some reference to the question 
of Gundred's Ducal descent, which has puzzled so many generations of 
antifiuaries. I have little doubt that the chartulary of Clugni contains 
evidence to clear up all the difficulty, if wo could refer to the charter by 
which Lewes Priory was originally founded and endowed. Considering 
that Clugni Abbey had no less than 42 dependent Priories and Cells in 
England, and that the Order e.tercised in former times a considerable 
influence on English politics, it almost amounts to a scandal that no 
attempt has been made to explore archives, which must be rich in 
materials for English History. Until such materials ore made fairly 
accessible to students, history proper cannot be written. There is, how- 
ever, little hope that the Chartulary of Clugni will bo printed in this 
generation, and in the meanwhile we are reduced to guesswork ; hut 
if conjecture is pormittei;! in cases where direct evidence is absolutely 
wanting, I should guess that Gundre^l's title to be called Stirjjs ducrtm 
vraa derived from the Ducal House of Burgundy who were tho fomnders 
and patrons of Clugni Abbey. Flanders and Burgundy were intimately 
connected at this period, and all that we know about Gundred points 
to a Eurgundian connexion. Her second son, who was old enough to 
command an army' in 1090, bore tho Burgundian name of Reynold; 
whilst Gundred and her husband, when they made their pilgrimage to 
Borne in 1076, went out of their road to visit ClugnL I cannot think 
too that their devotion to the Clugniac order which they introduced into 
England, is accounted for by mere gratitude for hospitality shown to 
travellers on a pilgrimage. It seems much more likely that the Abbey, 
from wliich William and Gundred tr.msplanted to England spiritual 
directors for their household, was endeared to one of them by the stronger 
tic of ancestral associations. 

■ Liber EUeoaia, lib. iL, C. IIS. ■ Orderica* TttoKi, Lib. viil Cap. IE. , 



During the lost few months severnl InteieatiDg discoveries ol Roman 
remains have been made at Lincoln, of which I now deairo to furnish a 
brief acconnL 

On Wednesday, March 12th, 1884, the workmen engaged in excavating 
the ground for tlie foundations of the new tower and. epire of St. 
Swithin's Church, at the depth of some thirteen feet from the surfaco 
came upon an oltar dedir^ted to the Parcip, It was lying prostrate on its 
face, on a bed of dry river gravel covered with alluvial soil and made 
ground. It is to this fortunate circumstance that the wonderful sharpness 
of the letters of the inscription may be attributed ; the dryness of the 
gravel having preserved the stone from decay. 

The altar is formed of one block of the local oolite, coarse in texture 
and admitting of no elaborate decoration. I am informed by builders 
that it is hewn from the same bed as the huge stones of which the Xortli 
Roman gateway of the city, the well-known K<;wi)ort Arch, is constructed. 

The altar stands 3 ft. in height, and is 1 ft. 3 J in. broad, and 1 ft OJ in. 
deep, the corresponding dimensions of the Irase being 1 ft 8 in., and 
1 ft 2 in. Both the base and the upper part are boldly but rudely 
moulded. The upper part is the least perfect Its ornamentation, if it had 
any, has perished, and there are no traces of the bowl-shnped "foctu " for 
the consumption of the Bocrifice. 

The flanks are rudely carved in relief. That to the right bears the 
" pnefericulum " or pitcher for tie wine of the libatione. On. the left 
is the " patera " for pouring the wine on the burning sacrifice. There 
is no trace of the " culter " or knife, the usual companion of these sacri- 
ficial implements on Roman altars. 

The Inscription which occupiee the face is almost as sharp as the day it 
was first cut It is as follows : 

ARa da 8a D. 

That is "to the Goddesses the Poroae, and to the Deities of Augustus, 
Cains Antistius Frontinus, being Curator . . . dedicates this altar 
at his own cost" The initials, d. s. d., it is needless to say, arc a common 
abbreviation for " de «uo dat " or " dicat." H>*j[l.' 


It will be observed that I have not attempted to give any interpreta- 
tion of the letters ter, the only portion of the inscription which offeis 
any uncertainty. 

My own first idea was that the letters formed a complete word, the 
Latin nnnieral adverb " ter," and that it was thus indicated that the 
erector of the altar was at the time filhng the office of " curator " for the 
third time. This view has the support of Professor Hiibner of Berlin, 
the learned editor of the " Corpus Inacriptionum Latiuarum." In a letter 
with which he has favoured me Dr. Hiibner writes, " I should think it 
most probable that Trontinus was in charge for the third time of that same 
httle temple or ' j^icula ' to which he gave the little altar now die- 
covered," adding, " I think tbr may be accepted as the complete form 
of the numeral adverb (" ter " three times), not as an abbreviation of " ter 
[tic]" or "ter [tium] " in apit« of Cicero's well-known joke about 
Pompey's theatre and its inscription.'" 

This reading of the inscription, however, has been called in question 
by some of our leading English authorities, such as Prebendary Scarth, 
Mr. C. Roach Smith, and Mr. Thompson Watkin. Attention has been 
directed to the fact that numeral adverbs are seldom, if ever, employed in 
their full form on Latin inscriptions, to designate the number of times 
the person named had tilled any given ofBce. ^Numerals, not numeral 
adverbs, are used. According to the general rule, therefore, we should 
expect III, not tsr, if the meaning intended to be conveyed was that 
Frontinus for the third time was " curator " of the chapel or filled any 
eimilnt guardianship. There appears to be much in this objection to 
Hiibner's reading. But his authority is confessedly so great on all 
matters connected with Roman inscriptions that any expression of his 
opinion deserves the most careful consideration before his verdict is 

There is nothing in the word " curator" of itself to help us to decide 
the point As those familiar with Roman inscriptions well know, few 
words are of more frequent occurrence in various referencea It ia 
generally found in a civil sense, indicating many various ofScea, municipal 
or other. " Curator reipublicffi " is very common, and we continudly 
meet with "curator viarum," "curator alvci et ripanim," "cniator 
cloacarum," and the like. " Curator ludorum " is also frequent, and 
" curator colonite" appears in Hiibner's great work (voL ix, No. 1121, 
1584.) "Curator" is also not unknown as a military term. Hiibner 
records a "curator fisci," as a military officer, the cash-keeper of the 
cohorts, in a Spanish inscription (voL ii, No. 2610). There is also an 
epitaph, discovered at Cbeeteis, to one who had been " curator" of the 
second " ala " of the Asturian troope, of which regiment it is interesting 
to notice that the officer whose funeral slah, dag up a few years back at 
the foot of Motherby Hill in Lincoln, now preserved in the Cathedral 
cloisters, was a "decuria" 

A military reference, however, according to Mr. Watkin, in the present 
case is " out of the question, as no corps is named, and not half-a-dozen 

' When Pompey orectied his theatre in knowledge, being unable to dadde the 

bin third ConBulehip he enquired of question, recommended him to com 

Cicnro whether ht ehoiild inBcriba jiitiniiBe tlie matter and write TEBT. Aul 

"TEitTiLM" or "tbbtw" OH thu por- Gell. Nod. AUk, x,L 
tivo. CiiMTu, with ttll hii gnumiuttioil i 


examples of the use of the word in this sense have been found in the 
whole Roman world." 

ProfeesoT Wordsworth, whose opinion on all matters of Roman 
epigraphy deserves the highest [consideration, is disposed to r^ard the 
term as meaning either " Curator Reipnbliac, i.e., " a governor appointed 
by the Emperor to take the place of the ordinary elected magistrates of 
the town," or as " Curator templi " or " sacelli." He saya, " I rather 
incline to the latter, as nothing has gone before to suggest the colony." 
This, as will have been already seen, is also the word to which Professor 
Hubner inclines, while acknowledging the uncertainty of the e.Yact 
reference of the word " curator." He writes, '■ Lincoln was a thoroughly 
military place : the last line seems scarcely capable of another expansion 
than this : Ar(am) d(e) s(uo) d{edit.) If i'rontinus, as I suppose, was 
a soldier or a veteran of one of the Roman legions stationed at 
Lincoln, the " Dese Parcae " may have been worshipped by a " sodali- 
tium of soldiers, who had brought them over to England from their 
native country. And that community of worsliippers is very likely to 
have had a common sanctuary, whose curator Frontinus was elected for 
the third time." 

The more probable conclusion, however, seems to be that teb stands 
for " terrarum," and that Frontinus is here described as " curator 
terrarum," i.e., in the opinion of Prebendary Scarth, overseer of the 
" Ager Vectigalis," or the land belonging to the Colony of Lindum. As 
the next line begins with the letters ar, it was at first conjectured that 
the two syllables formed part of the same word. This, however, was 
negatived by the discovery of the well defined atop at the end of the 
former line. Still ter may stand by iteelf as a perfectly legitimate 
abbreviation for " terrarum." Prebendary Scarth and Mr. Roach-Smith 
agree in this reading. The latter gentleman writes : — " The tbb I do 
not think can possibly mean three times as applied to the office of 
"curator." We have "Cur. Agr," for "Curator Agrorum," and in 
what can that differ from " Curator Torrse " or " Terrarum "1 Frontinus 
was simply curator of the ground on which stood the altar oi little 

A few remarks may now be made as to the name of this "curator" 
by whom the altar was erected — Cains Antistius Froiitinua The 
" nomen " Antistius appears in several inscriptions discovered in Britain. 
Antistius Adventus is found on an altar discovered at Lanchoster 
dedicated to the Divinity of Augustus and the Genius of the First Cohort 
of the Vardulli. " Sub Antistio Advento Leg. Aug." (Hiibner, vol vii. 
No. 440 J Surtees' " History of Durham," vol ii, p. 306.) The same 
name has been thought by Hiibner to have been that inscribed on a 
mutilated inscription recording a veteran of the fourteenth legion dug up 
at Lincoln, now in the British Museum (ibiil. No. 187.) But the only 
Istters remaining of tlio nomen and of the cognomen are^Ti.- -rntvs, and 
as Mr. Watkin remarks, " the first name might well have been (De)sti- 
(cius), or (Ho)sti(liuB), or (Ku)sti(cus), and the second might be such a 
name as (In)ventus, or many other names." The same " nomen " also 
appears on an altar found at Maryport, dedicated to " Jupiter Optimus 
Maximns," by Lucius Antistius, the commander of the first cohort of 
Spanish cavalry {il/iil, No. 373.) The " cognomen " Frontinus is of leas 
frequent occurrence in British inscriptions. It is, however, found on a 


mutilated atone discovered at Bowoe, given by Horelcy (p. 304) in con- 
nection with the first cohort of the Thraoian forces, where it has been 
supposed by some antiquaries to exhibit the name of the celebrated 
author on military niatt«ra (StraiegeTtiatica) and on aqueducts, who 
succeeded Ceroalie as governor of Britain, A.D. 75, and held office here 
tiU the appointment of Julius Agrioola, a.d. 78 (Hubner, No. 274.) 
Frontinus also appears as the name of o. potter whose workshop stamp is 
home by many articles of Koman earthenware found in Britain Ubid. 
1336 H6B, jfi9. <7e] v 

I will now pass to the dedication of the altar. This ia "Parcia 
deabus et numinibus Augttati." To take the laet part first. Though the 
singular form " nunicn " is more usual whem the reference ia to a single 
object of worship, tho plural " niimina " is very far from infrequent I 
n»»d not recall its employment in classical authors r — Vila's 

" Numina Phabi." — ^n. iii, 359. 
'- Xuiiiina sancta precamur 
Palladia arniisonse," — Piid, 543. 
and Horace's 

" Diante non movenda numina " — Epod. xvii, 3. 

are familiar to us aU ; and it is needless to multiply examples of so 
common a usage. With regard to its employment and connection with 
the name of the Emperor, Professor Hiibner's " Corpus " supplies many 
examples ul the form " nununa Augusti," e.g., on an altar found at 
Dorchester on Thames Xo. 83, we read, " I.O.M. ot numinibus Aug. . , 
aram cum cancellis ;" ^o. 506, an altar found at Benwell set up by 
Libumius Fronto, a centurion, for tho safety of Hadrian, Antoninus 
Pius, and the " legio Augustre secunda" bears "lO.M. l)olicheno et 
numinibus Augusti ;" No. 638, an altar found at Houaesteads, erected by 
the " Cohors Prima Tungrorum," with the " pwefericulum " on one side 
and the "patera" on the other, as in our Lincoln altar, has "I.O.M. et 
numinibus Aug." The same dedication also appears on two altars set up 
at the same place by the same cohort, and on others discovered in the 
vicinity of the Roman Wall, which are given in Dr. Bruce'a great work. 
Dr. Hiibner says, in the letter already quoted, " who the ' Augustus' 
was whose ' numina ' were worshipped here, together with the I'arcae, 
remains of course uncertain. One might think of Aurelius or Septimus 
Severue. But that the reigning Emperor's 'numina' are placed in a 
most loyal mood besides the other divinities agrees very well with their 
supposed military character." 

But it ia the principal dedication, that to the " Parcae," which is the 
moat interesting. The rarity of such dedications, not in Britain only, but 
in other parts of the Roman world, adds much to the value of tlie recent 

Only three altars dedicated to the " Paicee " have previously been dis- 
covered in Britain. All of these belong to the Carlisle district, two 
having been found in Carlisle itself, and one near SillotL In two of 
these the Parcae are not designated "Goddesses," "Dcae," but 
" Mothers," " Matrea." 

The inscription on the Carlisle idtur, discovered in 18C1 (No, 927) runo 
thus, "Matribua Parcis pro salute Sanetiao Geminae," while on ,toU,- 


discovered in the same year at the Bame city (N'o. 938) the Fates are 
simply designated " Parcae " without any addition. That discovered at 
SkinburnuesB neat Silloth (No. 416), is a ineii: fnigineut, but it distinctly 
ahewB " JIatribus Par(cis)." 

From these inscriptions we gather that the " Parcae " were popularly 
identified with the " Deae Uatres " whoae worship was a favourite one 
among the Tentonic lacei. An altar dedicated to these deities has been 
found' in York, and such are frequent in the neighbourhood of the 
Roman WalL 

Monuments commemorating these Goddesses with the usual thiee- 
seated female figures hiive been brought to light at Ancaater, and in 
Lincoln itself, the latter of which is now in the Trollops collection at the 
British Museum. I need hardly say that such identification of local 
deities, the objects of popular worship long before tlie occupation of the 
island by the Romans and the introduction of their mythology, receives 
copious illuetretion from the inscriptions discovered in Britain. The 
double names Mars Cocoidius, Mars Belatucadrus, Jupiter Dolichenus, 
Apollo Maponua, may he adduced as examples. With reference to the 
Lincoln altar Professor Hitbuer remarks, " the Deae Parcae seem, as 
other members of the Greek and Roman Olympus, to have been identified 
in provincial worship with female divinities of foreign or local, or at 
least, non-Roman origin. Whether they are to ho considered as ' matres ' 
or ' matronae,' or perhaps as ' nymphae,' is a matter not easily to be 
settled in a general way. These compound divinities are so extremely 
frequent that each single occurrence has to be considered by itself." 

The interest of the present discovery is enhanced by the well-known 
rarity of altars dedicated to the Parcae, not only in Britain but througliont 
the Roman worid. The indexes to Dr. Hiibuer's "Corpus Inscriptionum," 
do not supply a single example in Spain (vol. ii), Africa (vol viii), 
Campania, Lucania, and Saiilinia (vol. x), nor in Calabria, Apulia, or 
Samnium (voL ix.). Gallia Cisalpina (vol. v.) supplies four, two at 
Verona (No. 3280, 3281), one at Ai|uileia, "Parcabus et Bonae Deae 
(No. 8242), and one at San Giorgio Vallis Pulicellae (No. 3282.) The 
unindexed volumes may contain other examples. 

It only remains to mention that the letter A, wherever it occurs 
on this altar is destitute of the horizontal bar, resembling a. V turned 
upside down, and that the stops are formed by triangular mdcntations, 
peculiarities which Dr. Hiibner states correspond exactly with the 
palaeographical character of the end of the second or the former part ol 
the third cenfury. 

I will now proceed to a description of what we can hardly ^ ™' j[*^ 
in r^arding as a family burial place discovered withm the area 
Roman city of Limhm Coloniu. , ^ .., . ,i;.„rintt 

This discovery ^naa firet made on the morning of J"»o ,^' ^V ';"^°, ^ 
out the foun-lntions of a new house nt the comer of the ^^^'^'',^",,j-„nt 
Eastgate and Bnilgate, to the north-west of the Mmsl«r,cWy adjacent 
to the site of one of the fourteenth century gateways of tho ^.losc. 

TliL. situation of tids place of interment culls for '™,'"^'^' ^^"'^, ^^n 
the centre as to be almost certainly wlthiix the area «* *^ ^"^'^iS^^ 
city, not, as is sometimes tiie case with apparently mtramural bunals, m 


an extension of the cit; beyond its first limits.* I need hardly say ttiat 
instances of bniial within the walls of a city are exceedingly rare, though 
one is stated to have been met with in Green Street in the heart of the 
City of London.' The place where these funeral ressels were found 
is in the south-eastern division of Lindum, about half way between 
the centre, where the vim intersect, and the south gate, immediately tA the 
east of the main via mnn inpr from south to north. 

Two depositories of vessels containing ashes were discovered (marked 
A and B on the accompanying plan), divided by a massive wall running 
north and south, pierced by a rude narrow archway, three feet six inches 
high by two feet across.* Below the set-off, to the left of the 
the archway which marked the level of the floor, the wall, which extended 
considerably deeper, had been broken through, increasing the apparent 
height of tiie door. Whether this arch is of Roman or Norman date it is 
diflicult to decide, and well-qualified judges are not agreed on the point. 
The very intelligent foreman of the works, who has taken a lively 
interest in the discovery, and to whom I am indebted for the plans and 
sections which accompany this paper, which though somewhat rough, 
convey a very correct idea of the general arrangement and dimensions, 
has observed fects which go to prove that the wall in question was 
Norman in the upper part and had been built upon Roman foundationa 
The lower portion of the wall, he tells me, was solid throughout, while 
the superatructure was formed, like Xomian walls generally, of two sheila 
of ashlar filled in with incoherent rubbla The mortar of this upper 
part was also of Norman character, exactly correspoiiding to that in the 
Norman towers of tlie Minster, and quite different in composition from 
Roman mortar. The wall in question formed the western side of a strong 
tower, which was certainly, in its upper part, of Norman date. Tho northern 
wall, when diwncumbcrcd of the floors and partitions of the modern house 
built up against it, exhibited two round-headed openings, one above the 
other, of Lnte Norman character. The structure thus imexjMjctedly 
revealed was evidently one of some importance, audit mayixtrhaps ho 
identified with " tho tower above the gate of Eaatgato "—at the comer of 
which street it stood — which was assigned by Henry I. to Alexander, the 
second Norman ISishop of Lincoln, for his lodging when visiting his 
Cathedral city. Though we liave no record of one at so early a period, 

' Mr. RoBch Smith writes :— " I have prob«blj it may have ^n. I believe 

noticed that most of the large Roman that in ench cases where aoiim ore found, 

toffDa and dtiee, as, in Britain, those thsf aru almost always- of the Higher 

of lAndon, Can'terbury, Yorli, &c., id Empire. This and otber interments 

the course of time, were enlarged ; becnme within the walla wheaLondinium 

■nd tlidt this enlargement often in- was enlu^ed, after the time of Sovenu. 

doded what were ur^iinally extra munU Moreover, sepulchral stone monumenta 

sepiilchrol intenneote. As regards were not much reapect«d, for we have 

Londininm, I proved this years ago (sea found them used us building materials 

"Illustiationi of Roman London"); and for the lster_wall. See those of Tower 

eouArmBtory eridence has unee occumu- Hill ' 

lated. The skeleton in Bow Lane had in ■ ' 

its mouth a coin of Domitian, proving p. SI 

that tiie bterment could not have been ' i 

before the time of that Emperor ; but base 
not proving that this burial took place 
during the reign of that Emperor, thoogh 

t, Google 



C. /h'^<-VA 

, V»# 

C . /Mdc-'^ 


AIL, Lincoln. June. 1884. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


there may Yeiy well have been a gatehouse at this spot, protecting the 
north-weitem entiance into the close in Norman timee, as there certainly 
was at a later date, ' 

But to return to the nndeniably Roman part of this diecoveij, the two 
depositories of funeral vessels. The fiist discovered (marked A) was a 
small stone chamber, built of rough rubble walling, the ends and aides 
being slightly curved. It was 6ft lOin. in length from E. to W. by 
from 2ft ^in. to 3ft lin. in breadth, and 3ft 9in. deep. It was covered 
with thick slabs projecting beyond the aides. The floor was of concrete. 
To the west of tJiis sepulchral chamber was a amoll quadrangular room 
(C) measuring 4ft 2in, by 4ft lOin., communicating with it by a short 
passage way. The sepulchral chamber contsdned about ten vessels, 
Btan<£jig upright, imbedded in lime, above which waa a layer of vegetable 
ashes, and above that again a bed of &ae sand about 14in. deep. Thsse 
vessels were not funeral nnis of the usual globular make, but ordinary 
domestic pitchers, from 2ft to 3ft high, with a single handle. At the 
junction of the handle with the vessel, in some cases, there were indenta- 
tions for the fingers and thumbs to fit into. Several of them were 
covered with small cups or saucers, inverted and used as lids. Unfortu- 
nately only one of these was brought out whole. The whole of these 
vessels were of the coarsest fabric, clumsy in shape and devoid of orna- 
ment, some of tiiem covered with a coarse greenish glaze. It may be 
remarked that there is nothing unusual in the employment of ordinary 
domestic utensils for the purposes of interment This was evidently 
sometimes resorted to from motives of economy, tlie ashes having been 

f laced in a vessel that from accident hod become un£t for other use. 
tistances of this custom may be referred t« in the remarkable deposit at 
Mount Bures near Colchester.* At Housesteads, on the Roman Wall, a 
laige wine jar (now at Chestois) - .was discovered containing human 
ashes. In the words of Dr. Bruce, " the owner had probably emptied 
the jar, and had himself buried in the depositor}' of the liquor that ho 
loved." The contents of the vessels had been emptied out before atten- 
tion was drawn to them, but the result of my enquiries is that they were 
certainly filled with aahes and burnt bones, mixed with earth and other 
matters which, in the course of ao many centuries had found their way 
into them. No coins or articles of metal or of bone were discovered. 
I should state that the floor of this "loculus" was about 4ft above 
the level of the Roman street 

The other depository of funeral vessels (B) at the east side of the wall, 
was at a lower level, fully 2ft. 6iu. below the floor of that first 
discovered (A.) Ite dimensions were also larger, 7ft from N. to S. by 
6ft from E. to W. As far as I can Isom, only three urns seem to have 
been discovered here. They were distinctly funeral urns, of the 
oustJimary globular form. As in the other loculus they had been 
embedded in lime. Their contents were bo completely decomposed by 
damp that it was difficult at first to form any opinion of their nature. 
A subsequent examination, however, has proved beyond all doubt that 

' " Heniions nx Aiiglie Willtelmo de V">^ Waja himoiiflca tflneat." — Dugdds, 

Allnni, &c., ulutem Boulu me dediwe at " Mon. AtigL," vi, p. 1274, No, tIW 

aoncesuie Aleiandro GinBCtpo Liuooliie * Mr. Roach Stnitb, " CollectUM* 

nOTtan da Eitgata cum tairi qius supn Antiqua," voL U. 
ipwun est ad M hosjutondum ; et prawipio 

VOL. xu. 2 a 


the contents were particles of diarred bone. The; had been 
emptied- before I saw tbem. Attached to the weatem aide of the 
main wall, testing on the east end of the sepulchral chamber (A), was 
what some peisons have somewhat laahly regatded as a furnace for burn- 
ing the dead bodies whose ashes were to be deposited in the uins, and 
have designated it " a furnace of cremation," or adopting what I believe 
to be a word of modem creation, a " crematorium." There is however 
no evidence that the Romans ever burnt their dead in cloee furnaces. Mr. 
Roach Smith, Pr. Bruce, and Prebendary Scartb agree that none such 
have been found in Britain in connection with places of interment 
With the exception of one side, the furnace was destroyed before I saw 
it, but I am inclined to believe that it was no mora than a Norman oven, 
perhaps that in which the bread was baked for the table of Bishop 

A few yards to the south of these sepulchral depositories, about lOft 
below the present ground level the workmen came upon the orifice 
of a Roman well, placed exactly in the centre of an openii^ in a 
thick wall running from N.E. to S.W, The jambs of this opening 
were lOft. apart, the diameter of the well being 4ft. 6in. The well 
was covered with a stone slab, having a circular opening in the middle 
2ft. across. On the slab were traces of a framework of iron and wood, con- 
nected with the drawing apparatus. The floor around was puddled to keep 
out the impure surface-water. Further to the east, at a depth of 
12ft, 6in. below the street level, a Roman sewer was discovered, 
3ft wide b; about 4ft deep, running ?T. and S. with a bend to the east 
in the upper part Tbo chief part was parallel to the main sewer, 
running north and south along the street known as Bailgate, following 
the line of the Ermine Street, and it must have communicated with the 
branch drain running east and westg.wliich divei^cs from the main sewer 
a short distance to the south of the site of the recent discovery. This 
is in such a perfect state of preservation that when a few years since it 
was opened during the progress of the underground drainage works, I 
was able to walk along it witbnut any dif&culty for full a himdred yards. 
There is a good description and drawing of this sewer in the late Mr. T. 
Wright's " Celt, Roman, and Saxon," p. 214, The value of these sewen 
as indications of the lines of the Roman eteeets affording data for mapping. 
out the town is self-evident 

The absence of coins and objects of metal, and the few remains of 
pottery discovered in this locality is remarkahla A large amphora with 
a pointed base, in a pale drab material, has been pieced together out of 
the fragments, and a few bits of Samian ware, without ornamentation 
have be«n found. Bat generally speaking the diggings have been 
singularly barren. Two pieces of moulded stone were found in the 
excavations. One, a portion of a Roman base. The other appears to 
have been part of an dblong-fiuted pillar, with thtoe flutings on the 
broader side, and two flutings on the narrower. It was found lying 
neat to a square base with a socket, on which it had probably 
originally stood. In later times this stone had been used as a step, the 
flutings having been worn away by the tread, at the upper end. 

Digitized by Google 


P.8. While this paper is paaaing through the press the remains of a, 
Soman suburban villa have been diacovered in the Greetwell Fields, about 
s mile and a half to the east of the old Roman £aet Gate. The position 
ia on the sloping brow of the steep hill which forms the north side of the 
valley of the With&m, looking south and commanding a fine view. The 
discovery vas made by workmen engaged in the ironstone diggings, while 
sinking a new minii^ shaft Unfortunately, as too often happens, the 
most important portions had been destroyed before attention was called to 
the r^maina. Being absent from Lincoln I am unable to speak of this 
discovery from personal inspection. The accompanying account ia from 
the pen of Dr. O'Niell, of Lincoln :— 

" From the nature of the diggings, so much unavoidable damage has 
been done to the remains that all that is at present to be seen are some 
walls, and a well seven feet in diameter, and portions of tesselated 
pavements, broken tiles, and pottery. This much, however, is clear, that 
between two walla running at least thirty-five yards south and north, and 
thirty yards apart, several apart.ments existed, us indicated by vialis, 
tesselated pavements, and large fiat red-tile pavements. From these ai>nrt- 
menta steps led down to a room measuring fifteen feet by ten inches 
which, probably was a bath-room, and a few feet north of the batb room, 
in a different apartment is a very deep well, seven feet in diameter, still 
in a comparatively good state of preservation. The bath itself was 
between three and four feet in depth, and its sides rose about two feet 
from the floor. The teasene of the upper apartments are chiefly of a 
red and blue brick and white stone, but the tesserfe of the bath-room are 
white, and are apparently made of hard concrete. All the tessera are 
about an inch and a half equare, and were laid on a deep layer of the 
ordinary Roman concrete. The large flooring tiles are red, and bear an 
impiesaed checkered pattern. They measure fifteen inches by ten and half 
inch. On clearing out aome of the rubbish from the well, fragments of 
wall plaster, probably of the bath-room, were found ; these fragments show 
that the apartment or apartments must have been beautifully painted 
and decorated. A dado of tessene went round the bath room. The colours 
used in the painting were red, yellow, blue, green, and white, and 
the decorations were evidently executed with the greatest neatness and 
precision. On one piece of plaster I noticed the picture of a swallow, 
well drawn and painted. The bouse must have been the property of a 
Roman gentleman of taate and opulenoa The Bite waa well chosen, but 
in consequence of the villa being built on the brow of a hill, the lower 
rooma were on different planes. Among the debris thrown np by the 
mineis in Uieir azcavatiDns I saw the bom of a goat, a part of the antler 
of a deer, and the bone of an ox, nearly as sound as the day it stood with 
its succulent suiroundings on the table of the villa. Doubtless, if careful 
diggings were extended on either dde of the mining trench, other Soman 
diacoTeiies of a valuable cbarMster mi^t be made." 

Digitized by Google 




I I 




SOB- .!> 



$tocnfiinss atjffitttirtss at lift Stogal SccliaoIojKital 

The Fbbsidxnt in the Chair. 

Mr. Waller described and pointed out the various mtereating features 
of costume and detail of a iine collection of rubbings of brasses, extending 
in date from 1325 to 1483, lately presented to the Institute b; Mr. 
Huyshe. Amongst them are the brasses of Sir John Creke, Sir John 
de Xorthwode, Lord Camoya, Loid Bouichier, Sir Wm. de Aldebuigh, etc. 

On the motion of the Prxbidknt, a vote of thanks was passed to 
Mr. WaUer. 

Mr. MicKLSTRWAiTE then described and explained some wall paintings 
discovered in Penvin Church, Worcestershire, nearly thirty years ago, of 
which tracings were made by Canon Wickenden at the time they were 
found. Penvin Church ie an early Norman building of Celtic type, con- 
eisting of a nave and chancel, with very narrow chancel arch. The paintings 
are of various dates — no less tiian five different series having been painted 
one over the other. The most recent of these were texts, but quite 
illegible. On the walLi of the nave, but not at its east end, were the 
Creed, Lord's Prayer, and Conunandmenta, of Elizabethan data Beneath 
these were earher texts, which in tam covered a fine series of pictares, 
unfortunately much injured. The most perfect of these was hidden by 
the Elizabethan Lord's Prayer. It consisted of the Blessed Vii^n Maiy 
and Child, with a aingolai figure beneath of St Koche, with an angel 
pointing to the sore in his thigh. The date of this series seeme to be 
very late fifteenth century. The earliest and most perfect painting was 
at least a century older, and comprised in one large group the Annuncia- 
tion, the Yisitation of Elizabeth, the Adoration of the Magi, the Crucifixion 
and Resurrection (combined in one group), and the Ascension. ' Over the 
site of an altar on the aouth side of the chancel aich was laid bare a good 
representation of the Trinity, with adoring angels, circa 1480. The east 
wall of the chancel retained traces of a late fifteenth century diaper. A 
vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Micklethwaite for his lucid and able 

Mr. A. H. Chcroh drew attention to some epecimena of Koman 
pottery recently found at Cirencester, More than 200 pieces of lustrous 
red ware, with potters' marks, have been secured by Mr. T. B. Btavender 
and placed in the Corininm museum. Some names, apparently not yet 
recorded for Britain, occur on a few of theee examples. In otAei| 



inatancea, the novrlj diecoTered pieces enable one to complete or correct 
names previously doubtful The unrecorded potters' marks found at 
Cii^cester will now include the fallowii^, when a few before in Hia 
local museum are added to the list : — 




























An amphoia neck, receotly found, bears the mark bisp . sjen Q for 
Hinpani Saenii. A fragment of red glazed ware has the owner's name 
TALKHiVs scratched upon it On auothor fragment occur the raised letters 
CtN of very large size and among the ornaments of the exterior. This 
is part of the name cinnahi, which occurs on a Roman- fragment in the 
Ijritish Museum. 

In mentioning a cross which is found on some pieces of red ware after 
the letters fec, Mt. Church suggested that it might stand for it, -as in 
the mark tietts . rEO+. 

Jlntiqnttus anb Wmrlte sA ^rt (Exhihittb. 

By Mr. Gossbun. — Rubbings of the foUowmg brasses, lately presented 
to the Institute by Mr. W. Huydie : — 

Sir John de Creke, circa 1325, and lady. Westley Waterless. 
Sir John de N'orthwode, circa 1330, and lady. Minster. 
Sir William de Aldebnrgh, etrea 1360. Aldborough. 
Lord Camoys, KG., U19, and lady. Trotton. 
Margaret Cheyne, 1419. Hever. 
Nicholas Canteys, 1431. Mai^te. 
Sir William Etchingham, 1444, and lady. Etchingham. 
Sir Hugh Halsham, 1441, and lady. West Grinated. 
Henry, Lord Bourchier, E.G., 1483, and countess. Little Esston. 
By Mr. Micklbthwaitb. — Tracings made by Canon Widcenden, in 
1855, of wall paintings discovered at Penvin church, Worcestershire. 

By Prof. A H. Chdroh. — Specimens of Samian ware, with pottera' 
marks, recently found at Cirencester. 

By Miss FFAEiNflTON. — A la^ number of Roman coins, and part of 
of Uie vessel which contained t£em, lately found in Lancashire, These 
have been described by Mr. W. T. Watkin in page 218 of the current 
volume of the Journal 

Also some very curious, almost flat, Chinese figures, used for wall 

By Mr. Batlis. — An early edition of ^op's f'ablfs, in Latin and 
Greek : also Detcrittione rft Tutta Italia. In Vin^ia, Pteaso Altobelio 
Saliceto, 1588. 

t; Gooj^le 


July 3, 1884. 
Ber. F. J. Spokrbll in the Chair. 

Precentor Ybnablkb communicated a description of a Boman burying 
place, recently discoreied at Lincoln, which U printed at page 317. 

ProfcBBor BnNNELL Lbwib read a most interesting paper on the fionmn 
Antiquities of Switzerland, is which ho pointed out tiiat the country is 
fairly rich in traces of the Boman occupation, though the objects of 
antiquity are not UBually to he seen tn tilti, but in the local nkUBenms. 

Mr. F. Hblmobx then read a paper on two fine coffin lids — one at 
Gieat Betkhamsteod, the other at Tring — probably belonging to two 
stone coffins lately digcovered at ^orthchnrch, supposed to be those of 
Isabel and Senohia^ wires of Eichard Plantagenet, Earl of Cornwall and 
King of the Bomans ; together with remaikB on Bellue Locus, or Beaulieu, 
in Hertf oidshire. 

Jkntii)aitie» anil Wiat\t9 s£ Jlrt (txiabiteb. 

By Precentor YxtrABLSS. — Drawings and plans of a Boman burying 
place at Lincoln. 

By Prof. Bdnnxll Lewis. — Numerous drawings and sketches of 
Roman antiquities in Switzerland. 

By Prof. BuNiTBLL Lewis and Rev. S. S, Lswia — A fine collection of 
Roman gems and rings. 

By Mr. F, Hblmork. — Drawings of coffin lids at Great Berkhamstead 
and Tring, and of stone coffins at Northchurch. 

By the Right Hon. the Eakl of Abkrdbkn.^A largo cinerary um, 
recently found in Abeideenshire. 

Digitized by Google 

gioikta at JUclticaIir{iQtl ^ubUoitiimei. 

Roy. F. T. HAVBBOiL, M.A.; togethar with A DESCRIPTION OP THE 
BuLi^ H.D. (Hereford: Jokenun and Ctrrer.) 

The firet portion of this volnme not only relates to the ancient Btained 
glass window in CredfoiMll Church, containing figures of St Thomu 
k Becket and St. Thomaa do Cantilupe (Bishop of Herefoid), but 
embraces much interesting information as- to ancient English stained 
glaea genBrully, with an inventory of tlie plate and jewellery belonging to 
Hereford Cathedral prior to the Reformation. 

The second portion of tho volnme, if we except a plan of the Eoinan 
Bravinium, and a few items of fresh matter, is little more than a 
reproduction of a portion of the paper on " Roman Herefordshire," by 
Mr. W. Thompson Watkin, in the Arc/taeologicai Journal, Tol. xxxit, 
pp. 347-382. 

Digitized by Google 

Cf|e ^rcliatolagtcal Journal. 

DECEMBER, 188i. 


There were two cities of Latium with names so much 
alike, that the similarity in spelling gave rise to extraor- 
dinary mirttates. These were Lavinium and Lanuvium. 
In Home ancient MSS. the latter is spelt Lanivium, so that 
we can easily believe they were frequently confound- 
ed with one another, to such an extent that their early 
history was by no means clear. Lavinium — now Pratica 
— lies in full Campagna only a few miles from the sea 
coast. I visited it some ten years ago in company with 
our late lamented colleague, Mr. J. H. Parker, and found 
it to be a miserable little village, with but few remains of 
antiquity. Inscriptions have, however, identified it as the 
traditional landing-place of -^heas, the progenitor of the 
Latin race — 'named after his wife Lavinia — and the chief 
city of the Latin Confederation. Lanuvium, on the 
contrary, is situated on a spur of the Alban hill, which juts 
out into the plain for a mUe or more, some twelve miles 
inland. In the Middle Ages this was a much more 
considerable place than Pratica, so the inhabitants, pre- 
suming upon the aforesaid similarity of names, asserted 
that their town was the real landing-place of .tineas, gave 
it the name of Civita Lavinia, and actually inserted an 
iron ring in the outer wall of the fortifications — which 
they exhibited, and which their descendants still exhibit, 
as that to which the great Trojan attached his galley. 
Although, had this been true, the whole of the Campagna 

* Read at Uia Meeting of the ImtataU at Nswoudenin-Tfiie, Anput 11th, ISU. 
TOL. lu (No. 164) tk-lOgle 


would have been then under water, and the Alban, Volscian, 
and Sabine hills mere rocky islands, for Civita Lavinia is 
situated on a promontory some three hundred feet above 
the level of the sea, and fifteen miles from the coaat. 

Lanuvium, that is to aay Civita Lavinia, though not the 
celebrated landing-place of .MaeBB, became in later 
times of great renown, for here was situated the 
Temple of Juno Sospita, venerated throughout the 
empire, to which the Consuls came to aacrifice, so 
that in later Eepublican and Imperial times it was 
more frequented than its more ancient low-lying 
sister city. It was the birthplace of Antoninus Pius ; he, 
Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus resided in its vicinity, 
and it waa also the birthplace of Eoscius. It is now a 
walled town — formerly a fortress of the Colonna family, 
whose armorial bearings are to be seen on the walls — 
most picturesquely situated at the narrow western 
extremity of the spur or promontory. In the centre of 
the town there is a charming little piazza, on which there 
is a fountain falling into an ancient Boman sarcophagus. 
It is bounded by ruined palaces, and is open on one side,' 
afibrding a beautiful view of the Campagna bounded by 
the Volscian hiUs, on the sides of which Norba, Cori, and 
other towns can be discerned. In the distance are the 
Circean promontory, the hills of Terracina, and the sea. 
I visited this spot some six years ago, with an eye to 
excavation, and found some most interesting remiuns of 
antiquity. Under the walls on the north are ruins of a 
theatre ; one of the vomitories alone has been explored — 
this was in 1835. Subsequently the fine statue of 
Claudius, now in the Rotunda of the Vatican, was 
discovered on this spot. In the same museum stands also 
the statue of Juno Sospita, the tutelary deity of Lanuvium, 
previously discovered here, but of the exact spot where it 
was dug up I have hitherto found no record. Juno 
Sospita is represented in the attitude of a protectress, with 
a spear and shield. Her head is covered with a goatskin, 
and her feet have shoes with pointed toes like the 
fashionable shoes of the present day, but turned up at the 

Part of the western wall of circumvallation is of a very 
early period, resembling the waUs of Ardea, and may thera- 


fore be pronounced to be Etrusco-Latm. Outside the 
walla to the south-west there is the cella of a temple of 
small dimensions, now converted into a warehouse. It 
stands on the edge of the promontory, near a road leading 
down to the plain, and is bounded by a fine wall of 
enormous blocks of an earlier period even than the 
portion of the town wall already mentioned. 

North-east of the town there is a gradual ascent to a 
sort of plateau much higher than the town itself. The 
plateau, which is covered with vineyards, extends about a 
quarter of .a mile each way. It is bounded by terraces 
supported by walls of reticulated masonry. 

Sir William Gell, — the best authority on the topography 
of the Canipagna, — assumed that the cella of the temple 
(the position of which I have just described) was that of 
the celebrated Temple of Juno. But there are several 
objections to this opinion. In the first place, we know 
from ancient writers that the temple was surrounded 
by a grove. Now the ancient wall bounding the 
road to the plain — which has still its ancient pavement- 
is only about 20 feet from the side of the cella, hardly 
aUowing room for.& peribolus, much less for a grove. In 
the second place, drums of columns, which from their 
dimensions must have belonged to a much more stately 
edifice — probably to the Temple of Juno — have been 
found on the north-east side near the terraces. 

Thirdly, it is related that in the grove there was the 
cave of a serpent or dragon guardian, which was waited 
upon and fed by a bevy of young ladies, who were devoured 
by the monster if they were not quite immaculate. 
Now six years ago, on Uie site of one of the terraces, I 
found the entrance to a cave, partly filled up with stones. 
Strange to say, this entrance is no longer visible, as the 
inhabitants have quite covered it over with soil for 
the purpose of growing their vines, and have converted 
the precipitous side of the hill into a gentle slope, so that 
the cave no longer exists, though I certainly saw it, and 
moreover, had a little digging done in front of it, not for 
the purpose of discovering the bones of the young ladies, 
but in hopes of finding some ex-votos or terra-cottas. 

Again the temple appears to have been in ruins in 
Pliny's time. " At Lanuvium too it is the same, where we 


see an • Atalanta and a Helena without drapery, dose 
logether, and painted by the same artist. They are both 
of the greatest beauty, the former being evidently the 
figure of a virgin, and they still remain uninjured, thmigh 
the temple is m ruins. The emperor CaiuB (Caligula) 
inflamed with lustfulness, attempted to have them 
removed, but the nature of the plaster would not admit of 
it." (PHny Nat. Hist., B. 35, C.6.) 

When in Rome this year, it occurred to me that CSvita 
Lavinia would be the most interesting site within a 
moderate distance of the city (it is distant 18 or 20 miles) 
upon which to make excavations. On mentioning my 
intention to do so to Sir John Savile Lumley, the English 
ambassador, he most generously ofiered me his support with 
both money and influence. Aifter I left Eome in May, Sir 
John continued the excavations, and it is to his artistic skill 
that I am indebted for most of the sketches that illustrate 
this paper,' and to his spirit of arclueological research 
for the notes which enable me to describe the most recent 

My first object in setting to work was to discover the 
site of the temple, and with that object I commenced 
digging on the north-east edge of the plateau, when I 
soon came upon a wall of large tufa blocks, measuring 
about 4 feet by 3 feet by 2 feet. This w:all, of which 
three courses in height remained, extended about 40 feet 
in length, and then returned for some 10 or 12 feet at 
either angle. Beyond these points the blocks seemed to 
have been removed by the cultivators of the vineyard. 
Unfortunately, on account of the obstacles thrown in my 
way by the proprietor, I could not proceed towards the 
centre of the vineyard. This wall I supposed to be a 
portion of the temenos wall. Some of my archieological 
friends consider it to be part of the arx, but as we found 
inside the wall several small terra-cotta figures and vessels, 
ex-votos, which are generally found within the precincts 
of a temple, I think that fact helps to confirm my theory. 

A few hundred yards from the edge of the plateau, 
towards the town, there were some piers of reticulated 
work, covered by enormous masses of wall, and as this 
appeared to be a promising spot we commenced here, 

' The pupc vu illiutratod bj aaratal dnwingi mad* bj Sir J. 8. Iiuml*;. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

t&a discoVbiues at tANWtuu. 331 

after abandoning the peribolus wall. After some weeks 
of' excavation we came upon a series of piers with 
attached columns of reticulated masonry, — which is a mark 
of first century work. These piers, which measured, 
roughly speaking, 4 feet each way, were 12 feet apart, 
placed at regular intervals, and connected by low walls. 
The plan of the building was that of an open colonade or 
arcade, oblong in plan, with central chambera. The 
whole measured about 113 feet by 41 feet. There was no 
sign of voussoirs or of architraves, so that the super- 
structure cannot be restored satisfactorily. But several 
blocks of moulded tufa were found which seemed to have 
formed the pedestal of a group of sculpture. Near the 
principal opening there was an enclosed watercourse, 
From this fact, and from the evidence of a figure of a 
naiad, surrounded by waves, found in the vicinity, I came 
to the conclusion that the ediB.ce had been a nymphseum 
attached to a villa. Above the mass of ruins there was a 
corridor of reticulated work. This was above ground. 
After we had been at work a few days and had got down 
about six feet, to the original level (which, strange- 
to say, had no signs of pavement), we came upon a 
horse's head, life-size, of decidedly Greek character. 
The nose was broken off, but there were holes for a 
bronze bit. From my recollections of the horses' heads of 
the quadriga which we found at Halicamassos, where two 
similar heads were found, I concluded that we were on 
the track of a quadriga. If so, the discovery would be 
most important, as the quadriga we found at the 
Mausoleum (which I was enabled to restore -from the 
fragments,) was the cmly one hitherto discovered. The 
style of the sculpture is, however, more archaic than that 
of the .horses of the Mausoleum, and resembles, in many 
respects, that of the horses of Helios and Selene in the pedi- 
ment of the Parthenon. Two other horses' heads were also 
found close to the ruins. It will be seen from a compari- 
son of the Lanuvium heads in Plate I with those from the 
chariot of Selene' that although the former are inferior to 
the latter in style, there is a certain similarity in the treats 
ment and in the manner in which the anatomy is indicated. 

Elgin Marblo, VoL 1 


This is particularly observable in the main lines of the 
head, in the nostrils, the veins, the top-knot, the creases 
of the neck, and indication of the hog's back mane. 
. Subsequently — after I left — the spoke of a chariot wheel 
turned up. This was a conclusive proof that the quad- 
riga theory was the correct one. An ear which does not 
fit any one of the three heads — thus showing that there 
was a fourth horse, — and several fragments of legs, 
tails, and hoofs were also recently dug up. Hitherto 
the sculpture found has been fragmentary, but this is 
almost always the case. I have, at various times, witnessed 
the disinterment of many pieces of sculpture at Hali- 
camassos, Cnidos, Priene, and at the House of the Vestals 
at Eome, but have never seen a statue dug up entire. The 
statue of Mausolos now in the British Museum was in more 
than ninety-five pieces, and an arm of Minerva, which I 
found at Priene, in almost as many fragments, and it was 
only by the extraordinary skill of the workmen at the 
British Museum that these were put together in such a 
satisfactory manner. One of the very few statues found 
complete is that of Claudius, in the Vatican, which was 
discovered in the theatre of Lanuvium in a recumbent 
position, with even its nose intact. This is most unusual, 
as the nose of a statue is generally broken off in its fall, 
and you may observe in any museum that, as a rule, 
the noses of statues are restorations. 

Sir John Lmnley took Professor Lanciani to Civita 
Lavinia. He was much interested in aU he saw there ; 
he considered that we were quite right in supposing the 
Temple of Juno Sospita to be on the summit on the 
plateau. He was quite astonished at what we had dis- 
covered in the vineyard, which, he said, was more remark- 
able than anything he had found during the seventeen 
years he has been engaged in excavations, such an en- 
semble belonging to an entire group of statuary decoration 
being almost unique. So also widi regard to the horses, 
which, — did they turn out to belong to a quadriga, — 
would be quite unique. He thought they had an archaic 
character, and that they might have been copied from an 
ancient Greek model, and they struck him, as they did us, 
as resembling those of the Parthenon. 

An equally extraordinary find was that of siz^tora}s[pf 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


THE SI8C»rB&IBa AT lAIfUTIUlL ' 333 

Boman warriors clothed ia the lorica, sagum, and zona. 
Four of them were found before I left ; the other two, — 
which are still more complete, — afterwards. Plate IE, 
fig. 4, gives the best preserved of these figures copied 
from a photograph. They are evidently of lake Boman 
times, and it is difficult to imagine their connection 
with the chariot group. I may add that the head of a 
female divinity, Greek, in style, has been found by 
Sir John Lumley. This apparently was that of the 
divinity in the cliariot.' The most likely theory is that 
the horses and the divinity were either the work of 
Greek sculptors brought from some other place, or imitations 
of Greek work by Roman sculptors, and that if the warriors 
had any connection with the chariot group, they were 
added at a later period. But as the horses are in Farian 
marble, they were probably brought irom Greece, or Asia 

I may add that, the chests of two horses with bands 
like those on the horses of the Mausoleum, and also the 
beUy of a horse with trappings something like those on 
the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitol, 
were also found. 

It is not quite certain that the figures of warriors were 
equestrian. I think they were not, as the bend of the lam- 
brequins neax the hip joint is not sufficiently sharp ;' (see 
Plate n, fig. 4) but that they did not ride the horses of 
which we found portions is almost certain, since the 
spoke of the wheel proves the existence of a chariot. If 
the remaining parts of the horses and the rest of the 
quadriga are eventually brought to light, I venture to 
say this will be one of the most remarkable discoveries of 
sculpture in modem times. 

The excavations are at present stopped on, account of 
the hot weather and the approaching vintage ; but they 
are shortly to be resumed by Sir John Savile Lumley, and 
I am anxiously waiting for further interesting results. 

I may add that we have also in hand an excavation on 
the site of a villa of the first century near Civita Lavinia, 

' In the repraeutstioD of the Api>- to be Uuvt of Art«mi«a, ie seen in the >ot 

thensU at tfaaiolofi xhown in mj reatiir- of driring the chariot. The statue iteelf 

atiuQ of the Maiuoleum (nee IJewton'e ma; be seen in Oie new Uuuoleum 

IHaooverice at Halicsu-uaaaoB, Plate* 18 Roum ia the Britiih HuBeiun. 

and IB) a female figure, once auiipoBod ^oolf 

884 XBff rmcorasjia at LAtnrrsfm, 

which has hitherto yielded certain fri^ments of scolpknre, 
This fact shows that we are on good ground. We have 
found two or three chambers paved with variegated 
marbles and mosaic, and pieces of sculpture of a high 
style of art. 

On beginning we came upon the hypocauat of a bath in 
complete preservation; but, finding that the super- 
structure had been disturbed, I moved the men to the edge 
of a terrace where there were some fragments of porphyry 
columnB, and within the line of the terrace came upon a 
series of chambers richly paved, within which were 
fri^ments of fine sculpture. Hitherto no inscriptions 
have been brought to hght, either at Civita Lavinia or at 
this villa, that could throw any light upon the date of the 
buildings. The villa is commonly known by the name 
of that of Caligula.' 

' In tba lart oenlur; OitIh Humitton Thii anawen in mui; ropecti tlie d«a- 

■eema tn have emaTat«d on this spot for cnption of the villn we are eicavatjng. 

in ona of hia lettan to Lord ShelbumF, Hr. Hamilton obbuned for Colonel 

published in the Academjr, (Augt. 17, 24, Townele; aeTeral fine atntuea from the 

31, I878)hesaj9 " I havii junt purchsMd neighbourhood of Lanunum, but thcM 

■ spot of ground under Qenuino of the came from Hunte Caenuolo, which it 

Capitolo of St. Peter. It is a wood th&t utuated betweMi citm Lninia and 

bu never been t^mched, fnll of ruina, Velielri. 
and partlr broken oolnoma of poiphfr;." 

by Google 

BjJ. BAIN, P.B.A.8oot 

"The Persfe owte of Northombarlande," as the old ballad, 
" the Hunting of the Cheviot," styles him, has for generationa 
been a hous^old word in the North. Though the last of 
the main line of the Black Bouglasas, his ancient rivals, 
died four centuries ago at lAndores Abbey, and the name 
of Dunbar, whose renowned head, George earl of March, 
at the side of his cousin Henry IV, foiled both Hotspur 
and the Douglas at Shrewsbury, is now unrepresented in 
the peerage, the bannered staff of Percy is still planted on 
the keep of Alnwick, and a great Border noble dispenses 
munificent hospitality within its hall. But few, except 
those who dip into the pages of Dugdale, have heard of 
the Percies as Scottish landowners, much involved in the 
affairs of that kingdom for 100 years. 

Having, in the course of my official labours in calen- 
daring the documents relating to Scotland in the Public 
Eecordfl, noticed many relating to the Percies, I believe 
that a selection of these cannot be without interest to the 
present meeting near the home of the family. 

Though the Percies, like the illustrious house of 
Oourtenay, appear at an early date in the Border 
counties of Scotland, and an Alan de Percy is named as a 
follower of David I at the Battle of the Standard (or Onton 
Moor) in 1138, this connection appears to have been 
shortlived — and we hear no more of them in Scotland till 
the time of Edward I. 

Henry de Percy, tenth from William "with the whiskers," 
tmd first Baron by writ, first appears in Scotland in that 
King's tjain at Berwick on Tweed, where the Scottish 

< Bead at Oie KawcMtle Meeting, Angnat S, 18U. 

„ oogle 


people, church and laymen, were swearing fealty to hi m 
on uxe memorable 28th of August, 1296. Two Scotsmen 
of rank, Alexander earl of Menteitii, and Sir Alexander of 
Abemethy, acknowledge at Berwick a debt of 100 marks 
to Percy. In September following he was appointed by 
Edward I, warden of Galloway and Ayrshire, an office which 
he held on various occasions during the remainder of this 
reign. In June of the next year he and Eobert de Clifford, 
lord of Brougham, received power to 'justify' all disturbers 
of the peace in Scotland, or their abettors. In July 
following these two active Ueutenants received the sub- 
mission of the Bishop of Glasgow, the young Earl of 
Carrick, the High Steward, John his brother, Sir William 
Douglas, and other Scottish magnates who had risen 
agwnst the English King. Percy and Clifford no doubt 
believed the Scottish rising was at an end, and that 
Wallace, abandoned by his great friends, would soon be 
put down. A day or two after 20 July, Percy wrote a 
letter from Alnwick to the King under diat beUef, which 
is still preserved. 

The rude shock of Wallace's great victory at Stirling 
bridge over Warrenne and Creasingham, dispelled these 
flattering hopes, and a few weeks later the warden of 
Galloway was forced to take refuge within the strong 
walls of Carhsle, round which, however, the wave of 
Scottish invasion surged, as has often been the case, 
in vain. 

I do not &id him on the roll of the military' tenants wlio 
were at Falkirk on the fatal 22 July, 1298, when Edward 
clove down for a time Scottish independence. Later in 
that year he was one of the six Enghsh nobles who 
furnished 500 heavy cavalry for Scotland, his proportion 
being fifty horsemen, and in February 1298-99 he received 
A^)m Edward a grant of all the English and Scottish lands 
of his relative the late Ingelram de Balliol, which should 
by right have been inherited by a nearer cousin, Ingelram 
de tJmfraville, then in arms against Edward I. 

We hear no more of him in Scotland for a year or two. 
He was among the distinguished band enumerated as 
present at the siege of Carlaverock in 1300.^ On 17th Nov., 

ither John 


1301 be was at Leconfield, from which he dates a letter to 
the Chancellor. Agam a gap occurs for some years, till 
he is found taking an active part in Edward's conquering 
expedition through Scotland of 1304. In March of that 
year he had a grant of the earldom of Buchan, John 
Comyn the earl having lately been in arms along with 
John the Ked Comyn of Badenoch. 

From the terms in which the King writes to Percy about 
this time, begging him not to molest William Biset the 
sheriif of Clackmannan, it may be gathered how important 
a man he was. He had taken a principal share in nego- 
tiating wit^ Comyn and t^e other Scottish nobles, and 
bringing them to terms at what is called the Capitulation 
of Strathorde in February 1303-4, when the patriot 
Wallace was abandoned to the wrath of Edward; 
Wallace's noble allies all making the best terms they 
could for themselves with the English King. 

When Robert Bruce raised the standard of independence, 
after his unpremeditated murder of Comyn, Percy was again 
appointed warden of the Western marches, and having 
also received a grant of the forfeited earldom of 
Oarrick, both duty and interest instigated him to 
act vigorously against the proscribed Earl. We find 
many traces of him during these last two years of 
Edward's reign, in his Scottish territory of Carrick, making 
active search for its fugitive lord, and there seems every 
reason to believe that he, or the force under his orders, 
captured Bruce's island stronghold of Loch Doon, where 
the gallant Christopher Seton, his brother-in-law, was 
made prisoner, and met the doom of a tr^tor at Dumfries, 
only twenty-eight years of age. So close was the pursuit 
of Bruce at this time that his privy seal fell into the hands 
of Edward I. 

He does not seem to have ti^en so prominent a part in 
Scottish affairs during Edward H'b reign. But he was 
reported, in an original letter which I have seen, giving 
the anonymous writer's account of affairs in Scotland, to be 
in the month of April, 1311, along with Robert Umfraville, 
earl of Angus, in charge of the town of Perth, in suc- 
cession to Edward's favourite. Piers de Gavaston, earl of 
Cornwall. He certainly was in the expedition for the 
relief of Stirling in 1314, which ended m the battle of 


Bannockbum ; but more fortunate than hia comrade 
Clifford, he survived tliat fatal day. 

He died in the same year, and was succeeded by another 
Henry, then only thirteen (Nicolas' Hist. Peerage). This 
second Henry was engaged in the affairs of the Border at 
an early age, for the King is found writing to him on 
26th Sept., 1322, complaining of the lachesse and supine- 
ness of those in charge of the marches of Northumberland 
in not resisting the Scots. In the following year (c. April, 
1 323) he was one of the hostages sent by Edward 11 to 
King Eobert Bruce to insure the safe return of the latter's 
nephew Thomas, earl of Moray, then in England en- 
deavouring to arrange a peace. 

In 1 Edward HI he was a commissioner for treating of 
the peace with Scotland. 

He was one of the three great nobles of England, the 
other two being Thomas wake, baron of Lydel, and 
Henry de Beaumont (earl of Buchan in right of his wife 
Alicia Comyn), who, under the Treaty of Northampton, 
were to have their possessions in Scotland restored to 
them. It is not quite clear in what part of Scotland these 
posaesaious of Percy were situated. They were not those 
of the earldom of Carrick granted to his father. These 
had been resumed by the rightful owner. King Eobert 
Bruce, given to his brother Edward Bruce, and were 
enjoyed in succession by the latter's two sons. Wherever 
they lay, Percy recovered them under the Treaty", for in 
December, 1330, and February, 1330-31, Edward III 
wrote to King David, Thomas earl of Moray his 
guardian, and other magnates, requesting that Wake and 
Beaumont might have restoration of their lands in the 
same manner with Henry de Percy. This request, re- 
iterated on several occasions, was evaded by the sagacious 
regent, Thomas Bandolf, and after his death, when the 
regency had fallen into the hands of Donald earl of Mar, 
these disinherited barons, having associated themselves 
with other claimants, undertook the romantic expedition 
for their aupposed rights in 1332, which ended in the 
elevation for a time of Edward Balllol to the Scottish 
throne. That Henry Percy had taken part in it seems 
evident, from the fact that Edward Balliol shortly after 
obtaining the Crown of Scotland, gave him Bruce'u caatte 

_ . , Google 


of Lochmaben and the whole of Annandale, valued at 
1000 marks yearly. This at once produced a collisiou 
with the interests of another distinguished house — the 
Bohuns — who, by grant of Edward Ij were titular lords of 
Annandale, though their right had slumbered after Bruce 
shook off the English yoke. Humphry de Bohun, the 
ori^nal grantee, had fallen at Boroughbridge in rebellion 
against his brother-in-law ; but Edward his son now 
asserted his claim to the Annandale inheritance, it may 
be presumed in right of his mother, the sister of 
Edward 11, notwithstanding his father's forfeiture. That 
this was the case is partly shewn by a very energetic 
mandate from Edward HE to Henry Percy " his cousin/' 
on 2l8t Nov. 1333, commanding him at his highest peril 
to deliver up Lochmaben castle to Henry de Beaumont 
earl of Buchan, and Ealph de Neville, steward of the 
Household, to be held by them till next Parliament, when 
the disputes between Percy and Edward de Bohun, the 
King's cousin, both asserting right, should be decided by 
the King and Council. The Kin g adds that he is greatly 
displeased at his neglect to obey his former order, and 
warns him to beware of breaking his peace on the Marches 
or alarming his subjects there. 

This peremptory command proved effectual, for on 
20th Sept., 1334, the lord of Alnwick expressly renounces 
in favour of the King, his own and his heirs' right to the 
castle of Lochmaben and valley of Annand, as they had 
been granted to him by the King of Scotland. 

The charter to this effect was executed by him at West- 
minster, and seven days later he executed a recognisance 
within the King's chancery in the chapter house of the 
Friars Preachers, London. The Bohuns thenceforth held 
Annandale and Lochmaben till the independence of Scot- 
land was finally completed in the next reign.' 

When Henry de Percy gave up Lochmaben and Annan- 
dale he received a valuable equivalent, for Edward III 
gave him in partial recompense the castle and constabulary 
of Jeddeworthe, the forest and other lands there, worth 
400 marks yearly, to be held for the sole yearly service 

' "nie aouthern boundary of Scotland veara later, Juoes II waa killed bencgiiig 
waa, however, in ao uueettied oonditioii Huzbuig^ Caatle, then in Kn gliaii lumda. 
for long afterwarda. Hon tliaa 100 

340 tHE tEbctfis nf SCOtU^D. 

of a goshawk, with 500 marks from the customs of 
Berwick-on-Tweed, and the keeping of its castle, for 
which he was to receive 100 marks yearly in peace time 
and £200 in war time, to be retained till the King gave 
him 500 marks more of land or rent, to be held along with 
Jeddeworthe. These were in his possession in 1342,' and 
long after. He aUo obtained about this time, 1335 
(9 Edward IQ), a grant of all the estates of Patrick 
Dunbar, earl of March, iu Northumberland. He was in 
the great sea-fight at Sluys in 1340 (14 Edward m), at 
the siege of Nantes in Brittany two years later (16 
Edward HI) ; next year was a commissioner for the Truce 
on the Marches, and to treat with Sir William Douglas, 
the knight of Liddesdale. Two years after (19 Edward HI) 
he repelled the Scottish invasion by the same William 
Douglas with a force of 30,000 men, and in 1346 was 
present at the great victory of Neville's Cross and the 
capture of David H, and was afterwards a commissioner 
to treat regarding that king's ransom. He died in 1352 
according to Nicolas, and was succeeded by his son, a 
third Henry. 

He was warden of die castle and shire of Boxbnrgh 
between October, 1355, and September, 1357, when he 
was succeeded by another Einglishman, Sir Eichard 
Tempest. So far as I have yet examined them, the 
Eecords do not shew what part, if any, of his father's 
extensive Scottish possessions came into his hands. He 
died in 1368, probably the last of this distinguished family 
who was a Scottish landowner.' 

It is, however, historical that his son, a fourth Henry, 
created Earl of Northumberland in 1377, and his grandson 
the renowned 'Hotspur,' were foremost in the maintenance 
of order on the Marches during the reign of Eichard II. 
There are many documents still extant, shewing that the 
earl and his son were almost constantly in command of 
Berwick and die East Marches, Neville and Clifford holding 
Carlisle and the West March. 

' EaotifiquerWaTr*i)tStrdFeb.,lS41-2. Fennr uid WiUius etui of DonglwM to 

— (CIiMe Boll). Jeddenorth foreit nnd prafitB thereof. 

' There is, however, do the Jloliilt (%mer iii, p. 1011.) What ihs nralt 

Seotit, a comniiBBioii by Edwsrd III on wag I haie not obaerred. But it ahewa 

29tii August, 1374, to Thomu bUhop of that the Pardea atJII 
Carlule and seven olhen, to hear and cdainu to it. 
MtUe die dNpnt«B between Hem; lord 



Perhaps the moet iuterestiug fact among those which I 
have t^us — I will not presume to say — discovered, but 
rather recalled to recollection, is the circumstance of the 
Fercies having been so long the actual owners of the Castle 
and Forest of Jedburgh. This district had been the scene 
of many of the exploits of the 'Good' Sir James of Douglas 
in the war of independence. It was near the banks of the 
' sylvan Jed ' that the doughty Douglas formed the am- 
buscade of Lintalee, and with (it is said) an inferior force 
discomfited the Eafl of Arundel, and Sir Thomas of 
Richmond who was sltun. On the border of, if not within 
the Forest, he surprised in 1317 a strong detachment of 
the starving garrison of Berwick, who had ventured many 
miles into Scotland on a foray for provisions, and were 
taken unawares at a ford on their return with their plunder, 
leaving one hundred of their number and all their booty 
on the field.' And in its immediate neighbourhood, he de- 
feated and slew in a hand to hand fight another eminent 
warrior, Eobert de Neville, the " Peacock of the North." 

For these and other services it had been given to him 
by Eobert Bruce by a charter styled the 'Emerald Charter 
of Douglas,' the loss of which is deplored by Scottish 
antiquaries. The Douglases must have viewed with much 
dissatisfaction the gift of their wide and picturesque 
domain, won at the sword's point from England, to their 
powerful neighbours of Northumberland. It may be 
presumed then, without violation of probability, that this 
may have aggravated the rivalry of these great houses, 
and given a keener point to the Border lancea that crossed 
in the chivalrous strife of Otterbum. 

Though the House of Percy has thus been long dis- 
established of its Scottish possessions — won during an era 
of strife and bitterness between two kindred nations— it is 
linked to the northern kingdom in these days under 
happier auspices. We on the north side of Tweed are 
proud to claim Her Grace the Duchess of Northumber- 
land, and Countess Percy, as members of two of our 
most distinguished famifies — the Drummonds and the 

' Oripail letters (PuWic Beeord OiBe*). Di3"^ea by CiOOg Ic 

B; W. H. FUnUBS Prbik 

The objects that I have the pleasure of placing before 
the Institute to day, are some of the antiquities of the Greek 
and Soman periods, found in the recent excavations that I 
carried on during the past season for the Egypt Explorar 
tion Fund, at San-el-Hagar (the Boman Tanis) in the Delta 
- of I^ypt. They have, by the kind permission of the 
council of the Institute, been on view in the ■ rooms of 
the Institute during the past few weeks, along with other 
less important remains ; and I will now briefly describe 
the more interesting objects. 

The house which yielded the greatest variety of things 
was the property of a native Egyptian, who appears to 
have have been in the Koman civil service ; a man of 
taste and intelligence, who without the advantages of high 
birth rose to be one of the most important men of uie 
town. He is described on his statuette, which we found 
in the cellar of his house, as " Bak-akhuiu (the servant 
of light) Son of his mother Ta-ankh (endowed with life)." 
This is one of the very few portrait figures of classical 
times that have come down to us in Egypt : it shews a 
well developed figure, and a head of much power and 
intelligence. It is carved in limestone and stands twenty- 
one inches high. In this house I also found six waste- 
paper baskets full of papyri, stowed away in a cupboard 
in the cellar ; they had been partly carbonized and partly 
reduced to mere ash, but from the better examples it is 
hoped that somewhat of the private affairs of this man 
may be made out. Most of the Greek documents are 
apparently legal papers, and in one the name of Hadrian 
as a private person has been already observed. As the 
Emperor Hadrian made his tour in Egypt in 130 a.d., 
at which time children would be most likely to be named 

> Retd at die the Honthl; Heetiiig of varisd oollectioii of aDtiquities, put of 
Uie Inatitule, Nor. Sth, ISSi. Hr. Peine ttie reeults of hia Ute nlukble rewarchea 
exhibited to Uie meeldiig a huge and in Egypt. 


after him, tiiia would place the date of the destruction of 
the house at probably about forty years later ; and this 
agrees with the date of the Bucolic war in Egypt, an 
insurrection which was so bloodily suppressed in 175 a.d. 
by Avidius Cassius. The very name Bucolic war suggests 
the dhtrict of the shepherd kings, of whom in far earlier 
times Tanis had been the capital. That the house was 
burnt by enemies is shewn by the fact that no gold, and 
only one small scrap of sUver, was found ; while the 
master's statue and all his bronze objects were left to the 
fire. Also a basket of papyri was found lying on the 
staircase, just as the looters would have pulled it out of 
the cupboard in search of valuables. 

We have then here the furniture and miscellaneous 
property of a gentleman of the latter half of the second 
century. He appears to have been fond of amateur work, 
judging from the fancy burnishers of rock crystal and 
white flint, which were fitted with wooden handles and set 
in large bronze sockets ; such are above the style of a n^ere 
workman's tools. Again, we find that red paint had been 
mixed in a granite cup of fine work, far too valuable to 
have been intended for such a purpose. A large painter's 
palette in limestone was also found in the house ; and a 
superior class of basalt muUer (used for grinding red paint) 
of a type introduced from Asia Minor, with a bent thumb- 
end by which to hold it. The bronze and other objects 
found in the house are also above the general run of such 
things. The feet of a tripod ornamented with figures 
of the god Bes, and the upper comers with heads of 
Alexandria in the elephant's skin, are unusually decorative. 
The long-handled bronze lamp found on the cellar stairs 
is an elegant piece of work ; and the various vase handles 
of bronze are ornamented with heads. Among the objects 
is one which must have been kept with somewhat of the 
taste of a modem collector ; it is a bas-relief in limestone 
representing a seated sphinx with a turreted crown, 
raising one paw against a pillar with a Syrian form of 
capitfd. The long curved wing, the face, the crown, the 
pillar, are all Asiatic and not EfTi'ptian ; the work rather 
recalls the Euplu-ates than the Nile, and is an illustration 
of the community of Egj-pt and Syria at the time, shewn 
by their joint rebellion under Cassius. There is also a 

VOL. ILL 2 V jogle 


terra-cotta of the Syrian Venus, superior to those generally 
found in the Delta ; traces of ffllding were visilue on the 
anklets when it was dug up. Among the large quantity 
of fine blue glazed ware, some figures of ftnimftls were 
found ; there are here two dogs ia glaze and one in terra 
cotta, all different ; a cat in blue ^aze broke to pieces, 
as did many beautiful cupa and bowls, owing to having 
been burnt. One large blue jar, nearly a foot high, I 
succeeded in cutting out the earth, fuid, raising it whole, 
though cracked, removed it to my house. 

Of figures of deities there is here a lai^e series in blue 
glazed ware, shewing what stage of degradation the 
manufacture of these familiar figures was in at that time ; 
besides these there was a large alabaster statuette of Thoth, 
fourteen inches high, which was retained at the Bulak 
Museum, as no such figures were known there ; a large 
tablet of Horus holding serpents and standing on croco- 
diles, — a very well known group, was also found, but so 
much broken and burnt that I have not yet brought it 

Among utensils were three basalt mortars of various 
sizes ; a large granite bowl for grinding or mixing dough, 
several small granite mixing slabs, and the alabaster vase, 
libation bowl, and mortars here exhibited. One curious 
object ia a cup-shaped piece of turned alabaster, which 
seems as if intended for a stand to support a round- 
bottomed vase ; this may explain how the Phoenician 
glass bottles were made to stand upright. Bing-stands of 
pottery were in common use for large earthen jars, as I 
described at the Institute last year. Of the glass work . 
scarcely any could be saved, owing to the breakage, the 
burning, and the digging out ; many vessels of the clear 
white glass with milky threads around it were found, but 
I could only-get fragments such as those now shown. A piece 
of inlaid glass mosaic from an eye, is of good work ; and 
a little globular glass bottle is worth notice. Quantities 
of tesserie of glass and limestone were found, evidently 
from a destroyed piece of mosaic, possibly of a floor, 
or a wall decoration. Pieces of fine red glass dishes, 
ground and polished, were also found, and are in the 
present collection. 

Of iron work, nails, cramps, knives, keys, and a pick- 



head were found : these mostly belonged to the woodwork 
and furniture of the house. Parts of the bone inlaying of 
boxes, and pieces of bone hoUowed out and fitted together 
on a stick of wood, to make rails and legs of stands, are 
also exhibited. A quantity of pottery was discovered, in- 
cluding about ten large amphorfe, up to three feet high, 
and about fifty various articles, such as jugs, cups, plates, 
&c. AU these I hope to bring to England next year. 
Such is the result of clearing out one of the burnt houses 
of San. 

A short distance only from the above house, was 
anotiier burnt room apparent on tlie surface of the ground ; 
this 1 also attacked, and tliough not so rich in objects, 
some unique things were recovered from it. It had been ■ 
apparently looted and then burnt, like the other house, 
and at the same time. The first piece found was a small 
marble term, with a beautiful female bust on the top of it, 
and with traces of the usual attachment half way down 
the pillar. This head is about half life size, and though 
only a piece of decorative work it is of the best Grseco- 
Eoman style, with a sweet and yet noble expression. I 
hope to see tliis in England before long; meanwhile I 
am able to exhibit two photographs of it, from which its 
quality may be judged. It was doubtleaa brought from 
southern Italy. Lower down in this house much burnt 
furniture, legs of tables, tfec, were found, as well as bronze 
edgings and locks from boxes. But the most strange dis- 
covery was a glass lens, of plano-(;on\ex form, highly 
polished, and of very colourless and clear glass. It is two- 
and-a-baJf inches diameter, half an inch thick in the middle, 
and one-sixteenth of an inch thick at the edge ; its magni- 
fying power cannot be practically tested owing to a scale of 
decomposed glass on the surface, but it would magnify 
about three times with a large field of view, like a strong 
reading glass of modem times. Magnifying glasses have 
been foand at Pompeii, so that there is no reason to doubt 
the purpose of this lens, though it is the first ever found 

Another find, equally remarkable in its way, is that of 
a large sheet of painted glass. I have heard of but one 
ancient example of painted glass, a vase from Cyprus ; but 
here we have a sheet of clear glass thirteen inches square, 


bearing in an outer circle twelve heads of the months 
painted in burnt ochre, with attributes to each, such as 
the bull's horns for Taurus, the crab's and scorpion's claws 
for Cancer and Scorpio, and bushy hair for Leo ; while 
within this circle is an inner circle with the regular 
astronomical signs laid on in gold foil. In the centre was 
some large subject, now indistinguishable. This unique 
object has unhappily suffered in every way ; first shivered 
into about two hundred chips (I have replaced a hundred 
and fifty), then burnt, and finally buried in a soil which 
has stripped off nearly all the gUding and some of the 
paint. We must look at it rather as an evidence of what 
was, than as a possession remaining to us, for but eight 
of the twelve heads and three of the twelve signs, are left. 
Still it is a great acquisition to our examples of working 
ou glass in Boman times. 

Other small objects of interest were found in this house; 
a bronze pan for a hanging lamp, with ring and staple ; 
bronze tweezers ; a piece of thin bronze foil ornament ^ed 
up with rosin, a modern system, known, however, to the 
Assyrians ; many keys, one of a new form, and nails, 
including one with a brass head ; an iron sickle ; some 
small glass balls, probably for a certan game ; and various 

In another house on a different mound at San, I found 
in the comer of a cellar a jar with a stone on the top; and 
in the jar a gold ring of twisted snake pattern ; a necklace 
of onyx, agate, turquoise, garnet, lapis lazuli, and coral, 
the larger beads being in p^rs; a necklet of silver 
beads, made apparently from small globules of metal, 
soldered together in an hexagonal pile ; and a large mass 
of silver dtiain of graduated thickness, weighing 17oz. 
Excepting the chain, which was kept at Bulak as no such 
chain was known there before, all this find is nqw exhibited 
here. Id the same house was found a weight made 
of bronze filled with lead, which is very rare ; also a kohl- 
stick for staining the eyes, some Ptolemaic coins, and other 
small objects. 

On the south of San lies a cemetery of Eoman age ; and 
among the various graves I found one in which the coffin 
liad been highly decorated with inltud glass, and gilt all 
ov(c. Tlie gold objects had all been plundered in early 


times ; but t^e glass mosaics, more precious now than 
gold, have been left to our days. The finest of these are 
two pairs of wings, of the most delicate work. They shew 
us somewhat of the method employed, since the smaller 
pair is exactly similar to the larger in all the minute 
variations of work, only of just half the size. This proves 
that they reduced the whole size of the mosaic pattern in 
section by pulling it out lengthwise ; and hence we can 
understand how they produced such extremely minute 
work, by starting on a practicable scale, and reducing the 
size, while they increased the quantity available for 
cutting up, by drawing it out hot. 

Another curious mauufacture of the same period is that 
of the woven tapestry clothing, of which we have before us 
several different patterns and varieties, all from one 
mummy. The patterns are important in the history of 
textile design, and may be looked upon as the kinsmen of 
the Turkey-carpet patterns. The elements which can be 
distinguished are the flowering plants, the leaf patterns, 
and the birds. The colours are very varied, including red 
and white (which are the commonest), blue, green, yeUow, 
and purple : and most of these colours have withstood a 
burial in a damp soil for about sixteen hundred years in a 
surprising manner. The patterned clothing was the dress of 
the lady when alive, as the dirtied state of the cufi" shews 
us ; but the bulky outer wrappers (of which only a small 
example has yet been brought) were probably solely used 
for the burial. A glass necklace, a small iron knife, a gold 
nose ring, and two gold earrings were found in the grave. 
With the exception of the earrings, now at Bulak, all 
these objects are now exhibited. 

Beside the objects from San I exhibit two others from 
the site of Pithom, now called Tell-el-Maskhuta. These 
are both additions to our knowledge of Egyptian 
antiquities, as no window lattice, and no gilded w^dl, has 
ever been found before. The bronze lattice belonged to 
the great chambers built by Bamessu II in the store city 
of Fithom, about 1450 B.c. ; it seems to have been a long 
strip, which was probably placed over a window-sht 
between the top of the wall and the wooden roof. The 
gilt wall scene is much later, having been erected by 
Nekbtrhar-hebi, or Nectanebo the &6t, in tJbe fourm 


century B.C. Happily the king's face remains unbroken 
on one fragment. 

All the antiquities now brought before the Institute are 
to be presented by the Committee of the Exploration 
Fund to the British Museum (other objects going to 
different collections), and thus they will form the first 
nucleus of what we may hope to see much extended 
in future, namely, a series of systematic groups of 
objects which have been discovered together, of one 
age, of one place, and of one class in life. Such groups 
are really the keys to the proper understanding of the 
whole of our great collections of antiquities, in which 
scarcely any two things belong together, and in which 
history must be a process of guess-work and analog}-, 
and even locality is too often unknown. This is but 
one side of the work now in progress : for the more 
important study of I^yptian history, to which most of 
the work of the Committee is devoted, I have not at 
present touched on. If the objects that we have ex- 
cavated were well known already, their age and con- 
nections still ^ve us invaluable information ; but when, 
as 1 have attempted to show, many things quite fresh to 
our collections have been obtained, there can hardly be 
any question as to the value of the systematic exca- 
vation begun, and we may hope long to be carried on 
by the I^ypt Exploration Fund. 

Mi. Petrie desires to state that any BoggestioiiB or enquiries relative to 
the Kxploiation Fund sliould 1m addiesaed to B. 8. Poole, Esq., Hon. 
Sec, at the British MaBcnm. 

by Google 

By W. a St. JOHN HOPE, MjL, PAA. 

Until a year and a half ago the site of the moDastery at 
Bepton was a confused mass of buildings, outhouses, and 
gardens, and such of the remains of the priory as existed 
above ground were so obscured, that it was almost im- 
possible to say what the arrangement of the buildings 
really had been. The discovery, some seventy years ^o, of 
certain walls and responds, had enabled the site of the nave 
of the church to be pointed out, and more recent excavar 
tions had laid bare the south east pier of a central tower. 
Further explorations on the spot were difficult owing to 
the existence of a flourishing kitchen garden. A short 
time ago a proposal was made to erect an additional 
schoolroom, as a memorial to the late Dr. Pears, formerly 
head master of Eepton School. This building was planned 
to occupy part of the site of the conventual church. As 
it was impossible to forecast what would be preserved or 
destroyed during the necessary excavations for founda- 
tions, steps were taken by the Derbyshire Archseological 
and Natural History Society to explore the area of the 
priory church, before the walls for the new buildings were 
begun. The excavations were commenced under my 
direction and supervision on August 30th 1883, and during 
the first day's work we uncovered the greater part of the 
base of the pidpitum at the entrance to the choir ; tlie 
north west pier of the crossing ; part of the west waU of 
the nave, with the respond of the south arcade and a jamb 

' B«ad at the monthljr meeting of the Jmirnid of tie DahyAin ArrAaolojieiil 

Inatitute, TVcembertth, 1S84. and Natural Hitor^ Societg for ISii. It 

The 9ub«tniice iif the firat half of this has, howerer, been eutirelj ra-caat, and 

paper, with much nf the description of the dcacriptiun of the whole building, u 

the CDaTeot'isl buildiiiga, :<Dd the inven- lud bare by Bubeequent eioviitions, in 

toi7 given in the appendix, oriKiaoU; here given at a distinct (Uld Hqnrate 

appeand aa a aepanite article in tLe laonogmpb. 



of the west door. During succeeding days we were able 
to fix the limits of the nave and transepts ; and a fine base 
found in aitu to the south of the pylpitum proved the 
existence of a double aisle, or south chapel, on the south 
of the (Aidit. The explorations were subsequently carried 
on by the Eev. "W. Pumeaux, the present head master of 
Eepton School, in a more complete manner, the debris 
accumulated on the floor level being removed from the 
area of the whole church, and the entire ground plan thus 
Md bore. 

Before describing the buildings a few words are 
neceflsary concerning the history of the priory. 

Towards the close of the eleventh century a priory of 
black canons, or canons regular of the Augustinian 
Order, was founded at Calke, and dedicated to SS. Mary 
and Giles. Who the founder was is doubtful, and the 
year of the foundation is not known, but the Priory of 
Calke enjoyed an independent existence for nearly a 

About the middle of the twelfth century, during the 
episcopate of Walter de Durdant, bishop of Coventry, 
(1149-1161), Matilda, countess of Chester, by consent of 
Earl Hugh her sou, granted to God and St. Mary and the 
canons of Calke — 

the working of the quarry of Repton beside the Trent, together with 
the advowBon of the church of St. Wystan of Repton, with all ite 
appurtenances, on condition that the convent continue then for its head, 
when a suitable opportunity shall have demanded it, to which CaUce 
should be a subject member. 

The desired removal seems to have occurred shortly after 
the countess Matilda's charter, and thenceforth Eepton 
became the chief house and Calke its dependent cell. It is 
to be noted that the parish church of St. Wystan, though 
served by the canons of the priory, maintained a separate 
existence from the priory church throughout — being an en- 
tirely distinct building, the east end of which was some 
yar<fe distant from the west front of the priory church — and 
while the latter is now an utter ruin, of which only the 
foundations and bases of pUlars remain, the parish church, 
so well-known for its old-English chancel and crypt, is 
still intact. The priory church was therefore purely 

The later history of the priory is remarkably ,fraemen- 

L, Google- 















>- 10 

ac a. 


e bi 












■ ■■ 







tary, and no chartulary or collection of documents relating 
to it is at present known. 

The Valor Ecclmaaticua (27 Hen. Viil) gives the gross 
annual value of the temporalities and spirituaUties as 
£167 I83. S^d. Legh and Layton, however, state the 
annual rental was £180, The same worthies report : 

" Bnpeistitio. Hue fit peregrinatio ad Sanctum Guthlacuni et ad 
eioB camponam quam solent capitibus imponere ad reatinguendum doloreni 

The Priory was suppressed in 1538, and tlie whole of 
its buildings and possessions were assigned to Thomas 
Thacker of Heage, steward to Thomas, lord Cromwell. 

A very full inventory of the goods and possessions then 
in the priory exists in the Public Becord Office, a trans- 
cript of which is giv^n in the appendix. 

The buildings were not destroyed immediately after the 
suppression, but, if we may credit Fuller, appear to have 
remained fairly intact until fourteen years later. 

Thomas Thacker, the grantee, died in 1548, leaving his 
property of the late priory of Kepton to his son and heir 
; Gilbert. This person, according to Puller — 
" Being alarmed vitli the newe that Queen Mary had set up the abboyo 
again (and fearing hovlaige a reach such a precedent might have), upon a 
Sonday (belike the better day, the better deed) called together the carpen- 
ters and maeona of that county, and plucked down in one day (church- 
work is a cripple ia going up, but rides post in coining down) a most 
beautiful church belonging thereto, saying ' he would destroy the nest, for 
fear the birds should build therein again.' " ' 

How far Puller's account be tVue is not evident, for 
there are no other traces of the building having been 
hastily and violently demolished than may be seen in any 
ruined monastery, and even several of the gravestones 
were found undisturbed. 

In addition to the church, the whole of the conventual 
buildings were eventually demohshed, except the block 
pertaining to the cellarer, and the slype adjoining the 
■ chapter-house. The former escaped owing to its purchase 
by Sir John Porte for a habitation for the grammar 
school he founded at Eeptonin 1556. The gatehouse was 
also spared, and the wh(^e of a building on the (old) bank 
of the Trent, which I suppose to have been the infirmitorium. 

The parish church st^ids at the extremity of a lofty 

' FuUer'i CkmA HiOors, book vi, 368, liiolt' 

vol, XU. 2 I ' O 


ridge, which once overlooked and formed the right bank 
of the river Trent. The stream has, however, been 
diverted since the suppression of the priory, and the " Old 
Trent," as it is now called, is reduced to a mere sedgy 
pool. On the same ridge, but a few yards east of l£e 
parish church, the monastery was placed. The site was 
an excellent one, for its height above the alluvial flat 
through which the Trent flows rendered it safe from floods, 
and the river supplied the necessary water course for 
sanitary and domestic purposes. Eastward of the priory 
the ground slopes down to the level of the river valley. 

The ground plan of the Priory was fairly normal, but 
owing to the water being on the north, the cloister with 
its surrounding buildings was placed on that side of the 
conventual church. 

Of the original buildings of the twelfth century the 
much patched and altered ceUarium, and perhaps some 
fragments of the eastern range, are all that exist. 

The church appears to have been at first aisleless and 
cruciform, but at its destruction in the sixteenth century it 
consisted of a nave with aisles; north and south transepts; 
a central tower ; and choir with north and south aisles, 
and a large south chapel almost of equal size to the choir. 
The choir was prolonged beyond its aisles to form a 

The evidence of the plan of the first church is but 
scanty. On' referring to the plan it will be seen that the 
west end of the nave abuts very awkwardly against the 
cellarer's range, which it evidently did not originally, 
for a monastery was generally first planned witli some 
regard to symmetry, unless the site necessitated the 
contrary. With the aid of a pick and sliovel, however, 
I succeeded in finding, at a distance of 4 ft. 3 in. from the 
north aisle wall, a foundation of a wall 6 ft. thick, 
which is exactly in line with the south wall of the 
ceUarium, and is evidently the original north wall of 
an aisleless nave. The corresponding south wall could 
not be found. At a distance of 29 ft. 5J in. from the west 
wall of the north transept is the foundation of a wall 
5 ft. 9| in. thick, running north and south, which from its 
close proximity to the pillars on the east side of the tran- 
sept must be of anterior date to them. This may belong 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

Repton Priory- Sections or B»se Moldings. 

' C,f<w\c 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google- 


to the original church. The evidence of an aisleless choir 
will be given further on. 

So completely has the church been demolished that no 
part of it now exceeds 3ft. in height above the pavement 
level, except the angle at the junction of the north tran- 
sept and nave nortli aisle. It is, therefore, a somewhat 
difficult task to trace liow the church grew from a simple 
cruciform one into that shewn on tlie' plan. The 
west wall of the uortli transept, with the arch opening 
into the nave nortli aisle, seems to be the oldest remaining 
portions. It is apparently of late Transitional date. It 
is possible that the thick foundation to the east is con- 
temporarj'. The next work in point of date is the respond 
at the east end of each arcade of the nave. Then follow 
the nave and its aisles — whicli are, however, not all of one 
period ; the south transept ; the south chapel ; and lastlj' 
the tower, choir, and alterations to the east side of the 
north transept. 

The nave was 95 ft. 6 in. long, and 23 ft. 6 in. wide. 
It had an arcade of six arches on each side supported by 
clustered pillars of good design. Tlie first two' pair of 
pillars, however, differ in design from the other three pair 
and the western responds. Both sets of pillars are quatre- 
foil in plan witli nook shafts, but the former have a keel 
shaped principal, and triple nook shafts ; while tlie latter 
have a fillet on each principal, and circular shafts in the 
angles. Again, the bases of the former rise straight from 
the floor, while those of the latter stand on a square edged 
footstall set lozengewise. Nevertheless a reference to the 
sections of the base moldings on Plate m, shews that 
there is very little difference in date between the two 
designs. Moreover the following facts may be noticed : 
the moldings of the first pair of pillars are repeated on a 
somewhat larger scale in the north west respond ; but the 
latter, though different in section from the south west 
respond, has the same roll molding below, which is not 
found upon the first pair of pillars. The three western 
bases of the south arcade have lost the upper courses, but 
have the same section as the south west reipond in the 
portions that are left. The second base on the south side 
resembles the first northern one, but each of them has lost 

^InUiuoueaiidelaewheraall theb»]^ are counted from ei 

' Gooj^lc 


its opposite feUow. The third and fourth north bases 
have ^30 disappeared and only the square footstall of the 
fifth remainii. An altar appears to have stood agfunst the 
second pillar of the sontli arcade. Against the west wall 
of the nave, but not of the aisles, is a stone bench table. 
The north jamb of the west door remains, but the south 
one has been cut away. A modern wall built upon the 
base of the west end prevents any present attempt to 
recover the details of the doorway. 

Of the south tusle, which was twelve feet in width, 
nothing is left but the west end and a few yards of its 
south wall. The rubble core of the bay adjoining the 
transept also remains. In the west wall is the base of a 
doorway and the lowest steps of a circular vice 2 ft. 
3 in. ^vide. Near the south-west angle of the fifth pillar 
is a piece of solid foundation, level with the pavement, as 
if a font or other object had stood upon it. The whole of 
tlie north ^sle walls are perfect to a height of two feet. 
It had the two usual doors at either end communicating 
with the cloister, but the eastern one was considerably 
wider than the other. In the north wall opposite the first 
pillar is a small semi-octagonal respond, showing there was 
an arch across the aiale at this point. It is contemporary 
with both wall and piUar, and not a later insertion, but why 
an arch was built here is not apparent, as there could 
have been no lateral thrust. Anotiier remarkable feature 
occurs in this first bay. Immediately to the east of the 
cloister door is a low but acutely pointed arch, only 1 ft. 
lOf in. wide, which opens into a small recess. It is 
difficult to speak positively as to the use of tliis, as the 
inside has been almost entirely destroyed, but since the 
tower piers are not massive enough to contain a stair, we 
perhaps have here the entrance to a circular vice leading 
on to the aisle or transept roof, whence there could be 
another up the tower. The stair would of course stand in 
the angle of the cloister, as I have conjecturally shown on 
the plan. 

To the east of the narrow arch mentioned above the 
wall suddenly bends northwards at a small angle to a 
straight joint in the wall. This may, I think, be thus 
explained : — when the arch opening into the fusle from 
the transept was built, an aisle of greater width than the 


present one was projected; but the latter was subse- 
quently aet out on narrower lines, and the junction with 
the jamb of the arch made as we now see it. 

The whole of the nave seems to be the work of the 
latter end of the Early English period ; except the eastern 
responds, which pertain to a previous building, eitlier 
planned and never completed, or removed. 

The north transept is 33 ft. 9 in, long and about 21 ft, 
wide. The north jamb of the arch opening from it into the 
nave aisle is partly complete to its lull height. It has re- 
entering angles of the Transitional period. Only the base 
is left of the south jamb. In the west waU of this 
transept is a recess, 13 ft. 10 in. broad, and at least 
4 ft. 10 in. deep. What its use was is not apparent. 
Perhaps it contained a large armarium or cupboard, for 
the vestments and other ornaments. The north wall of 
the transept has been utterly destroyed, but its bond with 
the west wall is visible in the ashlar. On the east side 
was an arcade of three arches opening into an aisle whose 
width is unknown ; only the pUnths of the pillars remain, 
and these are contemporary with those of the tower and 
choir. It is possible therefore that the eastern aisle was 
erected when these were reconstructed. There are no 
traces of the usual nigbt stairs. 

Of the south transept, which was equal in size to its 
fellow, hardly anything is left. Part of the core of the 
west wall remains, and that of the south wall was found 
during the excavations, but has since been removed. On 
its eastern side, instead of an aisle, was a large south 
chapel. The arcade opening into this and into the choir 
aisle would probably consist of three arches, but we have 
only positive evidence of two — the second base having 
been completely removed, if it ever existed. This arcade 
seems to be a little later in date than the nave. From 
the holes chopped in the ashlar, it was evidently fiUed 
by wooden screens, and there are indications on the 
remmning pillar, which seem to prove that an altar stood 
immediately to the south of it. 

The south chapel, which is next in point of date, was 
47 J ft. long by about 21ft. wide. Ita south wall was 
uncovered during the excavations, but had been removed 
before I had an -opportunity of seeing it. At a distance 


of 33 ft. from tlie east wall was a small semi-octagonal base, 
but as it did not range with anything, it is difficult to 
say what it was for. Its position in front of a buttress 
points to some constructional use. When I made my 
preliminary diggings in 1883, 1 uncovered a piece of solid 
wall at the east end of this chapel, which was of the 
proper width to range with the pillar at the west end. 
This is now removed, though shewn on plan, and the 
notes and measurements I took at the time of its discovery 
are the only record of its existence. It will be noticed 
that it is not in hne with the arcade between the choir 
aisle and the chapel, and we are driven to the conclusion 
that the arcade replaces either an earher one or a solid 
wall. Perhaps the first bay was left solid to hold the 
sedilia and piscina of the altar in the choir aisle, or it may 
have had a tomb on the south side. The later arcade 
is evidently an addition of later date than the pillar next 
the transept, as a respond has been added on the 
east face of the latter, from which it differs in plan and 
section. The bases of the two next piUars remain in a 
perfect condition ; they have a somewhat singular plan, 
and on the north side is attached a triple vaulting shaft. 

Of the tower, three pier-bases are left, but the south- 
west one retains the plinth only. As will be seen from 
the plan, all four piers vary somewhat, but they are all of 
one date. The area of the tower inside the walls, which 
were 5 ft. thick, measured about 25 ft. by 21 ft. 8 in. 
Under the eastern arch stood the pulpitum, which was a 
solid stone screen, 5 ft. 4J in. thick. It had a central door 
4 ft. 4^ in. wide, with molded jambs, with a flanking 
buttress on either side. The face of the screen was 
perfectly free from ornament or colour of any description, 
but when I first uncovered it the moldings of the doorway 
were brightly painted with red and black. In the north 
half of the screen was a straight stair, 3 ft. 2J in. wide, 
leading to the loft above, but is somewhat puzzling to 
say how a person would manage to clear such a stair when 
he reached the top of it. The step from the nave still 
lies in situ before the door, but, curiously enough, there is 
a step of descent into the choir itself, much worn,'as is 
the passage through the screen, by the constant tread of 
feet. The prdpitum is an integral work with the tower 


piers and has the same hollow-chamfered plinth. The 
fragments of some huge gurgoyles and massive red sand- 
stone pinnacles have been unearthed, which probably 
surmounted the tower. 

The choir was 26 ft. 2 in. wide, but the arrangement of 
the arcades dividing off the aisles is somewhat eccentric, 
a fact the more singular, since both are contemporary, 
and the plans and sections of the pillars identical. On 
the south side the bases of three of the pillars remain, 
but on the north only one ; moreover, these show that 
there was a solid wall 1 ft, thick in front of them, against 
which the canons' stalls stood. This wall extended east- 
ward from tlie pulpitum 31 ft. 2 in., and on each side 
terminates at a pillar. But, owing to unequal spacing, 
there were only two arches behind the north stalls, while 
behind the south ones there were three. Owing to lack 
of evidence it cannot be positively said how the arcades 
continued eastward. If there were two more arches on 
the south, we should have a regular arcade of five bays ; 
but an additional arch to the north arcade wiU not cause 
the two sides to be of equal length, and if the responds 
stood on the same hue the third north arch must have 
exceeded the others in span. 

The reason for this unsynimetrical setting out seems to 
be this; as the south chapel, and the arcade between it and 
the south choir aisle, were built before the choir, the 
south arcade of the latter was set out to range with that 
of the aisle — probably with a view to the construction of 
the vaulting. This will explain the narrow span of the 
arch nearest the tower, as its pillar had to be placed 
opposite the aisle pUlar. 

The aisle was evidently intended to be vaulted, from the 
vaulting shafts in front of the pillars, and therefore the 
choir arches opposite cannot well have exceeded the aisle 
arches in height — this is proved by their width. Also, as 
the breadth of the south chapel rendered its windows 
perfectly useless for lighting the choir, the latter must 
have received its south light from above. The case could 
of course be met by a clerestory, but owing to the 
small height of the south arcade, there must either have 
been a double clerestory, like that in the presbytery at 
Ely, or the clerestory windows on this side considerably 


exceeded the north ones in length ; the greater width of 
the north arches would allow. them to be carried up higher 
than those opposite, and there were no difficulties to be 
allowed for as on the south side. 

, Though no remains of the foundations for the stalls 
exist, the length of the waU behind them gives room for 
thirteen stalls a side, and there is space on either side the 
choir door for four returned stalls, making a total of 
thirty-four in all. From the pvlpitum to the east wall 
was about 69 ft., so that the presbytery projected a bay 
beyond the aisles. Its south wall was of earlier date than 
the south aisle wall, for though the presbytery waUs have 
been entirely removed— only the rough core was found — 
the aisle wall ends in such a manner, as to shew that it 
was built up with a straight joint against an older wall, 
which, moreover, had a plinth running along it. It 
seems, therefore, that the western part of this portion of 
the church was of later date than the eastern, and that the 
original east arm was destitute of aisles, for the cast of 
the plinth runs through the thickness of the aisle wall. 
As the older work was not in the line of the new arcade, 
the junction must have been somewhat awkward. 

Of the north choir aisle, only the east, and part of the 
north waUs remain. These shew that it was of equal 
length with the south aisle, but the width was somewhat 
greater — probably 12 ft. 6 in. There is nothing to 
enable us to fix the date. The junction with the north 
transept aisle, and the position of the east wall of the latter, 
are shewn conjecturally on the plan. 

The total length of the church inside the walls was 
196 feet. 

Before leaving the church, a few words must be said as 
to its arrangements and furniture. The inventorj' of 1538 
mentions the High Altar ; St, John's chapel, with an altar 
and " a partition of wode ;" Our Lady's chapel, with an 
altar, a grate of iron, and " j partition of tjTnber ;" and St. 
Nicholas' chapel, with an altar described as " j table of 
alabastar in (a) partition of tymber." The next two or 
three lines of the inventory are somewhat difficult to 
explain, but we learn further that there were in the body 
of the church {i.e. the nave) " vij peces of t}'mber and (a) 
lyttell oulde house of tymber ;" also a chapel and altar of 


Our Lady of Hty. There was also in the chiirch a 
chapel of St. Thomas, with an altar, a "partition of 
tymber," and " j partition of tymbw seled ouer." 

The viaitoars seem to have made the inventory in the 
following order — presbytery, choir, south choir aisle, 
south chapel, south transept, nave, north transept and 
nwth choir aisle ; from whence they passed to the cloister 
and surrounding buUdings. 

Owing to the lowering of the ground since the excava- 
tions, the site of the presbytery now partly hangs in the 
air, but nothing was found to shew the position of the 
high altar. Exactly at the point where a Une drawn 
through t^e east walls of the aisles, and down the centre of 
the choir, would intersect, is a block of stone, about 2 ft. 
square and 2 ft. high, roughly shaped, with a socket on 
the t(^ 7 in. deep am 7^ in. square- What it was for is 
not ftppaiient, ana its exactness of position is curious if ac- 
cidental. It must at any rate have been below the pavement 
levei, or just flush with it. Was it for a heart burial ? 

On the theory of the visitors' route, the south choir 
aide would be St. John's chapel. There are the holes 
for a " partition of wode " in the arch at its west end. 
The south chapel was doubtless that of Our Lady ; the 
grate of iron perhaps stood in front of a tomb in the wall 
to the north of the altar ; and the " partition of tymber " 
filled 4 he arch or arches between the chapel and the 
transept, as the mutilation of the pier shews. I have 
already stated that there are traces of masonry having 
been built against this pier. Probably this was the altar 
of St. Nicholas. The "j Eoode & a Image of Saint 
Nicholas, j table of alabaster (and) the partitions of 
tymber" may refer to the Eood screen with its altar 
aiid flanking screens ;' but the " vij peces of tymber and 
& lyttell oulde house of tymber, the xij Apostells " it is 
not easy to assign places to. The chapel of *' o' lady of 
pety " was probably against the second south pillar, where 
there are the foundations of an altar. It is doubtful 
which part of the church was the chapel of St. Thomas. ■ 
The " vestry" I have already assumed to have been in the 
north transept. 

' No bwws of a icrsen uv visible OD the Houtb uds of the fint north ban be • 
nave pillara, utileH the projection from the remDuit oE a stoae tatea. ■ 


Numerous tiles, carved heads and pieces of foliage, and 
molded stones of every description were found among 
the debris. These have all been carefully preaerved. 
Most of the moldings bear traces of repeated coats of 
whitewash, which in some cases has covered earlier bright 
colouring and imitation marbling. The use of whitewash 
in pre-reformation times was undoubtedly more universal 
than is generally supposed. I have found proofs of it in 
every monastery I have excavated, and that too, in 
difTerent parts of England, and so widely separated as Kent 
and Northumberland. Several sumptuous pieces of 
canopies of the best fourteenth century work were found 
in the north transept and on the north side of the choir. 
These may have belonged to the sedilia of the high altar ; 
or perhaps they formed part of the shrine of St. GutUac, to 
whom pilgrimages were hither made, his bell being in 
special request for alleviating the toothache and other 
pains in the head when applied to the spot. In that case 
the shrine may have stood in the north transept as that of 
St. WilUam of Perth did at Rochester. 

Various interments and gravestones were also found. 
One plain stone still covers a grave in the middle of the 
nave, and a slab was removed from the east end of the 
nave bearing a cross fleury on steps with the marginal 
inscription : 

[+ ©rate pro] anima magtatri tltmnntii button qiumiiam 

can[i)niri fmiae trrUeie] ipii obiit - jannarii 

anno b'ni maccl" cni' a'u ppic' [ieoa . JLmen] 

Of the cloister and its surrounding buildings not much 
can be said. The parts which escaped destruction at the 
suppression were subsequently used for scholastic pur- 
poses, and the sites of the destroyed buildings have been 
encumbered by all kinds of structures. The cloister area 
in particular has been divided by a wall, and so en- 
croached upon by additions to the school block and the 
erection of outbuildings, that its square form can only be 
seen on plan, It measured 97 ft. 9 in. from north to south 
and 95 ft. from east to west. Nothing is left of any of 
its arrangements, but it must have been made fairly com- 
fortable in later times, for the inventory speaks of the 
Canons' seats (or carrels), and glazed windows and a 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

RepicKi Priory.— Capiial, Ease, and SeclLon of iKift of m ; 

,1 zed by Google 


pavement. The east, west and north, walls remain in siiu, 
but the various doorways have been obliterated by 
modem alterations. 

Of the claustral buildings, beginning on the east, we 
have first the chapter-house. It immediately adjoins the 
north transept. The south wall is completely gone, but 
its bond with the transept wall at the west end is easily 
seen. Only the base of the west wall remains, and that 
much mutilated. The north wall is left to about its full 
height, but all the ashlar has been stripped off except the 
lowermost courses. This, however, enables us to recover 
the width, which was 26 ft. 9 in. The length cannot be 
ascertained owing to the entire removal of the east wall. 
Part of the jamb of one of the window openings flanking 
the doorway was until lately to be seen on the west side 
of the wall, but it is now concealed by an outbuilding. 
Part of a very remarkable shaft, in section a pointed ov^, 
has been found, with its base and cap, which may have 
belonged to the doorway of the chapter-house. (See cut 
on Plate IV). The area has not yet been disencumbered 
of the debris, here five feet deep. As no seats are given 
in the inventory as being in the chapter-house, there may 
have been a stone bench table round it. 

On the north of the chapter-house is the slype, or 
covered passage from the cloister to the cemetery. It .was 
probably also used as the amiitonum or regular parlour, 
where conversation might be carried on. It is 11 ft. 9 in. 
wide and 25 ft. 6 in. long, and still retains its roof, a 
plain barrel vault without ribs, springing from a cham- 
fered string. There are indications of a bench table along 
each side. The segmental rear arch of the west doorway 
remains, but the doorway itself is blocked. The east 
doorway has been destroyed. 

Next to the slype was the calefactorium or warming 
house, being the only apartment where the brethren might 
have a fire. It has been utterly demolished, save its west 
wall, which shows traces of vaulting. This was doubtless 
carried by a central row of columns. In the south west 
angle is the segmental rear-arch of a door into the cloister. 
Probably the dormitoiy day-stairs were placed in the 
south end. 

Above the chapter house, slype, and wai 


■was the dorter or dormitory. It would be 25ft. 6iii. wide, 
and perhaps about 96ft. long. AH trace of it has, how- 
ever, long been removed, and the only fact we know 
about it is that it was divided into cubicles for the canons, 
as was usual. 

At a short distance from the north end of the dorter, 
has been uncovered part of a building which evidently 
belongs to the necessarium. It was 26ft. long, but its 
width is uncertain, as it may extend further north than is 
shewn on the plan. 

On the north side of the cloister, parallel with the nave 
of the church, was the fratry or dining hall. It appears to 
have been built, as was often the case amongst canons, 
upon an undercroft or cellar. The south wall has been 
removed, but the lower part of the north side is left, which 
shews towards its east end two blocked doorways and a 
window. This window can only have lighted an under- 
croft. It is a narrow lancet with a square aperture, 
though a trefoiled head is worked out above, but not 
pierced. The eastern doorway must have opened into a 
slype from the cloister. At the points indicated on the 
plaji by dotted lines there is a kind of incipient projection, 
with ashlar quoins, which seems to indicate the position of 
the reading pulpit. The fratry itself was 95ft. long by 
24ft. wide. Its north wall does not range with the norli. 
end of the ceUarium. 

The western side of the claustral buildings consisted of 
the block under the charge of the cellarer, called the 
ceUarium. It is structurally complete to the roof, but the 
origiual round-headed windows have been superseded by 
larger ones, and its ancient arrangements are quite 
destroyed. The ground floor consists of a large hall about 
90ft. long by 26ft. 3in, wide, divided into two alleys by 
a row of six massive circular columns with scoliopped 
capitals. The two southernmost have, however, been 
removed. At the south end of the hall is a chamber 
lift. 6in. wide, which originally perhaps served a two-fold 
purpose as the slype to the cloister and the outer parlour, 
where conversation was carried on with secular persona, 
and the ordinary business transacted. But its use as a 
passage must have ceased when the north aisle was 
rebuQtj as the new wall blocked up the doorway. In the 

north end of the eeUarium is a space 31ft. long by 26ft. Sin. 
wide; originally one room, but afterwards divided irregu- 
larly into three, so that the eastern half forms one 
room and the western half two. The northern of the 
latter has a groined roof, the ribs of which were intended 
to be ornamented with the dog-tooth molding, but the 
work was begun and never finished. The three apartments 
may have been tlie kitchen and larder. The main hall 
was probably used for stores. The first floor consists, like 
the undercroft, of a long haU, with a large square chamber 
at the north end, and a narrower one at the south end. 
Here the cellarer lodged guests of the better sort, and we 
may suppose the hall originally to have had a row of 
pillars down the middle, forming two alleys, one of which 
was divided into cubicles, perhaps forming the various 
chambers enumerated in the 1538 Inventory. The 
ceUarium appears to be the only remaining part of the 
original monastery, built when the canons migrated here 
from Calke. 

The block of buildings now called the HaU has been 
completely rebuilt, with the exception of Prior Overton's 
brick tower at its east end ; it would be usdess therefore 
to discuss its arrangements. Since the prior had a chamber 
in the mona.^tery, this cannot have been his house, and 
probably the original building on this site was the injirmi- 
toriuniy or abode of sick and infirm monks. 

The priory was approached by a gatehouse on the 
south-west, the outer arch of which still forms the entrance 
to the precinct. Originally it had a gatehouse haU with 
upper chamber, and a room for the porter. There seems 
also to have been a long building extending irom it north- 
wards along the edge of the churchyam, perhaps the 
almonry and lodgings for tramps and paupers. 

The precinct of the monastery was enclosed on three 
sides by a high stone wall with buttzesses at inter^'als, 
much of wliich remains. 

Digitized by Google 



A very full inventory of the goods and possessions 
of Repton Priorj- remains in the Public Eecord Office,' of 
which a transcript is here given : 

'^lu Utt \ beraiter folowetb all ettche parcelle of Itnple- 

r^or^ ot f ments or houshould BtufFe come cateU Oma- 

jUpton in r ment* of the Churche & such otherljke found 

Se Countye / wjthin the seid late p'ory at the tynie of the 

of Derby dyssolncon therof sould by the Kyngs Com- 

mifeionera to Thacker the xxvj day of 

October in the xxx yere of o' sov'agn lorde 

Kjng henry the viy" 

That ys to aaye 

' ffiret at the bye anlt«r v great Imaftes . j . table 
of alebaat' w"* tytell Imagee . iiij . lytle Candle- 
Etyks of latteii . } . ould payr of Organs one 
laumpe of latenn the Stallos in the quere 
certein oulde bokes , j . rode / In Beint Johns 
Chapelt . J . Imag of saint John . j . table of 
aleboater . j . partition of wode / in o' lady 
Cbapell . j , Image of o* lady & . j . table of 
alelnster . j , table of wode befor the alter . j . 
herclotb upon the eame alt' . j . laumpe of 
latenn . j . grate of lerou onlde stoles . j . 
partition of tymber / in aaiot Nicholas Cbapell 
'5[ht ' . i ■ ImniBg of seint John & .j . Image of 
qthnrthe ' seint Syth . j . table of alebaster in partition 
of tymbei . j . Eoode & a Image of seint 
Nicholas . j . table of alebaster the partitions 
of tymber & in the body of the Gbmcbe vij 
paces of tymber & lytell oulde house of 
tymber tbe xij Apoetelk . j . Image of o* lady 
in o' lady of petys chap^ / ■ j ■ t^^l^ of of 
(nic) wood gylte . j . sacryng bell A 
partition of tymber seled ouer in seint Tbom*s 
Cbapell . j . table of wode ttie partition o' 
tymber & . j . sacryng bell . j . longe lader . j 
lytell table of alebaster sould to Thaker 


It' the Rotle gU 
gravestones ' 

leronn the pavemet & 
tbe sold Churcbe 




j It' ther . j . Crosse of Coper too tynaoles of \ 
baudlcynn . (j . albes . j . sate of blakel 
baudkynn . j . sute of oulde baudekynn w"" 
CoDje on them . y . Copes of velvet . j . of | 
tauny baudkyn . ij . of grene baudekynn ■ ij ■ i 
of counterfeit baudkynn . j . Cope of Keysed liiij li 
velvet iiij towels & iiij altarclothea ij payented / 
alterclotbes . j . great presse of woode one 
oulda cheste ij leron etoles . j . ould tynacle 
ij holy water atokea . j . of brasae the other of 
leade eoulde for / 

'^he / It' the Cbanons aeata the glassa lerou & the I 
<Elsi^ai \ pavement & a laver of lead ar eoulde for / ' 

— 1~^ J ^^' ^^^ glasse and pavement & a lectron of I , 

%iu i It' the Cbanons ! 
garter (for 

\'& . j . bell ar sonld I 


( It' V tables . j . bell sonlde for 

'^he j It' ther iij tables i^ formes . j . Cupborde ■ j ■ t • 
ttaUt 1 oulde banker & .j . payented clothe f 

^ It' tber vj oulde tahleclothes vj ould towells \ 
'^ht ) iiij Cobenlclotbes xij napkyns . v . aletubbes ( 
l^ntterg J iij oulde Cheatea yj Candleetyks of laten & t ' 
\.j. bason and an ewyar sould for ) 

(If ther . j . Bedstedd . j . fetherbedd . j .'^ 
blankett , j . quilte . j . Cov'lett . j , boulst' . j , I 
pyllowe . j . tester of payented clothe ij j 
Cov^etts of Blewe lynyon clotbe tbe heng- > ] 
Chamber 1 ynga of grene saye ij fouldyng tables iij I 
chayers iij formes ij Coffem . j . payre of I 
[^tonges & .j . aimdyronn sould for J 

"Bthe timer ( It' ther . j . matres . j , Cov'lett & . j . boulster ) . 
Chamber ) soulde for f ' 

^.j^ /It^ther. j. fetherbedd -j. boulater . j .pyllowe^ 

^~v ) ' i ' co^l^'' U blanketts . j . tester of domyx ( 

jS* ?^ J the payented bengyngs , j . ionyd Chayr j j 

"" ' (, Cupbonie . j . forme aoulde for ) 

■»« ^ (if tier. j 

matree . j . boulater ij Covletta f 


9^ tgtffOW PBIOaT, DBKB^OS^n. 

CTTL, L^ii^ ( It' ther . j . fathcrbedd . j . boolato: ij OovHiatts 1 
Q^j^^ -J .j. teaterof lynyanndothe .j. ouOde tebloA !■ m 
( . j . fomiB BDulde for ) 

CT-. i__[, j It' j ■ fetherbedd ij niatresia ij boulateta iiij j 
p. ^i ■\ Cosletto very oulde. hejHcyngB of redd aftye ft > vij* 

j It' ther . T . brasse pott* ij spytts ij pannes > 
I . j . diyppyng pann . j . fryens panne . j . barre j 
'Qlkt .' of letonn . iiij . heachea to neng potta upon , 
llSClunn I . j . p»yr of Boatyng leronna . j . gridiron . j . | 
1 Skymei . j . Udle . zvj . pecee of peater vaesel 
VonJde boides & . j . ladder soulde for / 

<9Elu f It' ther . j . oulde horde A . j . onlde table ) ■■■ . 

Urber iwuldefor } ■^'* 

'3'he ( '*' *^^ ' ^ ■ ^™y^K leaddea . j . maahhtte .j.\ j^ . 

«™k™.. ■{ buckott ft a chene . ij . oulde bordoa . y . > -^^ 

ainmmwe | ^^^j^j^ -j ^j^^j^^ g^ -^ Skyppes soulde for ) '^'^ 

9he SCltJiiQ I It* ther XTJ Eelyngleades and ij uiashfattes I . 
honae ) sonlde for j 

A«^it»»ft jif ther ij troftea . j . boultyng hnche & . j .f _,_ . 

%\xt ( If . j . heyr npon the kyU ft . j . Seetiron of I X2j« 
jljU-hoiwe I lead soulde for J viijd 

t. j . qTt' of Wbele— viijs, If y q»rf of Bye \ 
fijn the q^ — riiij« It' xv q»rf of barly .... 
iiij* the qM'- -1m, If iiij q^rf maulte — xm 1 ^M 
vj qft' of pese at iiijn the qM' — xxiiija, j .^' 
X lodea of hnye at ij« viijd the lode / 
untyng to the aumme of — xxvj« viijd / 


at vJ, 



[ If ther founde . iij . kye - 
tCarteas. f. — 

souU) < If • j ■ Reke of peae at Nutonn sould foi vyii 

at Nutcmii 

jif -i 

If Receyvjd of John Smyth ft Rycbaid haye for money 
by them Imbeaulyd from the eeid late p'ory czxijit XTij« rjd 

'Slu ettmme tol rf all the guddeel 

Boulde kte app'teyiiyng to the seid I 

late p'ory w"" cxxij li xvij* vjd Rec' > clvijK xix* vjd 

for money imbeaulyd from the seid f 

plory ' j 


gyvan to the 
Covent of 
the seid late 

piory at y" 



at the 
tyme like- 


'ffgret to S' Hauffe Cloroke 

Bubi^or xlA 

It' to John Wood xh] 

It' to Thomas String' xk 

It' to Jamie yong xlsi ] 

It' to John Asshby ^\xviij/i 

It' to Thomas prntt sis ( 

It' to Thomas "Webaf xk 

It' to Eobert Warde xl« 

,It' to Thomas Brainston xls I 

ffyrst to Eauffo lathbnry vja viijcZ \ 
It' to V men that foimde 

certein plate xxv« 

It' to the Sheperd xv» 

If to Richard yuae xiij» iiijd i 

It' to Robert Gierke m ' j 

If toKynton xiij^iiu'iij I 

If to John Browne xx« 1 

It' to Thomas Qysbome ...xx« I 

It' to Robert StephiiiBon...xiij» iiijiJ ; 
If t« William Kynton ...vijs vjd ' 
It' to John KyngchfsBo ...xxs 

If to hngh Kynton xiij#iiij(Z 

It' to John Webster vija vjd 

It' to Robert Rutter vij« \id 

It' to Robert Eynyeworth xva 

If to Robert hndson xxtt 

If to Robert at Oven xiij« iitjrf 

If to Thomas Mitchell ...xvij« Tjr^ 
If to John Richardson ...xijs 

If to William Abney xiijs iiijtJ 

If to John Webster xys 

If to ij boyez plowdiyvars iiij« 
If a guyde from Repton to 
Grocediowe xxd 


gyvento the __ 

B'vants ther ( It' to Thomas ■'bj^h v^svyi 

viijtr xd 


If in Gates bought & spent at the. 
tymo of the Commissiono's being | 
tjier for to dyssolve the seid p'ory I cvij» 
\ and for ttie saffe kepyng of the , \iij(i 
I guddes and Gatell to ^e seid moQ' | 
VJate apperteynyng duryng the tymel 

"STht eavmt of 
the paymentes aforseid 

[Tiij?i xvj» vid 



Jttb ther remayneth a speciality of] 
sli upon Thakor for laonoy by hym 

due for the guddes & Catell of the 1 
forseid p'ory by hym bought payable ) xZi 
at the fest of the nativito of Seint 
John the baptist whyche shalbe in 
the yere of o' lorde god m' d xzzix/ 

anil SO remayneth in the eeid) 
Commissiono's handes of the money}- cxiiijiiiijs 
Bee' for the guddee before aoulde ) 

iJttritsn guddes or atuffe late 
belongyng to the aeid late p'ory 
whyche rem' unsoolde 

SBhnb i fTyret ij chaleaia x spones all whyte 
pitit \ wayeng — xlij 02 

^lUee ( It' ther Bemayneth unsould iiij belles^ 

remaynyng -: vayeng xxiiij hundredth at }■ 

unsould ( the C valued at ) 

^ lit' ther ys estemed to be xxxix( 

uusoiUde 1^'^*^^'* ^^ ^^^"^ "-^ "'i'' ""^ fothcr ... l 

JEi ther remayneth unsoulde all 
tte housys edyfyed upon the acite of 
the eeid lato i^ory the glass leron 
& pavement in the Cloyst' the glsBse 
leron & pavement in the Cbapt' 
house Bould & only exceptid 

^II that Thacker was put in possession of the scito of the seid 

late p'ory & all the demaynes to y' apperteynyng to o' sov'aigno loide the 
Kyngcs use the xxvj day of October in the xxx yere of 0' acid sov'aigne 
lorde Kyng henry th'j viy* 

Dennone appoynted & allottyd to the Covont of the seid late p'uiy 

ffyrst to Eftiiffc Clarke vj/i 

It' to John "Wooil '. Cvj« viij'f 

It' to Thomas Stringar Cvj« vii.i'i 

It' to Jamis yonge Cvj« \iiyl 

It' to John Aahby C« 

It' to Tliomas pratt Os 

It' t« Thorn's Webster Ca 

It' to Robert Wartle iiij?'" 

It' to Tlioratia Brauncetonn iiij/i 

It' to Tliomas Cordall Cvjs vijjrf 

Sn»» Ui vjaviijil 


Sets anb Annuities gtauntyd out by Covont Seale before tho dyssolucon 
of the aeid p'ory, 

ffyrst to Thomas Bmdshavs xxvja vu}d 

It' to M'boUes xls 

It' to heniy Audley liijf iiij'f 

It' to s' John Stelye pryst xln 

It' to the Deacons offyco of the paryssho Church of 

Rypyngdon lviij« viijiif 

It' to Robert lago vycar of Wyllyngton liija iiijii 

It' to John Smyth xLs 

It' to Richaid haye xU 

It' to Robert Sachev'ell xxyje viijrf 

It' to humfrey quameby nijU 

It' to Bobert hudsonn for hys Corody» ij Chanons r}'ghtes 

It' to Mai^aret Croftes for her Gorody i Chanons Tjglit 

Sm' xxijit iviiJB viijrf 

jetted Otaisng to the seid late Monaslory by dyvcrs persons 

ffyret Thomas Icason parson of Castell Ashby Ixv/i 

It' the aeid parsonn for mares <& folys iiij^/ 

It' tho 9oid paraono for ij qM' of Muulto ss 

It' Thomaa Morly vjli 

It' Rychard Wakelyii xiiji iiiyl 

Sm' ixxx}li iiJK iiij^ 

Jlettes VkDgng to dyrcrs persons by tho acid late p'ory 

ffyiBtto Isabel Rowe xlij^t vjtr viijil 

It' to Robert baynbryggc xj2i 

It' to to (gic) John Dampord p'ste xiiijlt xrs xd ob 

It' to John lawrenson p'ste liijs mjd 

It' to John Dcbanke p'ste Ixxiiijj iiijd 

It' to Thorn's Bagnall p'ste Iva 

It' to Thorn's Walker of Burton , xxvjs 

It' to John hyde of potlako , .-..xt^s 

It' to Robert bakewell zLi 

It' to Bycbard pnsy for hys tyr'y x^ 

It' to John Symth Ixiijs 

It' to Rychai haye xvj# vujd 

It' to Robert Stephyn xx 

It' to Thom*B Guysbo'ne ,. is 

It' to John Kynton xu 

It' to Thomas Uychell xxviijs 

It' to John Broune Itk iiijff 

It' to William Kynton xs 

Sm» Ixiij/i xiiijrf ob 

Digitized by Google 


By H. 8. FEBOUSON, F.S.A. 

In a paper on " The Dignity of & Mayor,"' which I read before the 
Institute at LewBB, I said " The civic mace is nothing but tile military 
one turned upside down." I now propose briefly to mate good that 

Thnt the mUitary mace is derived from a simple club, or stick, no one, 
I presume, douhU ; the transition being thiough a ball-headed club of 
wood or of metal to the flanged or himinated macea of iron and steel used 
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. At the battle of Sonlac the 
maces had plain globular heads; (see Fig. 1, Plate I;)' in the 
liands of a powerful man such a mace would be a most 
efficient weapon, and armour of mail alone would be small defence 
against a blow from it, especially if delivered upon a joint, or 
salient part of the human frame. To ward ofi' such a blow steel 
plates and caps were added to the more exposed parts of the moil 
armour ; ' this change in the defence necessitated a corresponding one in 
the weapon of attack. Grooves would be cut in the globular head, 
parallel to the mace handle, bo aa to make the mace bite and tear, as well 
OS crush, when a blow was given.* From the deepening of these grooves 
would corae the star, spike, and flanged or laminated macea : the latter 
being by far the best known form, and having a name of its own, quadrdL 
The h^ of the quadiell consisted of four flanges or lamime at right 
angles to one another ; this was probably the latest development : most 
of these maces have more flanges or lamina than four, for instance the 
mace laid before the President of the Society of Antiquaries of London : 
these flanges or lamince were generally triangular in nhapo, so as to have 
a point to bite with, when a blow was given. This was an admirable 
weapon for dose combat, having a crushing, biting and tearing action, 
while the flanged shape of the head did away with much dead weight, and 
so the mace could readily be recovered, or brought back ready for a 
second blow after the flist had been dealt A tine example from the 
collection of my friend Mr. Llewellyn Jewitt, in engmved on Plate II, 
Fig. 1. The mace was superseded at the commencement of the sixteenth 
century by the pistol, with which it was at first combined. 

' Pruit«d in " The AntJquariim Mags- ' Sm De Cuwoii " On OtuintletH," aaU, 

rine," vol vi, pp. 88-71, I08-1IS. p|i. 272, 274. 

Confer p. 69. ' Confer Pitt-Rifers " Catalogus An- 

iplanchi " Cyclopedia ot Costume," thropolagkal Collection!," p. 62. 
vi4. i, p. 816. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


M^. Planche in hie " Cyclopedia of Costume," voL i, P^ate XII, gives 
. sixteen beautiful illustrations of flanged or laminated maces, all token 
from the Moyrick coUection. As exquisite example is given in Boutell's 
"Arms and Armour," No. 3, Fig. 27, opposite page 142. Another, a Polish 
example, is given in Fig, 65, Demmin in " Anna and Armour," pp. 420, 
421 also gives an instructive series, showing the development I have been 
discassing. By the way his No. ll is the same as Boutell's No. 3, Fig. 
. 27. These flange-headed or laminated maces are also found in the East ; 
Mahratta and Indian examples occur among the arms exhibited in the 
India Museum, now at South Kensington, and are figured in Mr. 
Egerton's illustrated handbook. Plates X and XIV. 

Maces were the peculiar weapoBis of the king's sergeant^t-amis, both 
in England and France, as early as the fourteenth century,' as Mr, 
Flanchi^ has proved. The sergeants-at-arms or at mace were the peculiar 
body guard of a king : as a mark of high favour it became usual to grant 
to mayors and othei's, to whom royal authority was delegated, the right to 
have one or more sergeants-at-arms or at mace. Thus at Carlisle our 
governing charter of this time of Charles I directs : 

" Quodque ipsi (that is the citizens of Carlisle) de cetero impcrpetunm 
habeant et quod sint et erunt in Civitate prsedicta quatuor alii officiarii 
videlicet anus officoriuB qui erit et vocabitur Portator Gladii nostri coram 
Maiore Civitatis preedictie ; et tres alii ofRciarii qui erunt et vocabuntur 
Servientes ad Clavas pro execucione processonim proceptorum mandatorum 
et negotiorum ad oflicium Servientium ad Glavaa in Civitate prsedicta et 
limitibus et libertatibuB ejusdem pertinentibos de tempore in tempos 
exoquenda et peragenda." 

After prescribing how these offioiala are to be appointed the charter 
cdntinues : 

"Et ulterius volumus et ordinamus Ac per prtesentes pro nobis heredibus 
et successoribue noetria coneedimus prsefatis Majori Aldermannis Ballivia 
et Civibus et succeeaoribus suis quod tam pKcdictus Vortetor Gladii 
nostrorum hercdum et succesaorum nostrorum quam priedicti Servientes 
ad clavas in eadem Civitate deputandi Clavas deauratas vel argenteas et 
signo annorum hujus regni Anglife Sculptas et omatas ubique infra dicam 
Civicatem Carlioli limites et libertates ejusdem coram Maiore Civitatis 
prjeilictiB pro tempore oxistente portabunt ot gerent." 

YliiSfWas merely the confirmation of a much older grant, for Carlisle 
possesses a set of sergeants' maces of much older date than this charter, 
as well OS a set purchased in 1649. Similar grants could be cited from 
the chaiters of other towns : e.g., Canterbury, by charter of Henry VI ; 
London, by charter of Edward III, etc 

Now the flange-headed or laminated mace has no very available place 
on which to place the royal arms ; one was found by swelling out the 
foot of the mace into a simiU bell or bowl, and the arms were placed on the 
base of the bell. The civic mace assumed the form in the accompanying 
wood cut (Fig. 2, Plate II) which represents one of three iron maces, 
seventeen inches in length, belonging to the Corporation of Carlisle. 
On the base of the bell-shaped end is a silver escutcheon with the arms 
of France modem, quartering England ; the other end of the mace is 
flanged or laminated. The throe maces, of which this is one, arc probably 

'Blanch^ "Cjclopedia of OoBtuine," voL i, p. 816. OOQIc 

372 CinC MACES. 

of the date of Heniy Vll, and their nse would be discontiniied m 1646, 
in the collapse of evsiything which happened at Carlisle after the city 
surrendered. New ones were got in 1649 at a cost of £12 ; these I will 
preeently describe. The Carlisle form is the common fonn that had been 
assumed hj the macee of eeigeont-atormB in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
centuries ; Mr. Planch4 enffraTea two instances, which are reproduced on 
Plato I, Fig. 2 & 3 : one is n portrait of a sergeant-at-mace from a painting of 
the end of the fifteenth century, in the Lord Hastings chapel at Windsor ; 
the mace carried by the sergeant is exactly of the Carlisle pattern, and is 
held with flanged head upwards ; the other is a hand holding a mac^ 
from a fifteenth century incised slab, formerly at the church of Culture — 
Sainte Catherine, Paris — on which were four sergeants-at-mace, two in 
military, two in civil costume ; their macee are all alike, and are carried 
with the bell end up, and the flanged or laminated end down, thus 
clearly proving my assertiou that "Uie civic mace is nothing but the 
milituy one turned npside down." 

As the civic use of the mace (that is as an emhlem of authority) 
gradually predominated over its military one, so did the bell with the 
royal arms swell and grow in size, while the flanges or lamine dwindled, 
and survived alone in meaningless scroll work. My friend Mr. Llewelljm 
Jewitt, in his valuable series of articles on " Corporation Plate," 
published in the Art Journal for 1880, 1881, and 1882, gives a plate of 
fourteen examples of early silver maces, which, by his kindnees, we hero 
reproduce ; they form the central portion of Plate IL These most clearly 
show the transition ; the flanges or laminee dwindle in size, coalesce together, 
become a mere grooved knop or smalt club head, and finally disappear in 
a very small button ; they go in fact through the reverse process to that 
by which they originated. In the case of large maces the flanges survive 
in a large knob at the lower end, as in the Bridgenorth great maces, 
which terminate at their lower end in great knops, whose spiral fluting 
calls to mind the groves on an early mace. These are engraved in Art 
Jtntmal volume, 1880, p. 9. The dwindling down of the flanges or 
lamime is well seen in the small maces of StafibnL (Plato II, Fig. 3 and 4. ) 
At Colchester the flanges survive on the four sergeants' maces in small 
open work scrolls at the base. Stratford-on-Avon (see Plate I) has two 
very interesting maces, showing two stages of the change ; in one the 
flanges survive in an ornate form, in the other they have become scnAl 
work. After 1660 the bell end (now the upper end) attained still higher 
honour, for it was generally surmounted by a crown, sometimes arched, 
while tite flangee or laminte bequently disappear in loto. Thus the more 
modem Carlisle ones, which were purchased in 1649, end in a simple rod, 
and show no survival of the flanges or ln-minin at all : this may be seen in 
some of the examples on Plato IL In the well-known Winchcombe 
macea, which are engraved on Plate III, the flangee or lamins survive in 
a very singular form. 

Wben the mace was of the form of the Carlisle example engraved on 
Plate n, Fig. 2, it had a double use : when the seigeant«t-mace served 
process he showed the bell end with the royal arms as proof of his 
authority ; if the party was contumacious, he reversed his mace and 
knocked the contiunadouecoie down with the mihtary, flanged, or laminated 

To repeat what I said at Lewes " The civic mace is nothing bat the 

Mica u Winchcombc. 


L, Google 

cine MAoaa 373 

military one tamed upside down. At one end of an caily mace yoa havB 
the flanged blades of the militaiy weapon, at the other on a small bowl- 
like-head the toyal arms, the emblem of authority. In a mace of later 
date, the flanges survive only as a small button, wlule the bowl, on which 
are the royal arms, swells, until the peaceful end is itseli capable of dealing 
a heavy Uow." 

Thus far, I have heeH treating mainly of small maces, or the macea 
borne by seigeants-at-mace ; bat great maces, or those borne before 
mayors, are but small maces exa^eiated, and Uiey have the some history, 
except that the military port survives in a laige knob at the bottom, to 
make the mace balance better, as in the instance from Leeds, (Plate II, 
Fig. 5). 

ApropOB of great maces, a glance at their internal economy may be 
interesting; they generally have in their inteiioi a stoat oaken pole, 
securely fixed into the bottom piece of the mace ; at the top of tlie pole 
is a metallic sorew, which screws into the bottom of the omiB plate (tlie 
bell base) on whioh aie the royal arms. The several pieces of the mace 
are all strung upon the pole, wliich is tlien screwed into the arms plate 
and holds the whole concern together. 

P.S. — The writer has to acknowledge the great kindness with which 
Mr. Llewellyn Jewitt has lent him the greater pait of the woodcuts 
osed to illustrate this paper ; a kindness the greater, as anticipating tiie 
publication of Mr. Jewitt's own work on " Corporation Plate," for which 
they are intended. He has also to thank Mesera. Chatto and Windna (or 
the loan of electros of the Figures 1, 2, and 3 in Plate I ; they ore from 
Planch4'8 " Cyclopedia of CMtume." 

Digitized by Google 


By the Bev. J. F. HODQSON. 

Before entering upon a detailed examination of the aubjecta referred 
to in the above heading, it may bo desirable, pothaps, in tlie first place to 
offer by way of preface, a few words of explanation as to the reasons 
which have induced me to undertake ao long and arduous a task. It is 
one, moreover, for which I must at the outset crave, to some extent at 
least, the indulgence of my readers, seeing that, to tlio best of my 
knowledge, it has never been undertaken, even partially, in either 
of its branches, by any previous writer, aa well as on account of the vast 
field traversed by it, which, confining myself solely to our own home 
examples, reaches to well nigh every nook and comer of the land, and 
touches, directly or indirectly, every monastic chuich that we possesB. 
The facilities for error, therefore, will, it ia clear, be only too numerous ; 
and I can hardly hope — from the sheer impossibility of visiting the 
several places referred to, personally — to escape falling into many, and 
perhaps not inconsiderable inaccuracies. Setting all such considerations 
aside, however, I have been led, not only to take these practically 
untouched sulyects up, but — since such is the only satisfactory courae — 
to pursue them, as far as possible, exhaustively : — firstly, on account 
of their intrinsic interest and importance ; secondly, because of the 
miflconeeption which prevails respecting them, and thirdly, ftom 
an illustratiou of the latter fact afforded by the Report of the Annual 
Meeting of the Institute held at Carlisle in the autumn of 1882. 
In voL TTTJT, p, 458 of the Journal, where the excursion to 
Lanercost is described, Mr. Micklethwaite, who undertook the 
explanation of the priory church, is said to have addressed the 
members asaemhled therein as follows : — " This was a church of 
r^pilar canons, like that at Carlisle, but it differed in one respect, which 
was characteriBtic of the order. Here they had a chuich with tmly one 
aisle. The explanation of this was that the regular canons always 



founded their churches where parish churches already existed. If they 
had not done so here this church would not have been at present in 
existence as it was. When the canons built it, it was built on the parish 
church lines, though much larger than the parish church. The twelfth 
century parish church was built in different forms. He would only speuk 
of one of those forms. That was a church in the form of a cross, but 
without aisles. The canons built on this model, or at least began to 
build so. They first buUt a choir without aisles and a transept ; and 
when they had built that much they would build a cloister and the 
buildings round to live in. The next tiling they built was the nave. By 
the time they got to building the nave the larger parish churches began 
to have aisles, and the canons thought they must have aisles too, and 
they accordingly made such additions, but the existence of the cloister 
prevented an aisle being added on that side. Wben built the nave was 
assigned to the parish, and was cut off by solid screens from the eostero 
part of the church," &c. In his acconnt of Bolton priory church also, 
delivered before the Yorkshire Archssological Association, August 29th, 
1877, the same gentleman is stated to have said (Report, p. 4), "The 
church of a house of canons has peculiarities which differ altogether from 
those which wo find in the churches of any of the monastic orders. One of 
the commonest, and at first si^'ht most unaccountable, of these is that the 
nave has only one aisle "... " The monastic and collegiate church 
plans, though in late times they often became very much alike, have 
quite distinct origins. The ordinary monastic church from the earliest 
times was a large cruciform building, with aislea " . . . " The secular 
cathedrals seem early to have imitated the abbeya But many other 
foundations of canons, whether regular or secular, are built on quite a 
different model — namely, the pariah church. In fact, most canons' 
churches actually were parish churches eithej' before they were made 
collegiate or from their foundation, if they were absolutely new. 

" Now the original parish church plan differed from the monastic in 
that it was entirely without aisles. Our parish churches as firet built 
were sometimes cruciform, and sometimes without transepts, but in either 
case aisleless " . . . " Tlie canons took the cruciform, which was 
the finer type of pariah church before them, and glorified it by making it 
larger . . . but stiU keeping its characteristic want of aisles" . . . 
" The canons felt that their churches were inferior to those of the monks" 
. . . " They craved for the addition of aisles which were now 
becoming common even in parish churches," &c. 

To return, however, to our point tie depart, the Carlisle Slruting. 
Besides the name of Mr. Micklethwaite, there appears on the list of 
speakers who touched on the subject of Austin canons' churches, that of 
one whose utterances on architecture and archseology, no less than on 

history, will always be listened to with admiration and res|>ect 

Mr. E. A. Freeman. When speaking of Carlisle Cathedral, and 
putting the case of an archasologiat suddenly dropped from the clouds, 
engaged in investigating the nature and history of the place by the 
light of general knowledge, he says that, after ascertaining at a 
glance that he was in England, and under the shadow of a great 
church, which was more than a parish church — one of r^ulars, not 
of seculars, he would then come to doubt a little. " He might think that 
it WS3 a church of Benedictines ; he could ust tell by the light of nature 



that it was a church of Austin canons "... "He would also see 
that the nave must formerly have been much longer" . . . "Then 
he would guees that this nave had been the parish diUTch, as was so 
common a custom with the Austin Cuiions," &c. But, though saying no 
more at Carlisle than that the nave of the cathedral was a parish church ' 'as 
was so common a custom with the Austin Canons," lib, Freeman, in a 
triangular correspondence with Precentor Venables and myself which 
took place in the latter part of last year, writes thus: — "And the 
feature in the churches of Austin Canons is that they seem to have been 
always, or almost always, divided between the convent and the parish, so 
that they supply the greatest allowance of any class of churches cut in 

Thus then, if we pass carefully in review the statements contained in 
the above extracts, we shall see that they formulate the following propo- 
sitions : — 

let — That the churches of Austin canons were always, or nearly 
always, parochial aa well as monastic, either before they were made col- 
legiate, or from their foundation if they were absolutely new. 

2nd, — That a church of Austin canons has peculiarities which differ 
altogether from those which we find in the churches of any of the 
monastic ordetv, one of the commonest of these being that the nave has 
only one aisleL That a church with only one aisle was characteristic 
of the order. 

3rd, — That the Austin canons built their churches on the parish 
church lines, though much larger than the ptoish church, adopting the 
cnicifnrm, whicli was the finest type cf parish church .... but still 
keeping its characteristic want of aisles. 

4th. — That they first built a choir without aiales, and a transept ; after 
that, their domestic ofiices ; and then the next thing they built was the 

6th, — That by the time they got to building the nave, the larger 
parish church began to have aisles, and the canons thought they must 
have aisles too, and they accordingly made such additions .... for 
the canons felt that their churches were inferior to those of the monks, 
and they craved for the addition of aisles which were now becoming 
common even in pariah churches. 

Now, in answer to these propositions I design to shew ; — 

Istly. — That so far from being nearly always parochial as well as 
monastic, the churches of Austin canons were only so in comparatively 
few instanct's, by far the larger number of tbeni being strictly and 
purely conventual. And further, and conversely, that, though some of 
their churches wore undoubtedly of this dual or compound character, 
such was also the case with a considerably greater number of the 
Benedictine, and other churches of monks. 

2ndly, — That having an aisteless nave, or only a single aisle to the 
nave, is 7ii>t a feature peculiar to the churches of Austin canons 
causing them to differ in that respect from those of any of the 
moiiustic orders ; seeing that, in the first place, such an arrangement 
is only found in some Austin canons' churches ; and secondly, that 
it is found in very rrumy of the Benedictine, and oUiet monastic 

3rdly. — Tliat it is not oidy inherently improbable 



that the Aiwtiu canons, in building their churches, should lake 
the aislelese, cruciform parochial type, ae it is called, for their model ; 
which, eousidering the number of their aisled churches, could nut possiblj 
have been the case i but that the parish church, i/iui parish church, was 
probably never, under any ciicumstancea, cruciform. 

4thly, — That though the Austin canons, like the monks, naturally 
commenced with their choirs, working weatwards to the naves, the 
assertion that those choirs, collectively considered, were aislelesK, U 
untenable. Further, that though some of them, especially in tliu smaller 
and poorer churches, undoubtedly are so, so too are many, perhaps more, 
of those of the various ordera of monks ; and : — 

6thly. — That the canons cannot have waited till aisles were 
becoming common even in parisli churches to take example therefrom, 
or to emulate the Benedictine churches by adding such features to their 
own ; because they are found constantly both in choir and nave, in those 
which are not only of Norman, but of the very earHeat Norman period. 
Moreover, that very many chuichea of canons of comparatively, and 
actually late date — when aisles were to be found as a rule, even in 
the meanest parish churches — are more or loss, if not entirely aislcless ; 
thus proving conclusively in either case, that whatever motives may have 
induced the canons to adopt or reject the use of aisles, the imitation of 
parish churches could not have been one of them. 

And now to the examination of the firet of these five propositions, viz. i 
That the churches of Austin canons are always, or nearly always, 
parochiaL Mr. Micklethwaite, in his description of that at Lanercost, is 
stated to have said that, if tie canons had not been established in the 
parish church, "U wovld not have been at prenent in existenre an it wax." 
But on this shewing, since the whole of their churches (according to bin 
account of them) were likewise parochial, they too should have been iii 
the same state, and for the same reason. Yet is it. not evident 
that though some of them indeed are still standing and in use 
for the reason alleged, — such, for example, as those of Waltliaiii, 
Dunstable, Worksop, Bridlington, Cartmel, &a.; or because of their 
subsequent restoration to sacred uses liy individuals, as at Brink- 
bum ; or of communities, as at Hexham ; incomparably the greater 
number of them are in ruins ; while others again, — «uch as those 
of Eepton, Cirencester, Keynaham, &c, are utterly destroyed and 
perished altogether t Such a state of things could hardly have come to 
pass, I think, had all these churches been really parochial And then with 
tegard te others again — such as those of Bolton and Lanercost. Though 
now, indeed, parochial chapela, we shall find upon enquiry that 
they were no^ in any true or technical sense, parochial originally, 
and during their occupation by the canons. At Lanercost, Kobert 
de Vallibus, who founded the conventual church at some unce^ 
tain date between 1164-9, did so on a void and solitary spot 
where there was neither church nor village. That no parochial church 
or chapel existed there previously is obvious, from the fact that no 
mention of any such is to be found in the chari«r of endowment, 
while the names of all the surrounding churches wliich lie bestowed 
upon the new foundation are. Moreover, though the canons possessed 
all the rectorial ri^ts, no vicarage seems erci to have been established 
in it, as would pretty certainly have been the case had there existed 


any siR-h thing as a parish, or parishioners possessing legal rights. 
And at Bolton the state of things is, if poesihle, even stUl plf^er. 
Founded in the first inatauce, iu 1120, by Willi&m de Heschines and 
Cecily his wife, in a wild and bleak situation at Embaay ; the priory was 
removed in 1151 by their daughter and co-heir, Alice de Romille, to 
the lovely and aequosterod spot which it still occupies, on her manor of 
Bolton, and which slie gave to the canons in exchange for those of 
SkiMun and Strctton. Now, Enihsay and Bolton, 6ir from being 
I>arishes, or having parochial churches wherein to establish the canons, 
were both situate in the parish of Skipton, Nor could they even have 
been chapclries, since this priory, itUer alia, was endowed not only with 
the parish church of Skipton, hut with its dependent cliapel of Carlton, 
evidently the only one, sino-e, had chapels (of which no mention anywhere 
occurs) existed on either one or other of the sites occupied hy the priory, 
it would doubtless also have received them iu gift along with the mother 
church. The explauutiou why a port "of the diurch, both at Bolton and 
Lunercost has eacjijied ruin, seems simple enough. Each occupied a 
retired position far from any neighbouring church. Each would have a 
considerable population of agricultural servants attached to it (Dr. 
Whitaker shews that in the fourteenth century those at Bolton, exclusive 
of their wives and children, varied in number from 70 to 106), and 
who would be quite as necessary for the cultivation of the land after, as 
before the dissolution. The new mastew then, on the dispersion of the 
canons (^who had taksn all such duties upon themselves), Ending it 
needful to make some sort of ecclesiastical provision for these " sons 
of the soil," appear to have done so spiriiuaily, by endowing perpetual 
curacies upon their estates, and utructurally, by making over and con- 
tinuing to them that portion of the church which had all along been 
more or less devoted to their use — the nave. 

To proceed, however, from the conaideratiou of particular instances 
like the foregoing, or such classification of these churtjies as belongs only 
to our own day, to a collective view of them prior to the suppression. 
Taking the Monasticon as a basis, we shall find after a careful examina- 
tion of the whole number (one or two individual cases only excepted), 
that tliey resolve thciuselves into two clearly defined but very unequal 
gruuiis, viz. : 1st, those which were purely conventual ; and 2nd, those 
which were conventual and [Hirochial as weiL What the rehitive pro- 
^wrtion of these groups was. the two following lists, embracing an 
account of every Augustinian church in the kingdom, with proofs 
derived from the charters and elsewhere, and supplemented in all 
doubtful cases by infonuation derived directly from the incumbsnta of 
the parislies wherein such churches are situate, will sufficiently shew; 
while the third, which enumerates such as are more or less utterly 
ruined and destroyed, will afford additional proof (should such he thought 
wanting), of the number which — aa evidenced by that circumstance 
alone — could never have been parochial. 

Digitized by Google 

•the churches of AUSTIN CANONS. 


AooaNBUBY Phioby Chttboh, Hbbbfokdbhibb. — Founded by Matgery, 
wife of William de I^cy, in the forest of Acornbury ; the whole of which, 
with the exception of Athelatan'a wood, was given to her for thot purpose 
by king John. The nunnery was built about three niUee to the south of 
Hereford, and dedicated in honour of the Holy Cross, 

"HenricuB, &c . . . dominns Johannes rex Augliie, [ater noster, 
dudum dedit et concessit, Margerife de I^icy totam foreslutn do Acomebiry, 
ad fundondam ind^ qiiandain domum monialium," &c Dug., vi, 

Alnbbborhe, ok Aiaorne Priory Church, Suffolk. — Here, saya 
Tanner, was a small priory of Austin canons, dedicated to the Blessed 
Virgin, which, sometime before the general suppression, was appropriated 
to the monastery of Woodbridge ; and, in a note he adds, that it stood by 
the river between 8. Clements in Ipswich and Nacton. Dug., vi, 583. 

There are still some remains of the priory buildings, including, as is 
said, those of the church at Alnesbome, — an extra-parochial district 
locally in the parish of Nacton. The church there is under the invoca- 
tion of S. Martin. 

Amolbsea Priort Chdroh, CAHUtiDOBSHiRB. — Knighton says this priory 
was founded by king Henry I. in honour of the Bte»ed Virgin llary and 
S. Nicholas. Considerable remains of the bnlldings ue atill to be aeea 
incorporated in a farm house which has been erected on the spot Angle- 
sea priory stands in the parish of Bottidiam : and was endowed inter alia 
with the rectory of the parish church, which is dedicated in honour of 
the Holy Trinity. 

Ash Cahfiikv Priort Chobch, Suffolk. — Founded by Johanna and 
Agnes de Valoinas, on land bequeathed to them for the purpose, by 
Theobald de Valoines, their brother, before 7th Richard I. 

The ruins of this priory of nuns, which are said to be now only trifling, 
stand about six miles from Woodbridge, to the right of the high road. 

" Donationem quam Theobatdus dq Valoines fecit Johannte et Agnati, 
Bororibus euis, Deo devotis, de tota terra sua de Campesse, cum omnibus 
pertinentiis snis, ad f undandam ibidem domum reUgiosamsanctimonialium, 
in honore Dei et glorios» vii^nis Marise matris ejus," &c. Dug., vi, 

The parish church of Ash Campsey is dedicated in honour of 8. John 
Baptist. ^^,^\^, 

3S0 THE CHnnCBBS O^ AtfSttl* CA(tON8. 

AsHRiDOB CoLLBOiATE Chttbgh, Buoks. — Ashiidge, with Ediut^oo, 
wore, strictly speaking, houeee of BoDhommes ; who, following however 
the rule of S. Austin, have been classed somewhat loosely, perhaps, by 
Dugdale among canons legular. The college of Aahri^e was founded 
by Edmund, son and heir of Richard, earl of Cornwall, in honour of 
" The Preoione Blood of Jesus Christ," a-d. 1283. It stood within a park 
nearly five miles in circumference, and which was entered by a noble 

" Sciant presentee, &c. . . . quod nos Edmundus . . dedimus . . . 
manerium nostrum de Esseru^e, &c., cum clauso parci ejuedem manecii 
de Esserugge, tarn infra parochiam BCclesiES beati Petri de Berchamsted 
quam infra parochiam ecclesiaa de Pichelesthome," &c 

The college, which Tanner speaks of as being the most perfect example 
of a monastery extant in his day, was entirely pulled down by the Duke 
of Bridgwater, in order to make way for the preeent mock-Gothic 
mansion-houae of Ashridga Dug., vi, 514^16. 

Baducbmxrs pRioBY Cburuh, Ksht. — Bartholomew de Badlesmere 
obtained licence of king Edward II., in the thirteenth year of his reign, 
to found thia priory of Austin canons upon his demesne lands in Bradles- 
mere. It seems very doubtful however, owing to his execution in the 
following year, whether or not his design was ever carried out ; but one 
thing is certain, viz., that the conventual church was to be entirely 
separate and distinct from that of the parish. The one teae built, the 
other was about to be built. 

"EdwarduB, &c., fideh nostro Barth. de Badlesmere, quod ipse . . . 
iundare possit quandam domum canonicorum regularium . . . et con- 
cedere, pnedictis canouicis viginti et quatuor acras torrs9 ... ad Inhabi- 
tandum et ad adifieajuiam ibidem eedemeem et alias domos," &c Bug., 
vi, 622-3. 

Barlthor Priort Church, Sohbbsbtbhire, founded by William 
Say, temp. Hen. II. in honour of S. Nicholas. 

"Deo et ecclesieB Sancti Nicholai de Berlii, et priori et canonicis 
ibidem Deo servientibus, &c . . . . ecoleeiam de Broneton," &c 
Dug., vi, 384-5. 

Barlynch prioiy stands in the parish of Brompton Regis, and was 
endowed with the rectory of the parish church, which is dedicated in 
honour of 8. Mary. 

BABtiWBLL Priort Churoh, Cahbridoebhira — "In, or near the church 
of 9t Giles,iiiCambridge,"8ayH Tanner, "Picot, sheriff of Cambridgeshire, 
began a Religious house for a prior and six canons, a.d. 1092 which, 
twenty years afterwards, was removed to a place on the other side of the 
river called Barnwell, by Fain Peverell, standard-bearer to Robert, duke 
of Normandy. Here, he new built and enlarged the priory, designing it 
for thirty canons of the order of St. Austin." 

" Impetravit Paganus i rege Henrico locum extra burgum Cantobrig. h, 
magu& plate&, usque in riveiam Cantebr^. se extendeutum ; et amieuitote 
situs loci delectabilem," &c. 

" Ecclesiamque mine pulchritudinie, et ponderoei operis, in honors beiUt 
Egidii ibidem inchoavik" Dug., vi, 83-6. 



Bbeston Phioet Chtiboh, JfOHFOLK. — The Lady Margery de Creeay, 
says Tanner, iu the latter end of king John's leiga, oi banning of that 
of king Henry IIL, built, in a meadov near this tovn, a small mouaetei^ 
of Austin canona, to the honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary. It is 
styled in the Norwich Kegisteis, " Ecclesia S. Mariie in prato de Beston 
juxtamare," Dug, vi, 568. 

The tower, west end, and beautiful Early English choir of this chnich, 
are still standing. They are situate in the parish of Beeston-Begia, the 
chorch of which place is under the invocation of All Saints. 

Bbntlet Priort Ceurob, Middlbsez. — This priory, of which scarcely 
anything is known, was situate in the extremity of the parish of Hanow- 
on-tbe-Hill, towards Stanmore. Dug., vi, 544-5. 

BBRDBti PWOBT Chuboh, Esbsx. — Berden was a small hosintal, or 
priory, whose founder is unknown, but which was dedicated in honour of 
8. John the Evangelist. Tbe prior was patron of the parish church, 
which was appropriated to the house in a.d 1427; as was also the vicarage 
thereupon founded, in a.d. 1514. Dug., vi, 551. 

The parish church of Berden is under the invocation of S. Nicholas. 

BioBBTRR Pbioht Chubch, Oxtordbhirb. — Founded by Gilbert Basset, 
baron of Hedingtoo, and lord of the manor of Bicester, ftc, a.d. 1182, in 
honour of S. Mary and S. Eadburgh, Dug. vi, 432. 

Considerable remains of the priory were brought to light in 1819. 
From a letter of the present vicar, the Bev. J. Blackbume-Kane, I learn 
that, " the priory church of Austin canons was distinct, and on a 
separate site from that of tiie parish church, which was, however, quite 

BiuiNOTON Pbiobt Church, Kent. — This priory was founded by John 
Mansell, provost of Beverley, a.d. 1253. A farmhouse, formed out of the 
ruins, is said to be now nearly all that remains of it It was dedicated in 
honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Dug., vi, 492. 

The parish church of Bilaington is under the invocation of SS. Peter 
and Paul. 

BiSHAH MoNTAOtTB PRIORI Chuboh, Berk& — Originally a preceptory 
of the Templars; but, in a.d. 1336, converted by Williiun Montacute, 
earl of Salisbury, into a house of Augustiniiui canons. The site, on which 
but a F-nall portion of the original buUdings exists, is now converted into 

" Quoddam monasterium canonicorum ... in honorem Domini nostri 
Jesu Ohristi et 8. Marin gloriosse Virginia matris suffi ... in manerio 
nostro de Bustlefiham . . . fundaverimus," &c. Dug., vi, 626-7. 

The parish church of Bisham is dedicated in honour of AH Saints. 

BiBHBAD, OR BusEUEAO Pbiobt Chorch, Bbdfobd&hibe. — Founded, 
temp. Hen. IL, by Oliver Beauchamp, and Hugh his son, in honour of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary. 

"Confirmasae . . . locum de Bissemede cum omnibus suia perti- 
nentiis ; et tantum bosci et term, quantum continetur a torreute fluente 
■nb Bissemede de paroo meo," &c ( \ 1i>o [i- 


" Bedi et coDcesai Deo et S. Mariie et loco da Bie«emede, et fratribiu 
ibidem Deo aervientibus," &c. Dug., vi, 280-2. 

The prioiy of Bissemede, of which the fratry, converted into stable 
and other officea, is n6w almost the sole remaining feature, is situate in 
the pariah of Eaton Spcon. 

Blythboboh Pkiort Chuboh, Suffolk. — Blythburgb priory, of 
uncertain foundation, was a cell to the abbey of S. Oayth, and dedicated 
in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 

"Deo et eccleaiffl 8. Mariee de Bliburc, et cauouids ibidem Deo eervien- 
tibua," ftc. Dug., vi, 587-8. 

Some portions of the priory buildings are, or were, lately standing, about 
a hundred and fifty yarda to the north-eaat of the parish church, — a laige 
and) stately but dilapidated building, — under the invocation of the Holy 

BoDUiN PmOBT Church, Cornwall, — The priory of Bodmin ia aaid to 

owe ita existence to the body of S. Petroc, which waa there interred. 
Various ordere of religious seem to have borne rule in it. Leland says, 
" There bath bene monkes, then nunnys, then aeculare piestes, then 
monks agayn, and last canons regular in S. Petroke's church yn Bodmine." 
These last, or Auguatinians, were introduced by William Warlewast, bishop 
of Exeter, in 1120. Aa to the priory itself, Leland says, further, that 
it " stode at the eat south est part* of the paroch chirch yard ; " and 
Messrs. Lvsons add that, though no part of it ia now standing, capitals of 
pillars in the " Saxon'' style, and other architectural fr^ntents, and parta of 
gravestones, have been dug up about a hundred and fifty yaids south- 
east of the parish church, whc-re that of the priory apparpntly stood. ' 
William of Worcester's meaaurements, moreover, leave no doubt that the 
pariah and conventual churches, both very considerable buildings, were 
perfectly aeparate and distinct. The length of the church of the monks, 
afterwarda canons, he says, was fifty-aeven paasus, and its width thirty 
steppys ; the length of the Lady Chapel being about twenty-four ateppys. 
The length of the parish church with its choir was ninety steppys, while 
its width was forty steppys. The one church, therefore, would be about a 
hundred and fifty, and the other a hundreil and thirty four feet in length ; 
the parish church being ton steppys, or about sixteen feet, the wider of 
the two. 

Bradbnstoke Pmort Church, Wilts. — Built and endowed, a.d, 
1142, by Walter de Sareaberia in honour of the Blessed Virgin Maiy. In 
this house, after his wife's death, he assumed the habit of an Austin 
canon, died, and was buried. Dug., vi, 337. There was no parish 
church at Bradonstoke till a.d. 1866 ; the place up to that time being 
merely a hamlet within tiie parish of Lyneham. The priory buildings 
are now converted into n farm house, where, aa I am told by the vicar, 
the Rev. J. Nelson, further dcstniction is at present being carried on. 
The beautiful high-pitched open timbered roof, studded with ball flowers, 
of one of the apartments (fratry 1^ it is to be hoped may still be 
spared. A good woodcut of it may be seen in the last (1881) edition of 
Rickman, p. 219. 

The paruih church of Lyneham is under the invocation of S. Michael 



Brasut Peiobt Cbokoh, Linoolhbhirb. — The sm&ll priory of 
Bradley, which at the dissolution contained but two canons, was situate 
in the parish of Medboume ; the advoweon of the church there, together 
with the patronage of the priory, were found to be rested at the time of 
his death (19th Id. IIL) in William son of Henry le Scrope. Dug., vi, 

Breamorb Priort Chdrch, Hahfseibe, was founded about the latter 
end of the reign of king Henry L by Baldwin de Kedvers and Hugh, 
hie unele. 

" Cononicis regularibos de Brumora locum ipsum in quo Deo 
eenrinnt," Ac. Dug., vi, 328-9. 

The priory church of Breamore was dedicated in honour of S. 
Michael : that of the parish, in honour of S. Mary. 

Brinkburh Priort CHnRCH, Northumberland. — The beautiful re- 
mains of this church, founded, according to Tanner, by one Oabertus 
ColutariuB, upon a piece of ground given him by WUliam Bertram, and 
which of late years have been most carefully repaired and restored U> 
sacred uses, occupy a very secluded spot, closely hemmed in by the 
waters of the Coquet, within the parochial chapelry of Long Framlingham, 

Brisktb Maoka Priort Choboh, Soffolk. — Founded, circa a.d. 
1110, by Ralph Fitz Brian, in honour of S. Leonard. 

" Stabilivi eccleeiam Deo et sanctn Uariie et sanctissimo confessori suo 
Leonardo apud Brisete, in qua canonicos regulares Deo ibidem perhenniter 
servituroa apposni et institai," &c 

" Almaricua Peche miles, Ac. . . . Deo et ecclesiffi S. Leonard! de 
Bresete, priori et canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus, ecclesiom de Bresete 
et decimas," &c. Dug., vi, 173-5. 

Brisete priory stands in the parish of Bildeston, or Bilston, the church 
of which place is under the invocation of 8. Mary. 

Brookb Pbiokt Church, Bdtlandsbire. — Brooke was a cell to the 
abbey of Kenil worth, founded by Hugh de Psnars, temp. Richard L, 
and dedicated in honour of the Blessed Viigin Mary. Dug., vi, 233. 

The pariah church of Brooke is under the invocation of S. Peter. 

Broohhall Priort Chitboh, Norfolk. — Founded by Sir Hugh de 
Plaiz, in or about the reign of king John, and d^icated in honour 
of the Blessed Viipn Mary and S. Thomas the Martyr. A farm- 
house built out of the ruins of the priory now occupies the site. Dug., 
vi, 569. 

Broomhall priory is situate in the parish of Weoting ; the two parish 
churches of which place are under the invocation of S. Mary and All 
Saints respectively ; the former is now in ruins. 

Brtrlbt or Sfrawlbshbde Priort Cboroh, Sohrrsvtshirb. — 
Founded by William, son of Geof&ey de Edyudon, A.a 1199, in honoar of 
S. Stephen. It was situate in the parish of Merlynch. Dug., vi, 581. 

Bdeithah Abbet Chuboh, Btjoks. — Founded by Richard, king of th« 
vou xu. ^^ooj^le 


Romans, a.d. 1265, in hononr of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The church 
and cloistet are supposed to have been destroyed shortly after the auppres- 
sion ; the present remains, vhich are very scanty, stand about a mile from 
the village, and a little to the south of the Bath toad. 

" Sichardua Dai gratia Romanomm rex, &c . . . Deo et hoatie Maiin 
et monasterio de Bumham, quod fundari fecimoB . , . unk cum advoca- 
tione ecdeeise de Bumham, qua fuit de pationatu nostro," && Dug,, vi, 
545 6. 

The pariah church of Bumham is under the invocatioa of S. Peter. 

BDHacoroB PwoHY Chtjroh, Lanoabhirr — Founded by Robert Pits- 
Henry, lord of Latbom, temp. Richard I, in honour of S. Nicholas. 

" Confirmavi Deo et ecclesis beati Nicholai de Buracogh et canonicia, 
&a, . . . terram illam qnte est in capite de Burscogh, &c. . . . Et dedi 
eia ecclesiam de Onneskirk, cum omnibus pertinontiia suis," &c Dug., 
vi, 457-8. 

Buracough priory, of which a portion of the church is now the chief 
remaining feature, is situate in a township of that name within the parish 
of Ormskirk. The pariah church, which formed part of its endowment, 
is under the invocation of S3. Peter and Paul 

BnTLKt Priory Cbubcb, Suffolk. — Founded a.d. 1171, by Rannlf 
de Glanville, on lands held by him in right of hia wife, called Bnwk- 
house, and dedicated in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary. 

" Confirmavi Doo et Sanctie Marin de Butleia, et canonicia regularibua, 
quoR ibidem conatitui . . . ecclesiam de Butleia," &q. Dug., vi, 

Of Butley priory, whose walls and ruins are said to occupy about twelvo 
acres of ground, the chief remaining portion consieta of a gatehouse pro- 
fusely enriched with heraldry. 

The parish church, with which the priory was endowed, is under the 
invocation- of S. John Baptist. 

Caerhasthen Priort CHnaoH. — This priory, of which the founder 
aeems to he unknown, was deatroyed by fire, 14th Henry VX It was 
dedicated in honour of 8. John the Evangelist 

"Henricus rex Anglite, &c . . . Dao et ecdesite sancti Joh. Evan- 
gelist^e do Kayrmerdyn, et canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus, veterem 
civitatem de Kayrmerdyn, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, &a . . . Dedi 
etiam . . . ecclesiam sancti Petri qufe sita est in eadem civitate, cum 
capella de Caatello de Kayrmerdyn." Dug. vi, 431-2. 

The priory church is entirely destroyed ; the parish church of 8. Peter 
with which it was endowed, — an important, but much disfigured building, 
is still standing and in use. 

Caldwell Pbiobt Churoh, Bedfordshire. — Caldwell priory wag 
founded about a quarter of a mile west of Bedford, on the hanks of 
the Ouse, temp. John, by Simon Barescot, or Basket, alderman of 
Bedford, for brethren of the Holy Sepulchre ; Robert Honton giving 
the site. That order speedily falling into decay, it was afterwaxda 
made over to a body of Austin canons. There are still some traces of 
the conventual buildings to bo seen to a field a^oioing a faint house, 
D<«.,vi, 391-2, ^ Google 


Calkb Pbiokt Chdroh, Sbbbtbhibk — Maud, widow of Ralph, 
second earl of Chester, before a.d. 1161, fixed here a convent of Austin 
canons, hut afterwards removed them to Kejiton, to which house Calke 
continued to he cell till the dissolution. In tlie charter of the foundress, 
it is spoken of as being under the invocation of S. Mary, "Deo et S. 
Maria et canouicis de Calke ; " in that of her son, of S. Uiles, " confir- 
maase .... eccleeiEB S. E^dii de Calke, et canonicia ihi Deo servienti- 
bua," &0. It was probably under that of both. 

From the son's charter of confirmation it appears to have been situate 
at some distance from the parish church of S. Giles ; the first of their 
possessions assured to them being, " silvam in qu£ habitant inter 
Skeggebroc et Aldrebroe." Dug., vj, 598. 

Calwigh Prioht Chdhch, Stjffobdshiuk. ^Tanner spjs, "The her- 
mitage here was given to the prior of Kenilworth, before the year 1148, 
by Nicholas de Greselei Fitz JligoU, and therein was placed a small con- 
vent of black canons." Dug., vi, 595. 

Calwich Friory was situate in a township of that name in the parish of 
Fllastone. In Erdswick's Staffordshire it is said of Calwich Priory that — 
"now a Lancashire gentleman is the owner thereof ; who, as I have heard, 
hath made a parlour of the chancel, a hall of the church, aad a kitchen 
of the steeper, which may be true, for I have known a gentleman in 
Cheshire who hath done ^e like." 

Castbl Hthbl, OB FiMBSHaAD Priort Churob, Northantb. — Founded 
by Bicbard Engayne, temp. John, on the site of a fortress called Castle 
Hymel, in the parish of Laxton. 

"Ecclesife sanctn Maria de Castro-Hymel . . . totum bcum qui dicilur 
Caetmm-Hymel, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis," &c. 

" Et totum pratum quod vocatur Perewellemore ; et jus patronutus 
eccleaiiB Omnium Sanctorum de Laxton," &c Dug., vi, 449-51. 

CaAOOHBB I*RioRT Churoh, NoKTBAXFTONsniKE. — Founded by Hugh 
de Chacombe, lord of the manor, temp. Henry II., in honour of S.S. 
Peter and Paul Dug. vi, 426. 

"The ancient chapel, or church of tlie priory, together with the colum- 
barium are still standing. The old parish church, undr-r the same invo- 
cation, is also still standing, an entirely separate and distinct building, 
originally under three gabled roofs, to which were afterwards added a 
clerestory and tower,"— Letter of the Rev. "W. A. Ayton, vicar, 

Cbvtwood Pbiort Church, Bucks. — Founded, according to Tanner, 
A.i>. 1244, by Sir Ralph de Norwich, in honour of S. Mary and S. 
Nicholas. This house, with all its endowments, came, circa lat Edward 
rV., into the pneseitsion of the abbot and convent of Nutley ; after 
which the church was made parochial, and became a cell only for one or 
two canons from that abbey. 

"Omnibus, &c. . . . auctoritate pontificali concedimus, quod apud 
Chetwode in fundo doniini Rndu'fi dp Xor\viw>, construiitur et (pditicatur 
cdcsia caLioniwirujii regukrium," Ac Dug., vi, 49rt 9. 

The chancel, with a considerable qutintity of its aiiciniit eUiued gliiHS, 
still remains fairly perfect ; there are engravings of it in Lysons' ' Magna 


Chiou S. (JfiYTH pRioRT CucRCH, Ehsrz. — Fonuded before a.d. 1118, 
by Richard de fieanvais, bishop of London, for canons of S. Austin, in 
honour of 8. Peter and S. Paul aud S, Oayth. The remains of the priory- 
are very extensive, " being retained and in use " as a place of reaidence. 
The great gateway, with it« masaive flanking towers, is of extraordinary 
magnificence ; and the whole interior quadrangle appears to be quite 
perfect, with the exception of the north-side, which, following the general 
rule, would originally be occupied by the conventual church, now 
entirely destroyed 

The pariah church of S. Osyth stands outside the great gateway, and 
some distance beyond the public road which bounds the priory building& — 
Letter, and sketch ground plan of the Rev. H. Chapman, vicar. 

Chipley Pbiort Church, Suffolk. — A small priory of Austin 
canons, whose founder is unknown, existed in this place, under the invo- 
cation of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The building being mined, Walter 
Lyhart, bishop of Norwich, in 1468 annexed it to the endowments of the 
dean and chapter of the college of Stoke next Clare. The prioiy has 
been converted into a farmhouse ; but the conventual church, built of 
stone, was entirely demolished in 1818, having been previously deaecrated 
as a covf-house. Dug., vi, 589. 

Chbibt, or Holy Tbisitv Priory Church, within Aldoatb, London. 
" On a place at the south-east comer of Leadenball-etreet," says Tanner, 
" where one Syred had formerly begun to build a church in honour of 
the Holy Cross and 8. Mary Magdalene, Queen Maude, at the instance 
of Archbishop Anselm and Richard Deaumeis, Bishop of London, founded 
A.D. 1108, a Monastery for Canons Regular of 8. Austin. 8towe says, that 
in process of time this became a very fair and large church, and passed 
all the priories of London and Middlesex." It was given by Henry VIII 
to Sir Tbos. Audley, who offered it to the parishioners of 8. Catheiine's 
in exchange for tJkeir small parish church, minding to have pulled it 
down and to have built there towards the street ; bat the parishioners, 
having doubts, in their heads of after daps, refused the offer, it was 
finally ofTeied to any one who would pull it down and clear the ground, 
but none accepting the proposal, he demolished it himself at great cost, 
built, and dwelt on the spot, and there died, A.p. 1544. — Dug., vi, 161-2. 

Cirencester Abbey Church, Glouoestershira — Commenced a.t>. 
1117, and completely finished in fourteen yeais, by king Henry I. The 
whole building, which is described by Leland, was so utterly destroyed 
shortly after the suppression, that the precise spot occupied by it became foi^ 
gotten. "William Phelippes, one of the brethren, who, at the time of the 
dissolution, was vicar of the parish church of 8. John — a magnificent 
structure slill standing, and of which the editors of the Monagtieon present 
a view entitled, characteristically enough, "Cirencester Abbey Church," — 
received a pension of ten pounds with " the hole tithes of woole, lambe, 
hey, oblaciocs, alterage, and all other profitts bilonging to the same churche, 
the tithes of come and grayne," &c, " in considcracion Uie same vicar shal 
be charged w' the finding of iij preets besides hymsellf to mynister 
there," &c. Dug., vi, 176-8. 


Cold Norton Priort Cqdrgh, OxFOBusHiiffl. — Founded by William 
Fitz Alan IL, temp. Henry IL, in honour of S. Mary, S. John the 
Evangelist, and S. Giles. 

" Deo et aanctw Mariae et beato Johaimi Evangelistse, et eancto Egidio 
et priori et domui hospitali de Frigida Norton et oanonicis ibidem Deo 
rarvientibiiB, manerium domun siue ad inhabitandum," &c Dug., vi, 420. 

The priory of Cold, or Over NortoD stands in the parish of Chippiug 
Norton. The parish church is under tlie invocation of S, Mary only : 
that of the priory is entirely destroyed. 

CoHBWBLL Priort Church, Eiht. — Robert de Thumham founded 
this priory in honour of S. Msiy Magilalene, temp. Hen. II, on a spot 
called Henlie, endowing it with lands at Henlie, Combwell, &c 

" Donationem Roberti de Tumeham patria niei, quara Deo et eccleaiee 
beatffl Marin Magdalense de Cumbwell, et fratribus ibidem Deo aer- 
vientibtis, . . . scilicet, Henle, quee est sedes abbatbice, cum omnibus 
pertinentiis Buia, et Cumbwell cum pertinentiis suis, et eccleeiam H. Maris 
de Tumham," &c Di^, vi, 412-13. 

CoNiBHKAD Pbiobt Chctboh, LANOAaHiRB. — Built by Gabriel de Penn- 
ington, temp. Henry HL, upon the land, and by the aid and encourage- 
ment of William de I^ncaster, baron of Kendal, to the honour of the 
Blessed Yi^in Mary. 

" Deo et sanctEB Mariie et domui de Conyngsheved, et tota terra dictES 
domui pertinente . . . et ecclesia de Ulvereton cnm capellis et omnibus 
pertinentiis suis," Ac. Dug., vi, 555-6. 

Conishead priory is situate in the parish of Ulvetstone ; the site is now 
covered by a modem mansion. 

■ CoBNWORTHY Pbiohy Chitrob, DiroNSHiRi — Tanner attributes the 
foundation of this house of seven nuns to the Edgecumbs ; Oliver, to the 
Zouches. Among other endowments, they possessed the rectory of the 
parish church of Comworthy. 

" The church is nearly a quEotar of a mile distant from the ruined 
gateway of the old priory; two public ways intervene, and however 
extensive the buildings of the prioiy may have been, I think they could 
not possibly have included the churcK I have heard a tradition that 
before the Keformation, two priests, on Sunday mornings, came forth from 
the p